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Being an elaborate account of all branches of Classical 

Sanskrit Literature, with full Epigraphical and 

Archaeological Notes and References, an 

Introduction dealing with Language, 

Philology and Chronology and 

Index of Authors and 




NL KRISHNAMACHARIAR, m^ 4 mi., pi,.d, 

Member of the Royal Asiatic Society .of London 
(Of the Madras Judicial Service J 







[price rs. io or 15 s.3 


Look at this dfdication to Lord Sri Venkatesvara ! That 
will remind you of the Glorj and Purpose of His Manifestation in this 
world of sin and exalt you to the region of the blessed and the im- 
mortal With a salutation to the great Sages Valmiki and Vyasa, the 
work begins and gives an elaborate account of Ramayana, Mahabharata 
and Puraoas, with all their recensions, editions and commentaries 
The vast expanse of Classical Sansknt Literature has been arranged on 
the model of standard works on foreign literature The main classes 
are three, £ravyakavya, Drsyakavya and Sahijjya. First come the poems 
proper, of two classes, major and minor, (Sravyakavya) — , which is all 
verse, or all prose or mixed prose and \erse with all their minor vane- 
ties, topical and ingenious Secondly comes the drama (Prsyakavya) 
in all its technical ramifications and with all motifs temporal, spiritual 
and allegorical Next is science of poetry (Sahitya) in its widest sense 
embracing rhetoric, dancing, music and erotics To this is appended 
a chapter on Prosody or metrics (Chandas) All topics are introduced 
by an exposition of the rhetorical definitions and theonsations and 
treated from their traceable beginnings, which to some extent are tradi- 
tional and theological , but I would not call them ' mythical ' implying a 
stigma of falsity and fiction As far as it was in my reach, all that has 
been said about any author or work anywhere in books, journals or 
papers has been entered in the references and this will help special 
Studies. Dynasties of Kings that ruled in India in different parts 
and at different times have been fully honored by a collation of rele- 
vent notes, epigraphical and archaelogical, not merely because the kings 
were the fountains of literature, but many of them were themselves 
poets of celebrity, Works known and unknown, lost and extant, 
printed and imprinted, catalogued and uncatalogued, have all been 
mentioned and in many cases the stray places where they are still avail- 
able in manuscript. Above all there is the quotation of gems of 
poetry of varying interest from amour and nature to devotion and 
renunciation, and these in themselves are an anthology of meritorious 
specimens of poetic thought and expression. 


Ihe Introduction deals with several topics of general interest 
allied to the study of Classical Sanskrit Literature , such for instance is 
the spiritual origin and aspect of language as envisaged in the Vedas 
and as elaborated by schools of Grammarians, the progress of structu- 
ral and linguistic changes m the expression of the Sanskrit language, 
from Chandas to BhaSa, and the like , this will assist the study of 
Comparative Philology, of which " The Discovery of Sanskrit" is acknow- 
ledged to be the origin Of foremost importance, there is the subject 
of Indian Chronology India has its well written history and the 
Purapas exhibit that history and chronology To the devout Hindu 
and to a Hindu who will strive to be honest m the literary and 
historical way, Puranas are not ' pious frauds ' In the hands of many 
Orientalists, India has lost (or has been cheated out of) a penod of 
10-12 centuries in its political and literary life, by the assumption of a 
faulty Synchronism of Candragupta Maurya and Sandracottus of the 
Greek works and all that can be said against that " Ancfior-Sheet of 
Irtaian Chronology " has been said in this Introduction In the case of 
those early European Orientalists, very eminent and respectable in 
themselves, this thought of resemblance and historical synchronism was 
at least sincere, for it was very scanty material that they could work 
upon But for- their successors in that heirarchy who are mostly our 
" Professors of Indian History," that have given a longevity and a garb 
of truth to it by repetition, there is to my mind no excuse or expia- 
tion, if at all it be a confession of neglect and a recognition of India's 
glorious past m its entire truth 

The Index of Authors and Works (in Sanskrit) is followed by a 
small supplement (in English) on miscellaneous matters The Index is 
not merely a means of reference and indication, but embodies correc- 
tions and additions, so as to act as what is usually expressed as 
"Errata et Comgenda et Addenda" Many authors and works that 
could not be mentioned in the body of the work, because they cam* 
to be known too late, are entered there The reader will therefore 
take the Index as part of the mam work and not merely as an easy 
appendix to it In all, the number of works and authors would be some 
thousands, arranged alphabetically on the plan Of Stein's Index to 
Kashmir Catalogue and Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum. Recent 
and living authors have been, so far as I could get at, noticed, and 
this work, it is submitted with all humility, deals with the history of 
Classical Sansknt Literature from the earliest times to the present day 



In the year 1906, 1 published a small book, History of Classical 
Sanskrit Literature Being the first and only work of its comprehen- 
sion, it was well received everywhere m our Universities and was quoted 
profusely in the publications of the Universities of the United States of 
America 1 was often asked to reprint the book, but conscious of its 
inadequacy I did not do it, but in its stead I thought of a comprehen- 
sive work that would present at a glance the full vista of Sanskrit 
literary domain and that in the light of past historical researches 
Even the ardent Pandit knows not the vast literature that has been lost 
or lies hidden in the libraries of India, 

But what are your chances of using these libraries ? Manuscripts 
and catalogues now out of print are all ' stored ' in these receptacles 
They may be there for years, unthought and untouched, save for 
changes of physical location The pages may turn red, brown, blue 
and brittle, but they still he uncut by the hand of any reader The 
Guardian (Curator, Secretary, Librarian, call them as you please) will 
well watch these receptacles on their pedestals The guardian will 
applaud your attempt at research and will promise to help it by a loan 
of books on your application, but he is " helpless " and must soon ex* 
press his regret in reply as " rules are against loan " If yott apply to 
a higher authority for relief, the paper runs through the regular 
channels to the same guardian, and on his report, after a lingering ex- 
pectation, you get an order (a copy of the prior one) with a difference 
only in the preamble and the subscription Libraries " are meant for 
visitors," but most of them do not look in, but look on, all the more 
so, if a museum or a house of curios is adjacent to the library. And 
these rare books are only rarely wanted and that by a incrnsted anti- 
quarian of my ilk One that comes there does not need the book » 
one that is far away cannot get it If you do go there, stealing a 
holiday, the key of a particular almirah where your wanted work is 
kept may be with the guardian who is away elsewhere What then is 
a library for ? It is not a Palace of Toys ! Much of this tale was 
true of the Oriental Manuscripts Library of Madras Some years ago, 
when I commenced the preparation of this work I am not sure if at 
present the position is better, But I am aware that not many years 
ago» there was an indictment of the methods of this Library ^ by His 
Holiness Sri YafirajaswSmi in his preface to his edition of Stngara- 
praklsa. The expression of his chagrin, in language poetic, is well 
worth reading as a piece of excellent prose literature 


I wrote for information to libraries, I rarely had a reply, for 
some of these guardians have " no staff, no provision for paper or 
postage " If I asked for an extract from any manuscript — say the first 
and last few lines — some institutions demanded copying charges I 
applied for a copy, the charges were exorbitant For instance, for an 
indifferent copy m two quarter sheets of thirty-two anustubh verses 
(of 32 letters each) I was asked to pay about a rupee and postage I 
paid and consoled myself by the thought that this fee went for the 
maintenance of a poor Pandit, and that it was in no way more rapaci- 
ous than the fee charged recently by a Banker for giving an extract of 
a single line from a ledger, vvc , Rs 5 for search, Rs 5 for copying the 
line, and Rs. 5 for adding a certificate that it was a ' true copy ', and 
these charges are only made " accordmg to rules " We have to get 
on 'under the rules', no one cares to look into these iniquities 
Equally so was it with many Professors of Colleges rhey would 
have no tune to reply and the few that deigned to oblige after reminders 
had very little to say To trace an author and his affairs, I had m 
many cases to correspond with several persons, and only perseverence 
did win it If the post office could exempt my letters from postage, it 
would give a different aspect, but alas, not. It is under these auspices 
I began and progressed But I cannot refrain from expressing that the 
acquisition of the material gathered in this book has been too costly 
for an equanimous retrospect and I shall not be far wrong to say that 
each author, save those few that are too well known, cost me oa an 
average four annas I have often felt that it is not an enterprise that a 
prudent householder should have embarked upon, but it was loo late 
to think of the folly 

Amidst official work m judicial service, in places distant from 
metropolis, there was little leisure for a continuous study A few days 
snatched at intervals during the recesses of summer and other holidays 
were rarely sufficient for visits of references to libraries scattered all 
over India After all the work was ready — ready in bulk — about 8 
years ago It went to print After a year, it was c arned away in the 
cnrrent of an estate that vested m the Official Assignee A request 
and a claim got it out of the muddle The Press was sold Delay 
there was, but the printing was resumed I fell ill and I raved about 
this work and its contents, astonishing the doctor what it was all about, 
though I thought I was lecturing sensibly on Sanskrit Literature, There 
was again a change in the management and there was another lull 


After sometime, the printing was taken up and slowly moved on Once 
the manuscript of a whole chapter which was in the custody of a mana- 
ger was lost — " said to be not sent at all " — but after all traced as 
' mislaid ', after I re-wrote much of it from scanty material gathered 
again from memory. If with all these mishaps and vicissitudes tie 
work took 20 years and more, need I say that the suspense is enough 
to dole dismay to a chronic optimist which I presumed that I was. 

In the preparation of the work, I have had the fullest sympatiiy 
from all Universities (except probably the University of Madras) and all 
Local Governments and the Governments of Indian States and the 
Government of Ceylon They have been magnanimous and let me 
have their Sanskrit and other publications free as presents and that has 
well nigh contributed to the fullness of the notes, literary, epigraphical 
and archselogical. To them I am ever thankful To Sjt P R. Rama 
Aiyar, the Proprietor of Messrs P R Rama Aiyar & Co , Booksellers, 
Madras, who with his selfless generosity first received this work in his 
Press for love of literary research, I express my first regard Due to 
tortuous ways divine, his Press changed hands, but blest was it, that it 
became the Press of Sn Venkatesvara Devasthanam, Tirupab. At the 
hands of His Holiness Sri Mahant Prayaga Dossjeb VaAv of Sri 
Hatheeramjee Mutt, Tirupati, then its Vicharanakartha, I received a 
kindly appreciation , he directed that the printing part of the work be 1 
done free in the Press, a work that has been meant to be dedicated to 
Sri Venkatesvara of lirupati, at whose feet my family does humble 1 
hereditary service When the management of the Devasthanam was 
assumed by the Committee appointed by the Local Legislature with its 
Commissioner, MR K SitaraMa Reddi, b.a , b.l , I was allowed to 
have the same concession with certain alterations It is with this assis* 
lance and the particular interest which the present Commissioner^ 
Mr. A Ranganatha Mtjdaliar, b.a , B t , evinced in speeding up the 
prir ting, the work is now seeing its publication To the Committee and 
the Commissioner, gratitude will ever be transcendant in my memory — 
all the more so because they are the custodians of the Wealth and 
Glory of Lord Venkatesvara. 

Owing to pressure of Official duties and the anxiety to see the end 
of the publication, which has been by various causes often impeded 
during the last eight years, errors of print have crept in, but I slyly feel 
that the learned eye of my loving reader will easily skip through the 


ft^sam^TJit sfarat sftftsrafSRrs&rerofaT sraraf ?r«fr ^ §»*• 

5TTST?IH!T ^Ira^T ?TR?raT 3HTT5R 5»g3frf*f?it 5T?T: ^H^fgspTSTgf^tJJSI- 

$h i d ' ^iya sr «yPfcW mi *&A'^H i <y ?RN r %i&tf*i f%5$f&& f5rcfd<s5t$i*mi 
srrafNf srpft fasten f%*3s?rar 5^farerflT^wrcrra5?rr?if ^^fcrt ^ i •#- 

w&m srn^wfr: m*h^h fif?n **iilwr TfewrfeiTRrar > 

w^nar *rarsja «raf^TRr aiiwdgiRw^ftSK w lara^r ^i%?t sotss 

• ffiW^ d "jjl jW Hj^a ^SzraSW* ! st?tfo' ^f^riff $TS"3* 35RW f^l^T *ra&- 




Tablf of Transliteration 



Chapter I 

Section 1 





Chapter II 
Chapters TIL— X 
Chapter XI 
Section 1 
„ 2 
» 3 
Chapter XII 
Chapter XIII 
Chapter XIV 
Chapter XV 
Chapter XVI 
Section 1 
„ 2 
» 3 
Chapter XVII 


Vedic Forms of Epics. 



Epics Compared 






S$ofra , 

Laghukavya (contd,) . 
Saa^esa . 



Royal Poets ., 

Unnamed Poets ., 










• •• 














• •• 










• •» 


■ •• 


• •» 



BOOK in 


Chapter XVIII 

Section 1 



... 4U 

. 2 

Bphafkafha ' 


... 412 

. 3 



... 423 

» 4 

Other Tales 


„. 428 

Chapters X1X-XX 



... 436 

Chapter XXI 




... 496 

Chapter XXII 



... 525 

Chapter XXIII 



... 707 

Chapter XXIV 



... 726 

Chapter XXV 



... 810 

Chapter XXVI 



... 832 

Chapter SMI 



... 877 

Chapter XXVIII 



... 897 


Extracts from Avaoti 


n. Air 



1. The sacred literature of India, inferior to none in variety 
or extent, is superior to many in nobility of thought, in sanctity of spirit 
and in generality of comprehension In beauty or prolixity, it can vie 
with any other literature ancient and modern Despite the various 
impediments to the steady development of the language, despite the 
successive disturbances, internal and external, which India had to 
encounter ever since the dawn of history, she has successfully held up 
to the world her archaic literary map, which meagre outline itself 
favourably compares with the literature of any other nation of the 
globe The beginnings of her civilization are yet in obscurity 
Relatively to any other language of the ancient world, the antiquity 
of Sanskrit has an unquestioned priority " Yet such is the marvellous 
continuity " says Mat Muller " between the past and the present of 
India, that in spite of repeated social convulsions, religious reforms 
and foreign invasions, Sanskrit may be said to be still the only language 
that is spoken over the whole extent of the vast country. 1 So says 
M Wintenutz " Sanskrit is not a ' dead ' language even to day. 
There are still at the present day a number of Sanskrit periodicals in 
India, and topics of the day are discussed m Sanskrit pamphlets Also, 
the Mahabharata is still today read aloud publicity, To this very day 
poetry is stdl composed and works written in Sanskrit, and it is the 
language m which Indian scholars converse upon scientific questions, 
Sanskrit at the least plays the same part in India still, as Latin in the 
Middle Ages in Europe, or as Hebrew with the Jews "* 

" No country except India and no language except the Sanskrit 
can boast of a possession so ancient or venerable. No nation except 
the Hindus can stand before the world with such a sacred heuloom in 
its possession, unapproachable in grandeur and infinitely above all in 

1. Indiu.tS-Q. 

a BtHory of Indian Ititeralwe, J. 46. 


glory The Vedas stand alone in their solitary splendour, serving as 
heacon of divine light for the onward march of humanity "* 

1 he sciences of Comparative Pathology and Mythology owe thei 
origin to what has been termed the " Discovery of Sanskrit " " T 
the Sanskrit, the antiquity and extent of its literary documents, th 
transparency of its grammatical structure, the comparatively pnmitiv 
state of ancient system and thorough grammatical treatment it ha 
early received at the hands of native scholars, must ever secure th 
foremost place in the comparative study of Indo Aryan researches " 

2 A Weber in his Indian Literature thus summed up his reason 
for asserting the autiquity of the Vedic Literature 

In the more ancient parts of the Rigveda-Samhita, we find th 
Indian race settled on the north-western borders of India, in th 
Punjab, and even beyond the Panjab, on the Kubha, or Kivpna, 1 
Kabul Ihe gradual spread of the race from these seats towards th 
east, beyond the Sarasvati and over Hindustan as far as the Gange* 
can be traced in the later portions of the Vedic writings almost ste] 
by step The wnbngs of the following period, that of the epic, con 
sist of accounts of the internal conflicts among the conquerors o 
Hindustan themselves, as, for instance, the Mahabharata , or of th 
further spread of Brahmanism towards the south, as, for instance, th' 
Ramayana If we connect with this the first fairly accurate raforma 
tion about India which «e have from a Greek source, viz , from Megas 
thenes, it becomes clear that at the time of this wnter the Brahmanis 
mg of Hindustan was already completed, while at the time of th< 
Penplus (see Lassen, I AK , 11 150, n , I St u 192) the very souther 
most point of the Dekhan had already become a seat of the worshii 
of the wife of Siva What a series of years, of centuries, must neces 
sanly have elapsed before this boundless tract of country, inhabited bi 
wild and vigorous tnbes, could have been brought over to Brahmanism 
And while the claims of the written records of Indian literature to i 
high antiquity— its beginnings may perhaps be traced back even to the 
time when the Indo-Aryans still dwelt together with the Persa-Aryan- 
—are thus indisputably proved by external, geographical testimony 
the internal evidence in the same direction, which may be gathered fron 
their contents, is no less conclusive In the songs of Rik, the robos 
spirit of the people gives expression to the feeling of its relation t< 
nature, with a spontaneous freshness and simplicity , the powers o 
1 Ewdu suptrtartty 180 " ™~"™"' "" 


nature are worshipped as superior beings, and their kindly aid besought 
within their several spheres Beginning with this nature-worship, whith 
everywhere recognises only the individual phenomena of nature, and 
these in the first instance superhuman, we trace in Indian literature the 
progress of the Hindu people through almosL all the phases of religious 
development through which the human mmd generally has passed 
The individual phenomena of nature, which at first impress the imagi- 
nation as being superhuman, are gradually classified within their 
different spheres , and a certain unity is discovered among them Thus 
we arrive at a number of divine beings, each exercising supreme sway 
within its particular province, whose influence is m coarse of time 
further extended to the corresponding events of human life, while at 
lhe same time they are endowed with human attnbutesand organs The 
number — already considerable — of these natural deities, these regents 
of the powers of nature, is further increased by the addition of abstrac 
hons, taken from ethical relations, and to these as to the other deities 
divine powers, personal existence and activity are ascribed Into this 
multitude of divine figures, the spirit of inquiry seeks at a later stage to 
introduce order, by classifying and co-ordinating them according to 
their principal bearings The principle followed in this distribution is, 
like the conception of the deities themselves, entirely borrowed from 
the contemplation of nature. We have the gods who act in the heavens, 
m the air, upon the earth , and of these the sun, the wind, and fire are 
recognized as the mam representatives and rulers respectively These 
three gradually obtain precedence over all the other gods, who are 
only looked upon as their creatures and servants Strengthened by these 
classifications, speculation presses on and seeks to establish the relative 
position of these three deities, and to arrive at unity for the supreme 
Being This is accomplished either speculatively, by actually assuming 
such a supreme and purely absolute Being, viz , " Brahman " (neut), 
to wh >m these three in their turn stand m the relation of creatures, of 
creatures, of servants only , or arbitrarily, according as one or other of 
the three is worshipped as the supreme god The sun-god seems in 
the first instance to have been promoted to this honour ? the Persa- 
Aryans at all events fttamed this standpoint, of course extending it 
still further , and in the older parts of the Brahmanas also — to which 
rather than to the Samhitas the Avesta is related m respect of age and 
contents— we find the sun-god here and there exalted far above the 
other deities {prasavita devamia) We also find ample traces of this m 
&e forms of worship, which so often preserve relics of antiquity. Nay, 


as " Brahman " (masc), he has in theory retained this position, down 
even to the latest times, although in a very colourless manner His 
colleagues, the air and fire gods, in consequence of their much more 
direct and sensible influence, by degrees obtained complete possession 
of the supreme power, though constantly in conflict with each other 
Their worship has passed through a long series of different phases, and 
it is evidently the same which Megasthenes found m Hindustan, and 
which at the time of the Penplus had penetrated, though in a form 
already very corrupt, as far as the southernmost point of the Dekhan " 

3 The Gods created Pevavafll 

sr sfr *%&$ ssro frgqfr itmdMtfdfa II Kg vni 100-1 1. 

www q<ft«to »PfW sr% *nfi gs t&$m I 

*nfa wtrt^rt «fftr m ^ w ra w n ^ m^ II Hg vni 59-6. 

Pajanjali says in his Mahabhagya 

*&nfc =w ^t 3jsr w I #ff to fsrrar are? 1 
rir wira I ^r war. qgrnfrnfo fa ur 1 £ m I d t^wi^, fa, 

*rfa I TO 5STOT 3W I TO faffiPr. I Pwr «R[ I fiij 9rft| sfg; | oftr 

*fr Sjft «rc$T mflftfii I mn ^ sr^r q^ff wt<wfrft tr^r cTRrf^r I 
tc^t "^r * am w wfter^pi sqi^or^ 1" (?fa ggnH q^^rro'O l 

Vidyaranya adopts Pafanjah's views m his Introduction to his 
commentary on Rg Veda and there in speaking of the importance of 
the study of Grammar, he says 

Srsrfiw #r mr3b <pft ■* ^ ana *fir ^fefpre ^ 55^ l ?rrft£ 
>?«rats^ sqne^ 1 awrfcr arnar ^ | } nv , (t ^| 

*TO3r Jisft. Jim. «w «nwi%w^flT»mf^ml|m^i <rcro" \t. 


aTT^f "M ^^cfi" S^TOT TIT STPfT <T& ^ra^JTRT S^T?TT 3WcUM %5cf ^ 

Etas <rfcra? sraft aaro pr^r l efftr «srFr# T?rar sntfcr *ptow | 

3tr% I ^ w s»if *rnf qwq. I *ifaw l % s^i %r^rr 1 55 ^ I 
nffrr sMtffffcaTfonfa I <pt wrfa^TSRwrrrffifcrr mfo 1 5^f^Friw?RnqT<- 
ICTTwft I arcftff I Trftr^r qsfa I anffcaTfaqtwc sj^str srnrftrftqi 

Dvijendranath. Guha collet ts some other references 

3%r tPNFj; *?Rf — " ^^rft *zwftr tefi ^r ^5 ^jrr I sr$t am qrecr 
?fr snrcrft ^fift I I: «W jrrcfrttopfft 1 era nm «r i*nfa 1 j%«rr 

SS^T 330" H^WIT^ I l^T ^iR^I^T ^R^UW H^fpRT q^H^sifiS: 
1ST — 

3fr ^r faferr %*rftr gfrc wtt flS 5 ^ wftr II 

§ ^nf^ Sirqi sftft ftf^nt^ sn^ ^pr% I SIT IffogM 9K& I ^<RTlt 

flswr. I *f^. ^"tt ^rar°r ^«ff ^r^rft^^ iiftw I ?% i^r swr^t 
731 qpfa , 3?i B wrwft ^hnwuv ff ni 1 . 1 amPr ^nm wfir, ?rr t ^^sr^ 


^erft^ aT srrsrVsrcpawT?; wit sjpJT gr*r srctPa tt ? 3*ttct ^r ^ 
ASTOrftft I" (iflt Ssa? qftr%%— iritis) I ajthrfw *gfa area; **>5 

«mvH«,<wWBt Sl^k, IfmiT 3TRTi^ HU, gsT Wife ?o|v»t|<;, 

^ <rfti%% ^ UUU°-?3 *taa I (srsrai'-ikF^TF^TRiTR scg^q; ) I 

sr^^g^p^tfa wra I w — ''*$ ^r pssenwrc 1 i s$ 3=^ jrsrrra. 
remr I *ff wrfr $?torcnR I" (m#(TW5>frcrJfa3;, rKri^) | srer 
swar, r^ ^ *$ («wf^ tff ansRWwgftr ws taiSfr ?%<t gjnflrar ) l 
mm — sTHPTfaar ^r% *r l $ntfr nqfarcft aj^rwrfo JTfT^fr ^ 
^ffiarft (?wrt m3°fr T^5^m) • 3T%r sifw^n — " *$ mzmu%n 

C^t^t ^ ifrar Ji^nar I <tar^ arrercna; (f^srraTra; ^FT{r§:r) 
qrer " jfcsrrer" ffa ^qfc^'rr I a«rrf|— "<£a t ifrr srsrgr qes sttsptt I" 
w 351% 1" 

j^aTfa f^sT^fa it ^fF $mm *tN*to srnr %& m*$m 3r3wq*a 
asRi% at m fcwrr ifem ^xsar* aro^Rw mwi ^#a aa^jfoswq; 
<H<HWitf * * * * 

$km ^k^ g?fa— "*t^rt% foft a^q- ^% ^^ ^r^f^Jij. 

^. t% ^<#rqft 3Rff<§r ?^q% ge tot? *rra% ^rr r% r%^?r 

ft^<Frcwqf f^W^fr^n ^r srf^^f^r^ aivNM ^ tt%^^t^ 

l. jssp, xvm. ~~ ' ~~" 


3TS"sr aflrcsrsr wsrcf *Fm% %a% I" w^ $& sm ajs^gr 3^ | 
q«rr — " m\% wfr srsqrfcir ara^a; I" I^st *rrar ''s^pftt " snfeRJTRr 

(*)— " Praftwf <rfN? w! o*f(Rj %or " arar <pr «nr snrfa ftngror 

4 Samskrta, or as now written, Sanskrit, is the language of the 
Gods, G'trvanasarn In this language stand the ancient scriptures of 
Vedic and Puriinic religion The Vedic literature is the most ancient 
record of any people of the world and forms the source of the earliest 
history of the Indo-Aryan race, nay, mankind as a whole 

" 1 he Veda has two-fold interest it belongs to the history of the 
world and to the history of India In the history of the world the 
Veda fills a gap which no literary work in any other languages could 
fill It carries us back to times of which we have no records anywhere, 
and gives us the very words of a generation of men, of whom other- 
wise we could form but the vaguest estimate by means of conjectures 
and inferences As long as man continues to take an interest in the 
history of his race, and as long as we collect m libraries and museums 
the relics of former ages, the first place in that long row of books 
which contains the records of the Aryan branch of mankind, will 
belong tor ever to the IRig-veda The world of the Veda is a world by 
itself , and its relation to all the rest of Sanskrit literature is such, that 
the Veda ought not to receive, but to throw light over the whole his- 
torical development of the Indian mind " 

The literature of the Vedas is termed f§rof i, meaning what has 
been heard, that is, what is not the work of man 

5 Vedas are eternal (m(ya), begmmngless (modi) and not made 
by man {apaurtdjeya) , (2) they were destroyed in the deluge at the end 
of the last Kalpa, and (3) that at the beginning of the present JSalpa 


commencing with the K*ta-yuga of this present Mahayuga, the Rishis, 1 
through tapas, re-produced m substance if not in form the ante-diln- 
vian Vgdas which they earned in their memory by the favour of God 
This 1* another expression of 'he historical view of modem scholars, 
hke Mr Tilak They state that the Vedic or Aryan religion can be 
proved to be mterglacial, but its ultimate origin is still lost m geologi- 
cal antiquity, that the Aryan religion and culture were destroyed 
during the lrtst glacial period that invaded the Arctic Aryan home, and 
that the Vedic hymns were sung in post-glacial times by poets, who 
had inherited the knowledge or contents therein of an unbroken tradi- 
tion from their ante-diluvian fore-fathers 

On the commencement of Vedic era, opinions are at the opposite 
poles Tradition takes it to a remote age of millions of years on the 
computation of yugas 

In his Arctic Home in the Vedas, B G Tilak divides the whole 
period from the commencement of the Postglacial era, corresponding 
to the beginning of our Knta Yuga of the present Mahayuga to the 
birth of Buddha in five parts — 

" I 10,000-8,000 B C —The destruction of the original Arctic 
home by the last Ice Age and the commencement of the post-glacial 

II 8,000-5,000 B C — The age of the migration from the original 
home- The survivors of the Aryan race roamed over the northern 
parts of Europe and Asia in search of lands suitable for new settle- 
ments 1 he Vernol Equinox was then in the constellation of Punar- 
vasu, and as the Aditti is the presiding deity of Punarvasu, according 
to the terminology adopted by me in Orion, this may therefore, be 
called the Aditi or the Pre-Onon Penod, 

III 5,000-3,000 B C— The Orion Period, when the Vemal 
Equinox was m Orion Many Vedic Hymns can be traced to the 

Bihft44 e v»ta enumerates woman eeeis of the hymns 

mmi xggfa aPRsrar *m ftft I 
sftefar ?n<fa$r w^ ?rer far i sfi^rr I 


early part of this period and the bards of the race seem to have not 
yet forgotten the real import or significance of the traditions of the 
Arctic Home inherited by them It was at this time that the first 
attempts to reform the calendar and the sacnfical system appear to 
have been systematically made 

IV 3,060-1,400 BC— The Kjittika Period, when the Vernal 
Fquinox was in the Pleiddes The Aitareya Samhita and the Brah- 
manas, which begin the series of Nakshatras with the Krittikas are 
evidently the productions of this period The compilation of the 
hymns into Samhltas also appears to be a work of the early part of this 
period The traditions about the Original Arctic home had grown 
dim by this time and very often misunderstood, making the Vsdic 
hymns more unintelligible The sacrificial system and the numerous 
details thereof found in the Brahmanas seem to have been developed 
dunng this time It was at the end of this period that the Vgdanga 
JyOtisha was originally composed or at any rate the position of the 
equinoxes mentioned therein observed and ascertained 

V 1,400-500 B C— The Pre-Buddhistic Period, when the 
Sutras and the Philosophical system made their appearance " 

6 " The atmosphere of England and Germany seems decidedly 
unpropitious to the recognition of this great Indian antiquity so 
stubbornly opposed to the Mosaic revelation and its Chronology dearly 
and piously cherished by these Western Orientalists Strongly 
permeated with the Chronology of the Bible which places the creation 
of the Earth itself about 4,004 B C , European scholars cannot place 
the great separation of the Original Sryan races themselves earlier than 
2,000 B C , and the first historical entry of the Hindu Aryas into the 
continent of India before 1,500 BC" Arthur A Macdonell, may be said 
to summarise the opinions of these Western Orientalists, when he says -r 

" History is the one weak spot in Indian literature li is, m feet, 
non-existent The total lack of the historical sense is so characteristic, 
that the whole course of Sanskrit literature is darkened by the shadow 
of this defect, suffering as it does from the entire absence of exact 
chronology . ...Two causes seem to have combined to bring about this 
remarkable result In the first place, early India wrote no history, 
because it never made any The ancient Indians never went through a 
struggle for life, like Greeks in the Persian and the Romans in the 
Punic wars, such as would have welded their tribes into a nation, and 
developed political greatness Secondly, the BrShmans, whose task it 


would naturally have been to record great deeds had early embraced 
the doctrine that all action and existence are a positive evil, and could 
threfore have felt but little inclination to chronicle historical events. 
Such being the case, definite dates do not begin to appear in 
Indian literary history till about 500 A D The chronology of the Vedic 
period is altogether conjectural, being based entirely on internal 
evidence Three main literary strata can be clearly distinguished m it 
by differences m language and style, as well as in religious and social 
views For the development of each of these strata a reasonable 
length of time must be allowed , but all we can here hope to do is to 
approximate to the truth by centuries The lower limit of the second 
Vedic stratum cannot however be fixed later than 500 B C , because its 
latest doctrines are presupposed by Buddhism, and the date of the 
death of Buddha has been with a high degree of probability calculated, 
from the recorded dates of the various Buddhist councils, to be 4-80 
B C With regard to the commencement of the Vedic Age, there seems 
to have been a decided tendency amongst Sanskrit scholars to place it 
too high 2,000 B C. is commonly represented as its starting point 
Supposing this to be correct, the truly vast period of 1,500 years is 
required to account for a development of language and thought hardly 
greater than that between Homeric and the Attic age of Greece. 
Professor Max Muller's earlier estimate of 1,200 B C , forty yearB ago, 
appears to be much nearer the mark A lapse of three centuries, say 
from 1,300-1,000BC, would amply account for the difference between 
what is oldest and newest in VSdic hymn poetry Considering that the 
affinity of the oldest from of the Avestan language with the dialect of 
the Vedas is already so great that, by mere application of phonetic 
laws, whole Avestan stanzas may be translated word for word into Vsdic, 
so as to produce verses correct not only in form but in poetic spirit, 
considering further, that if we know the Avestan language, at as early a 
stage as we know the Vgdic, the former would necessanly be almost 
identical -with the latter, it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that the 
Indian branch must have separated from the Iranian only a very short 
time before the beginnings of Vedic literature, and can therefore have 
hardly entered the North-West of India even as early as early as 1,500 
B C All previous estimates of the antiquity of the Vedic penod have 
been outdone by the recent theory of Professor Jacobi of Bonn, who 
supposes that penod goes back to at least 4,000 B C This theory 
is based on astronomical calculations connected with a change 
mthe beginning of the seasons, which Professor Jacobi thinks has 


taken place since the time of the Rigveda The whole estimate i«, 
however, invalidated by the assumption of a doubtful, and even im- 
probable, meaning in a Vedic word, which forms the very starting 
point of tbe theory " 

7 " The history of the Sanskrit literature divides itself into two 
great ages, Vaidika and Laukika — Sacred and Profane, — Scriptural and 
Classical The Mahabharata War is the dividing line between the two 
The Vedic Age may again be divided into several distinct periods, each 
of which for length of years may well compare with that of the entire 
history of many an ancient nation, 1 Chandas Period, 2 Samhif a 
Period 3 Brahmana Period, 4 Aranyaka Period and 5 Upamsad 
Period Each of these periods has a distinct literature of its own. vast 
in its extent, and varied m its civilisation, each giving nse to the 
subsequent period under the operation of great social, political and 
religious causes , and the philosophical historian of human civilisation 
need not be a Hindu to think that the Ancient Aryas of India, have 
preserved the fullest, the clearest and the truest materials for his work." 

8. " There are four Vedas, Rik (^), Yajur ('^), Sama (aTS) and 
Atharvana (si^tr) and each Veda has Samhita (mantra) Brahmana, 
Sutra and Upanigad The first three Vedas are called together as 
Tray'% and they are called m Brahmanas also by the name ncas, Samani 
and Yajumji, or Bhahvjcas, Chandogas and Adhvaryus, The Sutras 
apply the term chandas to the Samhitas Panini uses the terms chan- 
das and Bhasa to distinguish Vedic and non-Vedic literature. Yajur* 
veda has two Samhitas called Sukla and Kj§na , or Vajasaneya and 
Taityiriya " 

" The Samhita of the Rk is purely a lyrical collection, forming the 
immediate source of the other three The next two are made up of 
verses and ritual formulae, meant to be recited at sacrifices, The 
Atharva Samhita resembles the Rik in that it forms a store of songs, 
devoted to sacrifices mostly in connection with incantations and 
magical charms," 

9 The Brahmanic period comprehends "the first establishment of 
the three-fold ceremonial, the composition of the individual Brahmanas 
and the formation of the Charanas. They connect the sacrificial 
songs and formulas with the sacrificial rite by pointing out on the one 
hand their direct relation, and on the other their symbolical connection 
with each other Their general nature is marked by masterly grandi- 
loquence, and antiquarian sincerity. Though in the words of Prof, 


Eggeling, these works deserve to be studied as a physician studies the 
twaddle of idiots or the raving of mad men, they lack not striking 
thoughts, bold expression and logical reasoning The Brahmanas of 
the Rik generally refer to the duties of the Hotr , of the Saman to 
those of Udgatr , of the Yajus, to the actual performance of the sacri" 
fice They are valuable to us as the earliest records of Sanskrit prose " 

10 " The Satra literature forms a connecting link between the 
Vedic and the classical Sanskrit ' Sutra ' means a ' string ' and com- 
patibly with this sense, all works of this style are nothing but one un- 
interrupted chain of short sentences linked together in a most concise 

Sutras represented &. scientific expression of the tradition and dis- 
cussion recounted in BrahmaUas They systematised the source of the 
ntuals and so far as Kalpasufras or SrautasOtras go, they relate 
strictly to sruti or the Vedas To these sutras have been added 
Gphyasutras or those that regulate domestic rites They are partly 
based on srutis and partly on smjtis (unrevealed literature) Sutras 
have been the consequence of a national need for concise guide-books 
fox ceremonial, and represented a ' codification of case-law ' in the 
sphere of sacrifices and ceremonials a 

11 Upanisads' are expressions of philosophical concepts. They 
embody the beginnings and progrers of esoteric ideas, which had to a 
large extent been mentioned in Aranyakas, writings supplementary to 

12. A Weber sums up the direct data attesting the posteriority 
of the Classical Period thus — 

(i) Its opening phases everywhere presuppose the Vedic period 
as entirely closed , its oldest portions are regularly based on the 
Yedic literature , ihe relations of life have now all arrived at a stage 
of development of which in the first period we can only trace the 
germs and the beginning 

The distinction between the periods is also by changes in lan- 
guage and subject-matter 

1 It might be seen that the usefulness of this speoies of composition was so much 
appreciated that in every branch of learning sujras oame to be composed and indeed axe 
said to be the most ancient form of the solenoes 

2. The authority of compositions like Upamshads has oome to be respeoted to 
such an extent that in later times, several of that name were brought Into being very 
often sectarian in their tenor We have ' 108 Upanishads ' and if not more on various 
topics, for instance, Garbhopanisad on embryology ana Manma^hopanisad on erotica, 


First, as regards language — 

1 The special characteristics m the second period are so signifi- 
cant, that it appropriately furnishes the name for the period, whereas 
the Vedic period receives its designation from the works composing it 

2. Among the various dialects of the different Indo-Aryau tabes, 
a greater unity had been established after their emigration into India, 
as the natural result of their lntermmging in their new home The 
grammatical study of the Vedas fixed the frame of the language so that 
the generally recognised Bhasha had arisen The estrangement of the 
civic language from that of the mass accelerated by the assimilation of 
the aboriginal races resulted in the formation of the popular dialects, 
the praknts — proceeding from the original Bhasha by the assimilation 
of consonants and by the curtailment or loss of termination 

3 The phonetic condition of Sanskrit remains almost exactly the 
same as that of the earliest Vedic In the matter of grammatical forms, 
the language shows itself almost stationary Hardly any new forma* 
tions or inflexions make then* appearance yet, The most notable of 
these grammatical changes were the disappearance of the subjunctive 
mood and the reduction of a dozen infinitives to a single one In de- 
clension the change consisted chiefly m the dropping of a number of 
synonymous forms 

4 The vocabulary of the language has undergone the greatest 
modifications It has been extended by derivation and composition 
according to recognised types. Numerous words though old seem to 
be new, because they happen by accident not to occur in the Vedic 
literature Many new words have come in through continental borrow- 
ings from a lower stratum of language, while already existing words 
have undergone great changes of meaning. 

Secondly, as regards the sttbject-matter — 

1 The Vedic literature handles its various subjects only in their 
details and almost solely in their relation to sacrifice, whereas the 
classical discusses them in their general relations. 

2. In the former a simple and compact prose had gradually been 
developed, but in the latter this form is abandoned and a rhythmic one 
adopted in its stead, which was employed exclusively even for strictly 
scientific exposition 

" That difference of metre should form a broad line of demarcation 
between the periods of literature is not at all without analogy in the 
literary history of other nations, particularly in other times. If once a 


new form of metre begins to grow popular by the influence of a poet 
who succeeds in collecting a school of other poets around him, this 
new mode of utterance is very apt to supersede the other more ancient 
forms altogether People become accustomed to the new rhythm 
sometimes to such a degree, that they lost entirely the taste for their 
old poetry on account of its obsolete measure No poet, therefore, 
who writes for the people, would think of employing those old fashion- 
ed metres , and we find that early popular poems have had to be 
transfused into modern verse in order to make them generally readable 
once more 

Now it seems that the regular and continuous Anushtubh sloka is 
a metre unknown during the Vedic age, and every work wntten in it 
may at once be put down as post-Vedic It is no valid objection that 
this epic- sloka occurs also in Vedic hymns, that Anushtubh verses are 
frequently quoted in the Brahmanas, and that in some of the Sutras the 
Anushtubh-sloka occurs intermixed with Tnshtubhs, and is used for the 
purpose of recapitulating what had been explained before in prose 
For it is only the uniform employment of that metre which constitutes 
the characteristic mark of a new period of literature * 

13 " The languages of the world have been divided into three 

families, the Aryan or Indo-European, the Semitic and the Turanian 

The first comprises the Indian branch, consisting of Sanskrit, Pah and 

the Prakrits, and the modern vernaculars of Northern India and Ceylon , 

the Iranic branch consisting of Zend, the sacred language of the Parsis, 

the Pehlevi and the other cognate dialects , the Hellenic or the Greek 

branch, comprising the languages of Ancient Greece and its modern 

representatives , the Italic branch, consisting of the Latin and cognate 

ancient languages of Italy and the dialects derived from Latin, the 

Italian, the French and the old Provencal, the Spanish, the Portugese, 

and the Wallachian , the Keltic or the language of those Kelts or Gauls 

that so often figure in Romam History, and distinguished into two 

varieties, the Kymnc, now spoken in Wales and in the Province of 

Brittany in France, and the Gaelic, spoken in the Isle of Man, the 

Highlands of Scotland, and Ireland, the Lithuman and Slavonic, 

comprising the languages of Lithuma, Russia, Bulgaria, and of the 

Slavonic races generally , and the Teutonic branch, consisting of the 

Scandinavian grouD, 1 e , the languages of Sweden, Norway, Iceland, 

and Denmark, of the High German i.e the old and the present language 

of Germany, and of the Low German, which com prised the old Anglo- 

1. Mule's Gr%tical History, Trj, o i. ~ 


Saxon and the other languages spoken on the coasts of Germany, the 
modern representatives of which are the English, and the dialects 
spoken in Holland, Friesland, and the North of Germany The second 
family comprises the Hebrew, the Arabic, the Chaldee, the Syriac, the 
Carthaginian, and the cognate and derived languages , and the third* 
the Turkish and the languages of the Mongolian tribes To this last 
family the dialects spoken m Southern India are a'so to be inferred 
The Zend approaches Sanskrit the most, but the affinities of this latter 
with Greek and Latm are also very striking, and such as to convince 
even a determined sceptic Sanskrit has preserved a greater number 
of ancient forms than any of these languages, hence it is indispensable 
for purposes of comparative philology " 

14 " India may justly claim to be the original home of scientific 
philology In one of the most ancient Sanskrit books, the Samhita of 
of the Black Yajurveda, there are distinct indications of the dawn of 
linguistic study * The Brahmanas of the Vedas which rank next to the 
Samhitas, and even the Taittinya Samhita itself, the composition of 
which differs in no particular from its Brahmana, are all full of etymologi- 
cal explanations of words, though often they are fanciful * One Acharya 
followed another, and they all carefully observed the facts of their 
language, and laid down the laws they could discover They studied 
and compared the significations and forms of words, observed what was 
common to them, separated the constant element from that which was 
variable, noticed the several changes that words undergo indifferent 
circumstances, and by such a process of philological analysis completed 
a system of grammar and etymology In the Nirukta, Yaska, whose exact, 
date we do not know, but who must have flourished several centuries 
before Christ, lays down correct principles of the derivation of words. 

siT^^Wn^ ^ I tcfl ^rff 5 ^ Bpeeoh was onoe inarticulate and undistinguished 
(into its pnrts). Then the goas said to India, ' Distinguish our speeoh into parts ' He 
Bald, I will ask a gift of you, let Soma be pouted into one oup tot me and Vayn 
togethet ' Hence Soma is poured into one cup for India ana Vayn together Then 
India going into its midst distinguished it Hence distinot speeoh is now spoken Tait 
Smh , VI 4, 7 

3 The Ait Brahm gives the etymology of sfa (HI ^ofm^ I 111 a 3), of 

cTPTr CVH 18) , the Tait Samh , of f5 (* 6.1). of fjg (U 4.1S and n 6, 3 

tha Tait Brahm, of 8T^ (1. 1,5), o JfljPT (H 7,18), &o &o 


The last of the grammarian Acharyas were Panini, Katyayana, and 
Patanjali The Prakrit dialects which sprang from Sanskrit were next 
made the subject of observation and analysis The laws of phonetic 
change or decay in accordance with which Sanskrit words became Pra- 
kyit were discovered and laid down The Sanskrit and non-Sanskrit 
elements in those languages were distinguished from each other This 
branch of philology also was worked up by a number of men, though 
the writings of one or two only have come down to us 

In this condition Sanskrit philology passed into the hands of 
Europeans The discovery of Sanskrit and the Indian grammatical 
system at the close of the last century led to a total revolution in the 
philological ideas of Europeans But several circumstances had about 
this time prepared Europe for independent thought in philology, and 
Sanskrit supplied the principles upon which it should be conducted, 
and determined the ^current in which it should run The languages 
of Europe, ancient and modem, were compared with Sanskrit and 
with each other This led to comparative philology and the classifi- 
cation of languages, and a comparison of the words and forms in the 
different languages led scholars into the secrets of the growth of 
human speech, and the science of language was added to the test of 
existing branches of knowledge "* 

It has been said by eminent wnters that at one time sansknt was 
the one language spoken all over the world. " Sanskrit is the mother 
of Greek, Latin and German languages and it has no other relation to 
them," that " sansknt is the original source of all the European lan- 
guages of the present days," and that " m point of fact the Zmd is 
derived from the sansknt "* 

15 Tradition traces the beginnings of the sansknt language to the 
fourteen aphorisms or Mahesvara surras They are 3T ? «f *% onwards to 
?S % These sounds, vowel and consonant, emanated from the sound of 
Siva's damaru (drum) at the time of his dance To these letters and 
sounds is attached a mystic significance and Nandikesvara has ex- 
plained their import with all solemnity As the Kankas of Nandikes- 
vara are rare, they are prmted here * 

1 B G Bbandarkar, Lectures on Development of Language of Sanskrit, 

2, Bmdu Superiority, 173 8 , A Dubois' Bible m, India , MaxMuHer's Scienc 
of Language, I 335-6 note, DnjendraDatb. Guha's, Devabhos'ha, JS8P, XVin. ISO, 

8 They are printed with, the oommentary of Upamanyn, in the Nlrnayasamra 
Edn, of Mahabbasya, p 182 



1. 33r?rcn% srrujrcrat rwrs s^t q^r^rre I 

I arf z\ | 
3 sr^ifr ststst ^rf^raV ?r^Fgg I 

r%Ryrft HtrTRra - suTfq- gtfw II 

arm?^ Hsftrr^TS^r arwcr ll 
5. el qrr?*re> ^ sfasmfts *r^ I 

6 i% ftsjs'wre*!' %tf m *rar m l 

^•^if^frl^rrwr ^'*rr ^i^ *tot *rar II 

7. sreit p-fatffesr 3Ri?rf *Frcorre<r l 

p;rc ?rfo°ifaf srr%??rR*erc«r icr^ ll 

^wsfraftfcr Jrnf^rer ^qisrr ll 
9 arqvtfr sfirara - ^^f^RfSR^sr *tar I 

3^rfr ft«sft?rfg«fiq'$^Fi%*rc. II 

I sffSS^l 

10 sras^ a^fi" *rpri ?^ff f%JK^ I 

aft* ff^*nflT3r STTT^TtTSlTsPT^ II 

11. fjWiu S i whhW l «r f^uf I 

^g^f^^V TO«WW'l$«»fcfl tl 
12. If^iqT ^R*T fa 15 ^ f^-'Mii'^'*^^ I 

smfsri «r««w tfwu&*%M ftf • ll 
13 q^ irf^-^TR^prPmH sl^s I 


I ^ *r «i * ^ I 
15. ^q^HcRTire^ra^T tii^n^ I 

**prcr§:i1reat*r 5 spsrofefcr %z *n% II 

17. snrsn'og^ ^rsrrosrptfnt =*r *fwt^ l 

I ST *? s- or * ii l 

18. 5TS3[5Eq^f ^•U*r<ircOT 5T*I« U I5T^ I 

I ?r *r ^.l 

19. wrwqToTr =g- sTO5Tr^«*Taqj%5nrc*wr: I 

I «r ^ «t \\ 

20. g^«r^ w^gjcnsrf <r i<q^ eq^re*. | 
^ff^T3«TT i& srraT f% qropfcr. ll 

! ar sf q- v ^ ^r | 

21. ^Nr^ifrqrrErr'^fsii-r'-tTr^fT^^ | 
s^rrafa 3rejjTn¥it\^ sjwq^e^ II 

22. srrirrr^rq-* % sRT^fess^. i 

23. 5r^<fr^oft?q-: srrorar. <T^rarqwc l 


24 iff i% g^«sr %r #rr*ta ?fjrr; I 

25. ?r,g ssrcw ffcf gifpn flrsw jrr I 

mftm *{&a stok, *tfsr% jrg u 

27. a^reta q* srffl w ^ ftm I 

16 " The literature of Sanskrit presents, as ordinarily considered, 
two varieties of the language , but a third may also, as I shall presently 
endeavour to show, be clearly distinguished, Of these the most ancient 
is that found in the hymns of the Rigveda Samhila These were corn* 
posed at different times and by different Rishis, and were transmitted 
from father to son in certain families Thus the third of the ten collec- 
tions, which make up the Samhita bears the name of Visvamitra, and 
the hymns contained m it were composed by the great patriarch and 
his descendants. The seventh is ascribed to Vasishtha and his family, 
The composition of these hymns therefore extended over a long 
period, the language is not the same throughout, and while sometimes 
they present a variety so close to the later Sanskrit Jhat there is little 
diniculty in understanding them, the style of others is so antiquated 
that tlroy defy all efforts at interpretation, and their sense Was not 
understood even by the Rishis who flourished in the very next literary 
period, that of the Brahmanas, Still for our purposes we may neglect 
these differences and consider the Vedic variety of Sanskrit as one," 

17 The history of Sanskrit affords considerable scope for a study 
of ihe growth of language It presents distinct varieties of speech which 
are linked together exactly as Modern English is with the Anglo-Saxon 
The most ancient form is that composing the text of the Rig Veda Sam- 
hita, Consisting of ten books, it was the work of different ruhu, preserved 
by oral tradition in their families Despite themiilute distinctions in the 
ld*gutrfe<B.-df tistt Rik Samhita, we may for all practical purposes treat 


the Vedic variety of Sanskrit as a compact dialect Prominently, this 
dialect presents some peculiarities of form and usage, which may thus 
be summed up 

(1) The nominative pulural of noun ending in ^T is 3R^T as well 
as 3W as ?frrcr or $&X > the instrumental being ^fa or 


(uj Tha nominative and the vocative dual and plural of nouns 
in 3f not rarely end in 3fT as \$m f=RT :5 *PRr f Sift". 

(m) The instrumental singular of feminine nouns in ? is occas- 
sional^ formed by lengthening the vowel as sflcft and 

(iv) The locative singular termination is often elided as T$" 

(v) The accusative of nouns in S are formed by ordinary 

rules of euphonic combination as 3*fi( or 3SpW[ , and the 

instrumental by affixing *W or TT or fir as afaTT or ST^T 

(vi) The dative of the personal pronouns ends in "? as 3^ or 

(vu) The parasmaipada first person plural termination is **fe as 

ZPRWFW&ftt, and of the third person plural is t or # 

as 5? or 5fcf. 
(vni) The cf of the atmanepada termination is often dropped as 

Sf^TCcTCsfa , and instead of * there is *3% as ^UTO 1 ^ 
(ix) In the place of the imperative second person plural, there 

are fi, cPT, *I«T and 31^ as *£%, T^sf, ifcfST and $ SRfT^ 

(xj Eight different forms of the mood %^, signifying condition, 
are everywhere abundant os JFT STI^fa 3Tft^. 

(aa) Roots are not restricted to particular conjugations and at 
the caprice of the Rishi the same comes to more than 
one class 

(xii) The infinitive suffixes are ff , <%, afs^, <J% and $ as ?T$, 3&, 
S°P% S^f and *rr^{$ , the accusatives of some nouns 
are treated as infinitives governed by *S% as faffR SITWg;, 
the terminations 31^ and %% occur when combined with 
f W as ra^KcTf. or !%&fT , the potential participles are 


denoted bj the suffixes CH> 4, '5'" and ?3 as '%f^Stft, 
aT^Trf , f^t'T and ^&\, the indeclinable past ends in 
mm as T3PJ j some forms as tfftt are also met ^ith 

(uu) A vanety of verbal denvatives as <?%9f (jianasome), 3fi^ [life) 
and Sf^^t (ptoduct) are frequent 

(xiv) A large number of words which have become obsolete or 
lost their significance in later Sanskrit are everywhere 
abundant as iftqfar, 33 and aFRfal 

These peculiarities have been noted as the most frequent and the 
most salient, but many others are mentioned by Panrai 1 he Vedic 
dialect is the first record of the Sanskrit tongue, from which by pro- 
cesses of phonetic decay and natural elision the later language has 
been perfected 

Here is a specimen of Vedic Sanskrit — 

h. ^srj spjfSnr tott ^ ^wc I saJforww^ II 

vs for % #n q - ^Fcfft% D i q^rani I ^ *rra bi^p? ll 

* o fa ww ^t^rtr wr "rcerrerr I srars*rii ^si ll 

* *. srtr ^-^T'qg^r fafo# srft <rcqftr I $<rrft ir f msS II 
*i ^ ^t f^rri? ^g^sr. sw wa; I jt t srr^fa nrfcrcj; l) 
*s. if ft wr g<ft s^r T issr I ^w^grr ^ ll 

" These eight verses contain 72 different padas or grammatical 
forms, not counting the prepositions as separate padas Of these, 19 
have become altogether obsolete m classical Sanskrit, and 12 have 
changed their significations " 

18 The Brahmanas of the Rk and the Yajus present the ucond 
stage in the development Many of Ihe peculiar words have become ob- 
solete, and the declensions have mostly approached the classical gram- 
mar The roots have no indiscriminate conjugation The subjunctive is 
almost gone out of use The indeclinable past and the gerundial in- 
finitive end in ^ and $R , verbal forms of all moods and tenses are 
seen in abundance. Still there are the touches of the vedic relation- 
ship and archaisms are not rare — 

(1) Some fe minin e nouns have common forms for the dative 
and the genitive, or 'Jl^t *mm ; 


(u) The T of the third person is often dropped as. before, a$ 

(in) Some of the aonst forms do not follow the rules of Panini, 
as m 3 JIT 3W * ? <rr , 

(iv) Some atiquated words occur as 3$!^ (a shaft) faSI3f (re/etce) 
*fT^I^ (prospei ous) 

The Aitereya Brahmana quotes some gathas which are obviously 
more archaic than the rest of the work Notwithstanding these irregu- 
larities, the Brahmanas are " the best representatives extant of the 
verbal portion of that language of which Panini writes the grammar, 
though he did not mean these vihen he spoke of the bhasha " The 
gradual and perhaps rapid progress m the s} mmetry and simplicity of 
the language had still to be accelerated by the w ork of later authors 
and their writings furnish an ample illustration of the next stage of 
linguistic development 

19 Yaska's Nirukia forms the intermediate link between the 
Vedic and the non-Vedic literature It is not devoid of archaic expres- 
sion, for we meet with such phrases as ' S^KSSTPI '^PRT 1 {unable to teach) 
and &lW TT«W' {invested with sovereignty) But we have no clue to the 
dawn of a change of style from simplicity to complexity To the same 
period in the history of Sanskrit belongs Panini His Astad/iyajn is 
based on the grammar of the bha$a No language has survived to us 
that literally represents Panini's standard of dialect Perhaps the later 
Brahmanas are the only best representatives At any rate there is no 
portion of the existing Sanskrit literature that accurately represents 
Panini's Sanskrit, as regards the verbs and the nominal derivatives 
Probably his grammar had for its basis the vernacular language of his 
day Yaska and Panini stand to us the authorities on record of that 
form of the language which immediately followed the purely Vedic 

2d Times had advanced, and with it the language Panini's bkfija 
could no longer stand stationary 1 he operation of the concurrent 
causes of linguistic progress had by the days of Kaiyayana and 
Patanjali modified Psmni's denotation and introduced new changes in 
the grammar of the language or in the scope of the aphorisms. 
Mfyayana's Vat (das and PatanjaWs Mahubhatya are devoted to the- 
proper interpretation of the surras and to the apt introduction of the 
missing links If to Katyayana's eyes 10,000 inaccuracies are discernible 
in Pamni, the only explanation must be that to PS&ini they were not 


inaccuracies, but by Kajyayana's lime the language had progressed 
and necessitated a fresh, appendix or erratum m Panini's grammatical 
treatise 1 he period of intervention must have been sufficiently long to 
allow old grammatical forms to become obsolete and even incorrect 
and words and their meanings to become antiquated and even anunder- 

21 Pa$anjah discusses the change and progress of the language, 
in the sastraic form of a dialogue betw een an objector and a mover 

aft t sr^T sjj^r <hwt~ot, fc, to, "¥?fcr I 

55 am foiftftg:-- irtit- afa * &sj arap^r. <ft, «rft *rf% w- 
s^fir , atqtsrjrw :r *rfa, srfa ^ragaiT^fa famafe l stpra qsr ^§ jrcrcrs 

taa; ffcrfafagTi l H^rrfir ar^a; «j*r i^ot^ srenf^ ^r^oiTg^r^cT I srqgrfr sfr 
^t , ^tr^sjrjrfiT ?fir 1 w^w— fifctfrn^ ffEpsrrtffapp p«r sr^ritf j$rt 
OTf. ?Trftfa I sr s^ts?flTi%W3TBf ?(a I 

r?aif ? 

3F^S? 5&%, q^c ©rj I 
^HWIMi* f ft %aC cT6T ft TOW* ? 

?rfa %«n sp^rrs? ^^% jrf»% H 

3TCtfw ^3%! WjPrf «*!«»& I ftf ? JRtlP'R'iia; I *nfcf' Ss^- 

iftsnn^ mm %sm> I aw— s^sp ^^^, « ^sfatr , "a>?FP?#, 
« 1* aM: , tosw?$, s =35 $a*Fa , 3%sh?t$v a* p iwa ffa 1 


stages ^)irara^ i 

wngw amr t§m WFrrgft^ I error ^<f?rsrrft ^rfefilwft 
fifopwfa ^ ?r ^rra& 'sf^'Wtcr 1 %^s sftfawrcrer *w ? Rr wnr irfitar 
w^irgftssfct I 

*$ *?5^f ST 5 ?? ^rratsft signet | 

^qR5 s ^r 4?r f%*Rf I 
JTfi^ sr«^T Jrtrrnsrc I 

srcrafar sptfr, *rqt 3r$r , t&ki fcr stor ?rcs^r srpr r^«rr , «jf- 
^^rpgr , %m*&fi *wM , tpf^fcfsrr srr^T 8 *, ^srrs*ri'>tt^., sn^t- 
?rm{^gJ ff ^ IDr ^rar^crr^; ^s^r 5[%Tfara I <jbhs?t ypzm jt^pt- 
QTO^^ji^iiarti f fir w^r %*&> %\%mwki i 

aw i amViftiftfr qaft*3fc *rrf%ft *rafct fafir ^rhtt mw a^ ?f% l 
S^ft s*r%s *sfa si^m^is 3T^^?^rqf upg I srrlrs^ sfr%, 

^f ^T^u^rssrpiT sifter ^^r ^r cNwfa sraptr cs# I u. ? 
^ 1 tumr '' ^cir^di^i^r, Tsr recft %m\ <ti<t, 'FjT ?rc w?r srir ■sps, 
Tft fr^ur sot ^pj; " sfct I 1 

Purv 3f^rjf3jTf>: I There exist (some) words which are not used , 
for instance, OTi aT, ^35, W. (These are forms of the second person 
plural of the Perfect.) 

The Siddhanim, or the principal teacher, who advocates the 
doctrine that is finally laid down asks — 

Sid What if (hey are not used ? 

Pprv You determine the grammatical correctness of words from 
their being used Those then that are not now used are not gramma- 
tically correct 

Sid What you say is, in the first place, inconsistent, viz , that 
words exist which are not used If they exist they cannot be not used , 
if not used, they cannot exist To say that they exist and are not used 

1 MahSbhSs/ya, (Nlrnayasagara Edition), Vol I, pages 62-65. 


is inconsistent You yourself use them (utter them) and say (in the 
very breath) there are words which are not used What other worthy 
like yourself would you have to use them m order that they might be 
considered correct "> (lit What other person like yourself is correct or 
is an authority in the use of words) 

Purv This is not inconsistent I say they exist, since those 
who know the Sastra teach their formation by [laying down] rules, 
and I say they are not used, because they are not used by people 
Now with regard to [your remark] What other worthy, &c" 
[when I say they are not used] I do not mean that they jre not used 
by me 

Sid What then ? 

Purv Not used by people 

Sid Verily, you also are one amongst the people 

Purv Yes, I am one, but am not the people 

Sro (Vart «WHm* ffa %*r$ ^JT^n^) If you object that 
they are not used, it will not do (the objection is not valid) 

Purv Why not "> 

Sid Because words are used to designate things The things do 
exist which these words are used to designate (Therefore the words 
must be used by somebody If the things exist, the words that denote 
them must exist) 

Purv (Vart amfa. 5T^t?m«T?^TcQ (It does not follow) Their 
non-use is what one can reasonably infer 

Sid Why? 

Purv Because they (people) use other words to designate the 
things expresed by these words , for instance, I> ^IgfanT in the 
sense of 3^ , S» ^T cflffi m the sense of fo , S> *g $cHRT. m the sense 
of *R> , 9» 35 M«W*d in the sense of far (We here seer-participles had 
come to be used for verbs of the Perfect Tense) 

Sid (Vart 3PTg% <$$H^) Even if ttyBsA-WOtds are not used* 
they should be essentially taught by ruleff <©st ^ Jong sacnpaal 
sessions are It is in this waj Long sacnnciaj sffsiions Atsfgiicb. as last 
for a hundred years and for a thousand yearsA mn modern umee nQne 
whatever holds them, but the writers on sacrifices tdach them by'rules, 
simply because [to learn] what has been hand^jd -Wowix»-by~ tradition 
from the Rishis is religiously meritorious And moreover O&aff S3 
<W«ft), all these words are used in other places 


Purv — They are not found used. 

Sid — An endeavour should be made to find them Wide indeed is 
the range over which words are used , the earth with its seven continents, 
the three worlds, the four Vedas with their angas or dependent treatises 
and the myslic portions, in their various recensions, the one hundred 
branches of the Adhvaryu (Yajur-Veda), the Sama-Veda with its thous- 
and modes, the Bahvuchya with its twenty-one varieties, and the Athar- 
vana Veda with nine, Vakovakya, Epics, the Puranas, and Medicine 
This is the extent over which words are used Without searching this 
extent of the use of words, to say that words are not used is simple 
rashness In this wide extent of the use of words, certain words appear 
restricted to certain senses in certain places Thus, SRla is used in the 
sence of motion among the Kambojas , the Aryas use it in the derived 
from of ^ j ^fffit is used among the Surashtras» ^filf among the 
eastern and central people, but the Aryas use only *W[ , Stfif is 
used in the sense of ' cutting ' among the easterns 'OT among the 
northerners And those words which you think are not used are also 
seen used 

Purv —Where ? 

Sid -In the Veda. Thus, TOM >tfr >^r I «fl& \tfl >W?ff a*JJT II 

*F% i* *l?r 5§r ■to I wrarar *m crgjrr^ I 

[*' We here see that the objector says that certain words or forms are 
not used by people, and therefore they should not be taught or learnt 
The instances that he gives are forms of the perfect to some roots and 
observes that the sense of these forms is expressed by using other 
words which are perfect participles of these roots. These statements 
are not denied by the Siddhanti, but he does not allow that the forms 
should not be taught on that account Though not used, they should 
be taught and learnt for the sake of the religious merit consequent 
thereon, just as the ceremonial of long sacrificial sessions, which are 
never held, is. Then the objector is told that though not used by 
people, the words may be current in some other country, continent, or 
word, or they must have been used somewhere in the vast literature of 
the language As regards the particular instances, two of them are 
shown to be used m the Vedas It thus follows that in the time of 
KStyayana and Patanjali, such verbal forms had become obsolete, and 
participles were used in their place But it must have been far other- 
wise in the time of Paomi He gives minute rules for constructing the 
innumerable forms of the Sanskrit verb."] 


XXV 11 

22 A few of those prominent changes are given below — 

(1) Pauuu in a special rule says that ?9* has fcRI for its neuter m 
the Vedas Obviously he intended to exhaust the list 
Katyayana has to add *J*9? to it 

(ii) Panini, when he says faf 5 *?)* 5rjft$T%*r %f, would imply that 
each form has no other sense than that of a bird , but 
Katyayana adds that both the forms are optional in the sense 
of ' birds,' while in any other sense they represent separate 
words , 

(ill) The vocative singular of neuter nouns ending in 3E( such as 
3§E( is according to Panini WH^ but Katyayana would add 
an optional TIT , 

(iv) Some feminine formations are not noticed by Panini, which 
Katyayana Is forced to allow, as stpft^ft and S^T^pft. 

(v) The word 3TTSW is rendered as 3Tl^?T by Panini J Kajjayana 

substitutes for it s^pf 

(vi) The words and meanings of words employed by Katyayana are 
such as we meet with m the classical.penod and his expres 1 - 
sions would not invite any special attention This cannot be 
said of P5nmi Many of his words are antiquated in the later 
language as *tf<t (rit,w<!>) 3Wi«; {bargam)> fTer (pied) 

"In Pacini's time a good many Words and expressions were current 
which afterwards became obsolete , verbal forms were commonly used 
which ceased to be used m Katyay ana's time, and some grammatical 
forms were developed in the time of the latter which did not exist m 
Panini's Panini's Sanskrit must, therefore> be identified with that which 
preceded the Epics, and he must be referred to the literary penod 
between the Brahmanas and Yaska Hence it is that the Brahmapas, 
as observed before, are the best existing representatives of the language 
of which Panini writes the grammar Katyayana on other hand wrote 
when the language arrived at that stage which we have called classical. 
Thus, then, we have been able to trace three distinct periods m the 
development of Sanskrit First, we have the Vedic period, to which 
the Rigveda Samhlta, the Mantra portion of the Yajurveda, and the 
more antiquated part of the Atharva-Samhila are to be referred 
Then commences another period, at the threshold of which we find 
the Brahmanas, which, so to say, look backwards to the preceding, 


that is, present the vedic language in the last stage of its progress 
towards Panim's Bhasha , and, later on, we have Yaska and Panini 
This may be called the period of Middle Sanskrit, And last af all, there 
is the classical period to which belong the Epics, earliest specimens 
of Kavyas and dramatic plays, the metrical Smjitis, and the grammatical 
work of Katyayam Pamni's work contains the grammar of Middle 
Sanskrit, while Kalyayana's that of classical Sanskrit, though he gives his 
sanction to the archaic forms on the principle, as he himself has stated, 
on which the authors of the sacrificial Sutras teach the ritual of long 
sacrificial sessions, though they had ceased to be held m their time 
Patanjali gives but few forms which differ from Katyayana's and in no 
way do they indicate a different stage m the growth of the language ; 
hence his work is to be referred to the same period The form which 
the language assumed at this time became the standard for later writers 
to follow, and Katyayana and Patanjali are now the generally acknow- 
ledged authorities on all points concerning the correctness of Sanskrit 
speech. We shall hereafter see that the last two stages have left dis» 
tinct traces on the Prakrits or the derived languages 

Professor Goldstucker has shown from an examination of the 
Vartikas, that certain grammatical forms are not noticed by Panini, but 
are taught by Katyayana and concludes that they did not exist m 
the language in Panim's time. I have followed up the argument in my 
lectures ' On the Sanskrit and Prakpit languages.' and given from the 
Vartikas several ordinary instances of such forms From these one of 
two conclusions only is possible, mz t , either that Panini was a very 
careless and ignorant grammarian, or that the forms did not exist in 
the language in his tune The first is of course inadmissible, wherefore 
the second must be accepted I have also shown from a passage in 
the introduction to Patanjah's Mahabhashya, that verbal forms such as 
those of the Perfect which are taught by Panini as found m the Bhasha 
or current language, not the Chhandasa or obsolete language, had gone 
out of use in the time of Katyayana and Patanjali, and participles had 
come io be used instead Professor Goldstucker has also given a list of 
words used by Panini in his sutras in a sense which became obsolete in 
the time of Katyayana and shown what portion of Sanskrit literature 
did not probably exist in Pacini's time but was known to Katyayana, 
and in one case comes to the not unjustifiable conclusion that the 
time that had elapsed between Panini and Katyayana was so great that 
certain literary words which either did not exist in Panim's time or were 
not old to him came to be considered by Katyayana to be as old as 



those which were old to Panini Agam, according to Pamni's rules 
the Aonst expresses (1) past lime generally, or the simple completion 
of an action, (2) the past time of this day and not previous to this day 
and (3) recent past lime , and thus resembles in every respect the 
English Present Perfect But in the later language the distinction 
between that tense and the other two past tenses is set aside and 
the Aonst is used exactly like these Now, the language of the verses 
ascribed to Panini and generally the language of what Professor Max 
Muller calls the Renaissance period is grammatically the same as that 
of Katyayana and Patanjah, and is the language of participles instead of 
verbs , and even from theirs it differs m making extensive use of com- 
pounds and neglecting the distinction between the Aonst and the 
other past tenses The Sanskrit of Panmi's time is more archaic than 
that of Katyayana's time, and Panmi's rules ate nowhere more secru- 
pulously observed than in such an ancient work as the Aitareya 
Brahmana The many forms and expressions which he teaches, and 
which must have existed m language are nowhere found in the later 
literature , while specimens of them are to be seen in that Brahmana 
and like works Between therefore the archaic language of the sutras 
and the language which Panini calls Bhasha and of which he teaches 
the grammar* on the one hand, and the language of the Renaissance 
period on the other is such a wide difference that no one will ever 
think of attributing a work written in the style and language of this 
penod to the Great Grammarian As Yaska and Panini to the same 
period of Sanskrit literature the style and manner of a work written by 
Panini the grammarian, must resemble those of the Nirukta , but m the 
few verses attributed to Panini there is no such resemblance whatever. 
Should the entire work be discovered and found as a whole to be 
written in an archaic style, there will be time enough to consider its 
claim on behalf of these artificial verses * " 

23 " The earliest Sanskrit Alphabet was possibly made up of five 
semi-vowels, five nassals, five soft and five hard aspirates, in all twenty 
consonants The twenty sounds found in the aphors S^W?, ®% 
k?*i* u li'1, 5W sr, 35STS , Ws^'tj are the oldest, the final consonants being 
of course later additions As no consonants can be pronounced with- 
out a vowel, the sound of a, cut or o, according to ihe idiosyncrasies 
of the several tribes, came to be unconsciously blended with it The 
aphors 'ff'W^ and ?^ belong to a subsequent age, the four consonants 
in them being more or less connected m origin with^A-ar In course 

1 B. GK Bhanctackar, Date of Patanialu 



of time the aspirates produced the unaspirates, and the aphors 
St«H'[g?R^ and ^\, were added, the three c6nsonants ^tS being placed 
before \ The order m which the vowels a, i, u,'<, \ are arranged 
is the same with that of the semi-vowels h, y, v, r, I, thus raising a sus- 
picion that the correspondence between the 5 vowels and the 5 
semi-vowels was not quite unknown in the age of the composition of the 
vowel-aphors There is again a suspicion, that the vowels e and o, which 
have a separate aphor <?3?lf[ assigned to them, were originally monophs*, 
not diphs , the only diphs known m this age were at and au formed of 
a-j-j and a-\-u respectively These four aphors thus belong to an age, 
when 9 vowels in all, 7 monophs and 2 diphs, v> ere recognised. Were 
the seven monophs pronounced short or long ? their traditional pro- 
nunciation is no doubt short , but in an age not accustomed to the 
distinction between short and long, the pronunciation was possibly 
also long, at least among some of the tribes 

Did Panini recognise the vowel S m the aphor 3R£? ? or did the 
aphor in his age contain only ^ ? The aphors 55 °T and f^ contain only 
one letter each, and it may be held, that like them the aphor fP also 
contained only one letter, namely V, Ihere is only one root, viz , ^?*, 
containing the vowel S But Paomi does not recognise the root as ^3S^, 
according to him (fTTo-18, 2 VIII), the root is %\ and aRS^is formed 
from &{. by changing the sound of £ in it to ^ Panini, thus deriving W®{ 
from f % recognises no $ m the aphor 9 S^ the grammatical tradition 
is therefore quite correct in not ascribing the authorship of the alpha- 
aphors to him The fourteen aphors are thus the product of a pre-Paaini 
age , these aphors describe a dialect which possessed only seven short 
monophs and two diphs, and which had, besides, no lack of words 
Containing the vowel ^ and the semi-vowel \ m them The sound of 
the semi-vowel possibly resembled that of aym m Arab and Hob, and 
as such must have had a distinct sigh assigned to it, though now irre- 
coverably lost. The age of PaCmi is thus conspicuous by the loss of the 
sign of the semi-vowel h, and by the scarcity of the vowel 8, the former 
event having led to the confounding of the semi-vowel h with the 
spir k, while the latter led to the non-recognition of the vowel 5£ Iho 
age of the composition of the Fourteen Alpha-aphors, recognising the 
seven shoit monophs, two dipths and the semi-vowel \, may be called 
Pre-PaPini Age L 

The age of Pacini will be found conspicuous not only by the loss 
of one short vowel 3, but of three more short vowels, W, \ and % 


5E may claim at least a few words, while the semi-vowel * has not been 
ousted from the premier piace, though no vords have been preserved 
for it to claim But the short vow els ^K, <5 and 2ff, to use a scientific 
expression, have evaporated without lesidue Sakatayana knew t«oj)v 
and two vs, the one light aud the other heavy Pdtuni makes mention of 
Sakatayana having know n them , but as to whether any distinction 
was made between them, when he (Pamni) lived, absolutely nothing is 
known This age of short ^ and of the two-fold \ and f may be 
called the Pre-Pawni Age II " l 

24. Samskrta Here then the Samsknt language had assumed 
a shape true to its name Samskyfa The later epics, poems and 
dramas do not show any progress in the grammar, structure and signi- 
fication of the language, though as regards style, they class themselves 
into an isolated species of literary composition For all practical 
purposes, the language as perfected by the work of Ka^yayana and 
Patanjali has been the standard of later literature, and these are now 
the acknowledged authorities on all points concerning the grammar or 
construction of the Sanskrit speech 

" i<m #faf «rrai sr*5*n% faflraT I" aw iwwvwf w^ ^^ 
jfa ssrit I a«rr *r, ^sl^'Nfciftsrra't »l$, — " t^tt ^fer awe 33Ni 
feft srcrraraw stijT s*ra i ^r m crt mw^ft <rer v s^r *fa c wn* ^i 
% «?rtr fiif war I" ficr 

25. " The earliest literature presents a fluent and simple style of 
composition The sentences are short and verbal forms are abundant 
Attributive and nominal expressions do not find a place therein This 
construction is facilitated by a succession of concise ideas, which gives 
it a sort of simple grace and fine-cut structure This then is the form 
of the Brahmana language It lacks not striking thoughts, bold ex- 
pression and impressive reasoning. Leaving out of account the un- 
natural appearance of the sutra style — which was not however a liter- 
ary composition— we come to Yaska and his Niruk^a Scientific as it 
is, the language of Yaska often reminds us of the earlier writings The 

J, KB Bhagwat, Lectures on SonHer*?* Language, Bombay 



frequency of verbal forms was current during the time of Pamni It 
was after the epoch of the Ashtadhyayi that a change had come over 
literary styles Attributes attached greater attention and compounds 
could alone compress long dependent sentences into the needed form 
' In argument the ablative of an abstract noun saves a long periphrasis ' 
The minute rules of Panmi for constructing the innumerable verbal 
forms facilitated this mama for conciseness of expression Thus the 
fluent or simple style came gradually to be displaced by the formative 
or attributive style To this was added the richness aud flexibility of 
the sansknt language itself, which allowed any sort of twisting and 
punning of the literary vocabulary The Puranas and the Itihasas were 
composed at the transitional stage in the history of literary styles 
They present at the same time the simplicity of the earlier language 
and the complexity of the later composition So do the earliest speci- 
mens of poetic and dramatic literature, Hence the natural and not 
improbable conclusion is that if an author shows an easy aud elegant 
style and if the flow of his language is more natural, it must be either 
his taste is too aesthetic for his age or his work must be assigned to an 
early period in the history of literature This artificial style was 
greatly developed in the field of philosophy and dialectics Patanjali's 
language is most simple, lucid and impressive The sentences if there- 
fore really consists of a series of dialogues, often smart, between one 
who maintains the pursapaksha, and another who plays down the 
addhanta Hence, the language is plain and simple, and the sentences 
are short, and such as a man may naturally use in ordinary conversa- 
tion or oral disputation 

The forms of words are all similar to the earlier dramas or the 
Puranas Sabaraswamm has a lively style, though this presents a further 
stage in the downward progress Now the philosophical style sets in 
and continues to a degree of mischief which is now beyond all reforma- 
tion. Sankara represents the middle stage His explanations are aided 
by dialectic terminology The sentences are much longer than those 
of the earlier writers, the construction is more involved, there is a 
freer use of attributive adjuncts, and the form is that of an essay or a 
lecture, instead of an oral disputation. But his language is fluent and 
perspicuous, but not petrified as that of later waters Ihe last stage 
is reached in the works of the Naiyayikas These latter hate the use 
of verbs The ablative singular and the indeclinable particles play a 
prominent part in their composition Nouns are abstract and even 
participles are rare. The style is one of solidified formula?, rather of 


virying discourse Thus the end is that the movement which started 
with the simple sentence and predicative construction has run up to a 
stage where the original character it. entirely modified and the Sanskrit 
language has become a language of abstract nouns and compound 

7 be greater use or attributive or nominal forms of expression 
gradually drove out a large portion of the Sanskrit verb, and gave a 
new character to the language, which n.ay be thus described — Very 
few verbal forms are used besides those of such tenses as the Present 
and Future , participles are frequently met with, the verbal forms of 
some roots, especially of those belonging to the less comprehensive 
classes, have gone out of use, and in their place we often hdve a noun 
expressive of the special aclion and a verb expressive of action 
generally , compound words are somewhat freely employed and a good 
many of the Taddhita forms or nominal derivatives have disappeared, 
and in their stead we have periphrastic expressions 

26 Spiritual Aspect, " The grammatical dessertations of the 
Hindus were not confined to a narrow field, nor were the Hradn gram- 
marians content w ith mere formulation of rules for the formation of 
words 1 he spiritual aspect of sound seems to have made a deep 
impression upon their mind and left its stamp on then- whole outlook 
regarding sabda The sabdikas succeeded m discovering a way of 
spiritual discipline even through the labyrinthine mass of grammatical 
speculations Enquiries into the ultimate nature of vak led them to a 
sublime region of sadhana — a region of perfect bliss and pure cons- 
ciousness The cultivation of grammar gave rise to a spiritual vision 
which, to speak, enabled the vag-yogavid to visualise Brahman in the 
wreath of letters (vamamala) Letters are denoted in Sanskrit by the 
same term {aksara) as is often applied to Brahman A glance at the 
language in which aksara has been interpreted by grammarians of old 
will serve to open our eyes to the supreme importance of vamas To 
the spiritual insight of Patanjah vamas were not only phonetic types 
but the glowing sparks of Brahman illumining the entire sphere of 

¥im% TTfcwft *ft T W ^ I Vaifika 

^I^cRfr TOTTf^ I Mahabhasya, 12 3 

The study of grammar has been declared to be the direct means 
of attaining the Supreme Being who, though one and without a second, 


appears to be manifold owing to the operation of maya * Grammar m 
its religious and mystical speculations is in line with the teachings of 
the Upanisads, reinterpreting the same doctrines of yoga and upasana 
as are generally found in the sacred texts of India ' 

It was left to Patanjali and his followers to unlock the portal of a 
new kingdom of thought, so as to throw light upon the ultimate end 
of all enquiries into words The Mahabhasya portended the birth of 
a form of sadhana in which sabda or Eternal Verbum should be wor- 
shipped with all the reverence shown to a Divinity ' In order to 
attain union with Brahman or to get oneself completely merged m the 
Absolute, one is directed to take up the m>stenous course of Sabda- 
sadhana * Patanjali seems to have been the first among the Indian 
grammarians to give a spiritualistic colour to the speculations of 
grammar. The sabdabrahmopasana, as is formulated in the Upanisads, 
had undoubtedly influenced his trend of thought 

The mysticism underlying the phenomena of speech was undou- 
btedly the aspect which seems to have made the deepest impression 
upon the grammarian. 1 he utterance of sound is with him a vivid 
materialisation of inner consciousness. To the grammarian sabda is 
not a lifeless mechanism invented by man. It is more than a mere 
sound or symbol It is consciousness that splits itself up into the 
twofold category of sabda and artha , and what we call vak, as the 
vehicle of communication, is nothing but an expression of ccutanya 
lying within B Patanjali has taken notice of two kinds of words, namely, 
mtya (eternal) and karya (created) By the former he understands the 
Supreme Reality that transcends all limitations of time and space 
The attributes whereby the Vedantin describes Brahman or Absolute 

aVJjUiWWHl q* SimfaTFft II VSkyapadiya. 
3 <IW *R$ JPTW d'wWfeK'&tMHq; II Yoga sujras, 37-28 
8 Putuijali says that one should pursue the study of grammar for the supreme 
objeot of attaining equality or sameness with the Great God 

ft While commenting on the Bk (Hgveda, X 6, 71), Patanjali had laid Stress on 
the necessity of making a thorough study of grammar, because It renders the gram 
marun capable of attaining union with Brahman (flf j^jq ift 3TFRT) 

5 w£<HWN3lftfa« V$mW tntaflN^ ffit |-Pu»yara> 
under VSkyapadlya, I 1, 



have all been used by Patanjah m this interpretation of miya sabda* 
He has more than once drawn our attention to this eternal character 
of sabda This will give us some idea of the magnitude in which 
sabda was understood by the famous grammarian whom tradition 
makes an incarnation of Sesa His poetical description of varnas, to 
which we have already referred, best illustrates the spiritual outlook 
of his mind. From the srutis he has quoted in laudation of vak and 
vyakarana, and it is sufficiently clear that he was an ardent and devout 
worshipper of vak, belonging to that class of mystics who in their 
spiritual experience make no distinction between para vak and para 
Brahman Patanjali used to look upon sabda as a great divinity 
(mahan devah) that makes its presence felt by every act of utterance. 
He was a yogm whose inward vision {pratibha jnand) permitted him 
to have a look into that eternal flow of pure consciousness that is 
undisturbed from outside * He was a true type of Brahmin who 
visualised the ultimate nature of vak by dispelling the darkness of 
ignorance through the aid of his illuminating knowledge of sabda- 
tattva * The worship of vak, which has its origin in the Upanisads* 
and which found so prominent an expression in the Agamas, was 
earnestly followed up by the sabdikas, particularly by Patanjali and 
Bharlrhan, Sabdabrahmopasana, as we find in grammatical dissert- 
ations, is only a reproduction of the teachings of the Upanisads * 

Words are not mere sounds as they ordinarily seem to be. They 
have a subtle and intellectual form within. The internal source from 
which they evolve is calm and serene, eternal and imperishable. 
The real form of vak, as opposed to external sound, lies far beyond 
the range of ordinary perception. We are told that it requires a good 
deal of sadhana to have a glimpse of the purest form of speech. The 
rk to which Patanjali has referred bears strong evidence to this fact. 
Vak is said ro reveal her divine self only to those who are so framed 

U III1I— .. ■■ ■ I II I i.i. .i.i n l-i ill- I — l — -'■- " ■■ " — ' 

Mahabha§ya, I, 1, 1 

s *f*r to jt$ fa*, asrr q Sfo fr KiaqifiFft wi^wai ft^psrirt wr 

|<#IH*HI& , i |— Helar&ja under Vakyap»<JIya, 3 S3. 

— P»4ipod4yot« 

4, *Wt *TT"f sft^rta" I— OhSudogya, VII 9 
6. sfaTWIHtfa" SPT 7^ l-Mahabha^ya, 


as to understand her real nature Such nas the exalted nature of 
vak upon which the grammarian used to meditate "* 

27 W ritmg It has been said that ancient India knew no 
writing and that anting was introduced somewhere about 1800 B C , 
by traders coming into India from Phoenicia and Mesapotamia The 
Vedds were meant for recital and the bards sang the hymns The idea 
involved in the name £m(i for the Vedas is recitation and ' hearing,' for 
it is the sound waves started by the voice regulated by intonations that 
create the mystic or magnetic effect Indeed, there is a species of work 
called Vedaprayoga wherein the use of particular hymns for specific 
objects is prescribed Snch, for instance, are hymns for getting a 
sprout of water from barren ground or for driving out evil spirits or 
for promoting easy delivery 

The various asftai ranging from Brahmastra, the most mfalliable 
one, are mere mantras and when Visvlmi$ra initiated Rama into as$ras, 
he taught mantra-grama 9 From the circumstance that Vedic hymns 
were used for recitals, it cannot be said that the Vedic age had no 
script. It is the tradition that Vighnesvara wrote all Mahabharaja to 
Vyasa's dictation Ihe sages who were omniscient and who could 
foresee and create things supernatural would not have failed to have 
a means of recording their ideas and expressions for the benefit of 

Rg-Veda (I 164, 94, IX 13-3) uses the word aliara. The wofd 
sufra found on the Madhukanda of the Brahmanas of White Yajus 
signifies a metaphorical use of (he sitfta proper, meaning ' thread ' or 
band Goldstucker in his Study of Pamni distinctly expressed that the 
words safra and grantha ' must absolutely be connected with writing ' 
Pamni* explained the formation of the word Yavanaiii and Kafya- 
yana's Vartika says that the noun ' hpi ' (writing) must be bupphod to 
signify the writing of the Yavanas * 

1 P Ohakravarti, Sp*r*tual Outlook oj Sanskrit Grammar, (Jl of Dep ej 
Letters, Calcutta, 1934) 

a. *mm %gm m nsrarffasf ci«rr I 

5$ icwrn ssfftr *mrci3w* 11 t. as. 12 
* » • 

8 Pemtm, 26 , Maxmnller, ISU, Y 20, 21 , 11 26 , Wetor, lb 15, 221. 
ft, 18t, V. 5 8, 17J, IV. 88. 


Patanjali has a long discussion on Akgara thus 

«rf ^f| 1^ «wwr ^r ^srr^faft sur (%*& | 
cMftsis^ $«$ ^"kflwdf II 

Of the Northern Indian scripts descended from the Brahmi is 
Nagan or ]?evanagan and the alphabets of that script are the formulae 
of MahesvarasQ^ras, making up vowels *Q% and consonants 5^ 

A study of paleography has come to distinguish the types of early 
writings Kharoshti and Brahmi The former was current m Gan- 
dhara (East Afghanistan and North Punjab) and was borrowed from 
the Aramaic type of Semitic writing in use doing the fifth century B C 
The latter, Brahmi is " the true national writing of India, because all 
late Indian alphabets are descended from it, however dissimilar they 
may appear at the present day " x 

28 History. It has been said that the Hindus possess no national 
history Max Muller accepts this proposition as a postulate, builds 
on it and explains the so-called absence of anything like historical 
literature among the Hindus to their being a nation of philosophers 

1. For Phililogy, language and paleography generally, see the following — 
Origin of Devanagan Alphabet, (1A, XXXV, 363, 370, 811) , DravtoZian ete 
menti m Sanskrit dictionaries [I A, I 235) , Hindu Science of Grammar {14, XIY 
88), OnKharosthi writing [1A, XXXV 285, 811 , XXXTIT 79 , XXXIV 1, 35, 45) , 
Progress Report of Linguistic Survey of India (1A, XLI. 179J, Scripts and Signs 
Jrom Indian Neohthes, (IA, XLVIII 67), PhUthgieal position oj Sanskrit m India 
(IA, XVIII 124, XXIV 81, XIV 88} 

A. A Maodonell, Vedie Grammar , Hans Raj, Vedio Kosa , M S Ghata, Leo> 
tures on Btgveda, P. D Gune, Introduction to Comparative Philology, 8 X 
Belvalkar, Systems of Sanskrit Grammar , W D Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar , 
F. Kielhorn, Grammar of Sanskrit Language , A Oamoy, Qrammaure , A Weber, 
Indeseken Phitologie In ISt, III , E Windisoh, Gesohiehte der BansTmt Fhhologie , 
Hornle, JASB, LIX No, 2 , Waaaell, On the use of Paper, JRAS, (1914) 186 } 
Haraprasad Sastri, Rep I. 7 , Bhandarkar, POOP, II. 805 , Buhler, Indian Paleo- 
graphy and The Qr%gm of Brahmi Alphabet , Igaao Taylor, The Alphabet. 


" Greece and India are, indeed, the two opposite poles in the historical 
development of the Aryan mau To the Greek, existence is full of life 
and reality , to the Hindu, it is a dream, a delusion The Greek is at 
home where he is born , all his energies belong to his country , he 
stands or falls with his party, and is ready to sacrifice even his life to 
the glory and independence of Hellas The Hindu enters this world 
as a stranger , all his thoughts are directed to another world , he takes 
no part even where he is driven to act , and when he sacrifices his life, 
it is but to be delivered from it "* 

But A Stem in his Introduction to Rajafarangini has thus answer- 
ed it " It has often been said of the India of the Hindus that it pos- 
sessed no history The remark is true if we apply it to history as a 
science and art, such as classical culture in its noblest prose-works has 
bequeathed it to us But it is manifestly wrong if by history is meant 
either historical development or the materials for studying it India 
has never known, amongst its Sasiras, the study of history such as 
Greece and Rome cultivated or as modern Europe understands it, Yet 
the materials for such study are equally at our disposal in India, They 
are contained not only in such original sources of information as Ins- 
criptions, Coins and Antiquarian remains, generally , advancing research 
has also proved that written records of events or of traditions concern- 
ing them have by no means been wanting m ancient India 

H H Wilson in his admirable Introduction to his translation of 
the Visnu Purana, while dealing with the contents of the Third Book 
observes that a very large protion of the contents of the Itihasas and 
and Puranas is genuine and writes ' — 

"The arrangement of the Vedas and other writings considered 
by the Hindus— being, in fact, the authorities of their religious rites 
and beliefs — which is described in the beginning of the 1 hird book, is 
of much importance to the History of the Hindu Literature and of the 
Hindu religion The sage Vyasa is here represented not as the author 
but the arranger or the compiler of the Vedas, the Itihasas and the 
Puranas His name denotes his character meaning the ' arranger ' or 
•distributor', and the recurrence of many Vyasas, many indviduals who 
remodelled the Hindu scriptures, has nothing in it, that is improbable, 
except the fabulous intervals by which their labours are separated. 
The re-arranging, the re-fashioning, of old materials is nothing more 
than the progress of time would be likely to render necessary. The 

1. ABL t 9. ' *~ 



last recognised compilation is that of Krishna Dmpayana, assisted by 
Brahmans, who were already conversant with the subjects respectively 
assigned to them They were the members of the college or school 
supposed by the Hindus to have flourished in a penod more remote, 
no doubt, than the truth, but not at all unlikely to have been instituted 
at some time prior to the accounts of India which we owe to Greek 
writers and in which we see enough of the system to justify our inferring 
that it was then entire That there have been other Vyasas and other 
schools since that date, that Brahmans unknown to fame have 
re-modelled some of the Hindu scriptures, and epocially the Puranas, 
cannot reasonably be counted, after dispassionately weighing the strong 
internal evidence, which all of them afford, of their intermixture of 
unauthorized and comparatively modern ingredients But the same 
internal testimony furnishes proof equally decisive, of the anterior 
existence of ancient metenals , and it is, therefore, as idle as it is irra- 
tional, to dispute the antiquity or the authenticity of the contents 
of the Puranas, in the face of abundant positive and circumstantial 
evidence of the prevalence of the doctrines, which they teach, the 
currency of the legends which they narrate, and the integrity of the 
institutions which they describe at least three centuries before the 
Christian Era But the origin and development of their doctrines, 
traditions and institutions were not the work of a day , and the testi- 
mony that establishes their existence three centuries before Christianity, 
carries it back to a much more remote antiquity, to an antiquity, that 
is, probably, not surpassed by any of the prevailing fictions, institu- 
tions or beliefs of the ancient world " 

Again, in dealing with the contents of the Fourth Amga of the 
Vi§nu Purana, the Professor remarks — 

"The Fourth Book contains all that the Hindus have of their Ancient 
History. It is a tolerably comprehensive list of dynasties and individuals , 
it is a barren record of events It can scarcely be doubted, however, 
that much of it is a genuine chronicle of persons, if not of occurrences 
That it is discredited by palpable absurdities in regard to the longevity 
of the princes of the earlier dynasties, must be granted , and the 
particulars preserved of some of them are trivial and fabulous Still 
there is an artificial simplicity and consistency in the succession of 
persons, and a possibility and probability in some of the transactions, 
which give to these traditions the semblance of authenticity, and render 
it likely that these are not altogether without foundation At any rate, 
TO the absence of all other sources of information the record, such 


as it is, deserves not to be altogether set aside It is not essential 
to its celebrity or its usefulness, that any exact chronological adjustment 
of the different reigns should be attempted Their distribution amongst 
the several Yugas, undertaken by Sir William Jones, or his Pandits, finds 
no countenance from the original te\ts, rather than an identical notice 
of the age m which a particular monarch ruled or the general fact that 
the dynasties prior to Krishna precede the time of the Great War and 
the beginning of the Kali Age, both ivhich events an placed five thousand 
years ago This, may, or may not, be too remote , but it is sufficient, 
in a subject where precision is> impossible, to be satisfied with the 
general impression, that, in the dynasties of Kings detailed in Puranas, 
we have a record, which, although it cannot fail to have suffered 
detriment from age, and may have been injured by careless or injudicious 
compilation, preserves an account not wholly undeserving of confidence, 
of the establishment and succession of regular monarchies, amongst the 
Hindus, from as early an era, and for as continuous a duration, as any 
in the credible annals of mankind " 

And lastly, in discussing the general nature of 'he Puranas and of 
their values as historical records, he says — 

" After the date of the Great War, (he Vishnu Purana, in common 
with other Puranas, which contain similar lists, specifies Kings and 
Dynasties with greater precision, and offers political and chronological 
particulars to which, on the score of probibihty there is nothing to 
object In truth, their general accuracy has been mcontrovertibly 
established Inscriptions on columns of stone, on rocks, on coins, 
deciphered only of late years through the extraordinary ingenuity and 
per-everence of Mr James Prmcep, have verified the names of races 
and titles of princes— the Gupta and the Andhra Rajas mentioned in 
the Puranas " 

29 In his Rajasthan, Col Tod says — 

" Those who expect from a people like the Hindus a species of 
composition of precisely the same character as the historical works of 
Greece and Rome, commit the very egregious error of overlooking the 
peculiarities which distinguish the natives of India from all other races, 
and which strongly discriminate their intellectual productions of every 
kind from those of the West Their philosophy, their poetry, their 
architecture are marked with traits of originality , and the same may 
be expected to pervade their history, which, like the arts enumerated, 


took a character from its Intimate association with the religion of the 

In the absence of regular and legitimate historical records, 
there are, however, other native works, (they may, indeed, be said to 
abound) which, in the hands of a skilful and patient investigator, would 
afford no despicable materials for the history of India The first of 
these are the Puranas and geneological legends of the pnnces which, 
obscured as they are by the mythological details, allegory, and impro- 
bable circumstances, contain, many facts that serve as beacons to 
direct the research of the historian-" 

30 " Another species of historical records is found in the accounts 
given by the Brahmins of the endowments of the temples, their dilapi- 
dation and repairs, which furnish occasions for the introduction of 
historical and chronological details In the legends respecting places 
of pilgrimage and religious resort, profane events are blended with 
superstitious rites and ordinances, local ceremonies and customs The 
controversies of the Jams furnish, also, much historical information, 
especially with reference to Guzerat and Nehrwala during the Chaulac 
dynasty From a close and attentive examination of the Jain records, 
which embody all that those ancient sectarians knew of science, many 
chasms in Hindu history might be filled up " 

" Every Matha or religious college of any importance preserves 
the succession of its heads Among the Jains, we have the Pattavalis 
or successions of pontiffs, for a full and lucid notice of some of which 
we are indebted to Dr Hoernle they purport to run back to even 
the death of the last Tirthamkaka Vardhamana-Mahavira." 

31, " The preservation of pedigrees and successions has evidently 
been a national characteristic for very many centuries And we cannot 
doubt that considerable attention was paid to the matter in connection 
with the royal families and that Vamsavalis or Rajavahs, lists of the 
lineal successions of kings, were compiled and kept from very early 
times We distinctly recognise the use of such Vamsayaus, — giving 
the relationships and successions of kings, but no chronological details 
beyond the record of the total duration of each reign with occasionally 
a coronation-date recorded m an era, — in the copper-plate records 
We trace them, for instance, in the introductory passages of the grants 
ot the Eastern Chalukya Series* which, from the period AD 918 to 
925 onwards, name the successive kings beginning with the founder of 

1. See Bll, I 35 , M, V. 181. 


the line who reigned three centuries before that time, but do not put 
forward more than the length of the reign of each of them , and, from 
certain differences in the figures for some of the reigns, we recognise 
that there were varying recensions of those Vamsavalis We trace 
the use of the Vamsavalis again in the similar records of the Eastern 
Gangas of Kalmga, which, from A.D 1058 onwards, 1 give the same 
details about the kings of that line with effect from about AD 990, 
and one of which, issued A D 1296,' includes a coronation-date of 
AD 1141 or 1142 There has been brought to light from Nepal a 
long Vamsavau, which purports to give an unbroken list of the rulers 
of that country, with the lengths of then* reigns and an occasional 
landmark m the shape of the date of an accession stated in an era, 
back from A D 1768 to even so fabulous an antiquity as six or seven 
centuries before the commencement of the Kali age in B C 3102 " 

32 In his Ra]ataranglnl, , Kalhana mentions certain previous 
writers, — " Suvrata, whose work, he says, was made difficult by misplaced 
learning , Kshemendra who drew up a list of kings, of which, however, 
he says, no part is free from mistakes , Nilamuni, who wrote the Nila- 
matafukana , Helaraja, who composed a list of kings in twelve 
thousand verses , and Snmihira or Padmamihira, and the author of 
the Srichchavhxa His own work, he tells us, was based on eleven 
collections of Rajakathas or stones about kings and on the work 
of Nilamuni." 

" Tamrasasana, or " copper-chapters " consist sometimes of a 
single plate, but more usually of several plates strung together on a 
large signet-nng which bears generally the seal of the authority who 
issued the particular chapter The stone records usually describe 
themselves by the name of Stlasasana, 'Stone-chapters,' Sila-kiha, 
' Stone-wntings,' or Prasash, ' Eulogies,' 1 hey are found on rocks, on 
religious columns such as those which bear some of the edicts of 

1 SI, IV 183 

3, JA8B, VX.V 229, 

3 Kalhana made use of 

M IJiaSl^ltll, ediots— insonptions regarding the oreation of consecration of 
temples eh) 

(») "Ntg^KK, edbts— inscription recording grants, ohitfly of grants and allow- 
ances engrossed on copper plates 

tf u ) 5 renwT?> tablis containing laudatory inscriptions or plaoea 

(w) STPST, works on various sciences 


Prryadasi and others which were set up in front of temples as " flag- 
staff's " of the Gods, on battle-columns or columns of victory such as 
the two at Mandasor, on the walls and beams and pillars of caves and 
temples, on the pedestals of images, and on slabs built into the walls 
of temples, or set up in the courtyards of temples or in conspicuous 
places m village-sites or fields And they are often accompanied by 
sculptures which give the seal of the authority issuing the record, or 
mark its sectarian nature, or illustrate some scene referred to in it " 

33 The Chronology of Classical Sanskrit Literature 

starts with Mahabharata war and Kahyuga Kahyuga commenced on 18th 
February 3102 B C , just on the day on which Sri Kr&na departed to his 
divine abode 1 he Kuru-Pandava war was fought 37 years before Kaj, 
that is in. 3139 B C Onwards from the commencement of Kaliyuga, 
Puranas contain accounts of various kingdoms that flourished from time 
to time and successive dynasties that ruled and fell during the course 
of about 35 centuries 1 o an impartial observer the tenor of these 
accounts warrants their accuracy and to the mind of the Hindus— the 
Hindus of those bygone ages, when scepticism had not called tradition 
superstitution — life here is evanescent and life's endeavour must be 
the attainment of beatitude eternal Ancient sages (j?is) perceived the 
divine hymns of the Vedas and passed them on for the edification of 
posterity Since the advent of Kali, a prospective crop of vice and 
folly was predicated and to wean the ernng world from such sin and 
miBery, Vyasa formulated Puranas, with the object of Vedopabyhmaga 
*NfrT ^TiTT, that is, supplemented the exposition of Vedic teachings, and 
that in the garb of a language and narrative that would be easily 
assimilated by the masses To such philosophical minds, the rise and 
fall of kings and kingdoms was not worth remembrance, save as ano- 
ther realistic means of illustrating the tenets of philosophy, eg, the 
truth of the divine essence, Brahman, the unreality of sensual pleasures, 
the liberation of individual soul and the attainment of eternity in beati- 
tude or oneness with the Spirit Divine and above all the inevitable 
occurance of God's mandates shortly termed Destiny or otherwise 
called Kala or Niyata 

If this is the object of Puranic literature, it is a sacrilege to charge 
the author or authors of them, whoever it was, with having fabricated 
scriptural testimony for attributing an antiquity to Indian literature and 
Indian civilization, which it did not possess , for even if they had been, 
as many orientalists have said, made up late after the Christian eta. 


the authors could not have anticipated this method of study of political 
history of the 18th and 19th centuries A D The PuraUic hbts of 
dyna&ties of kings and kingdoms furnish details of dates to an extent 
that even in daj s of historical records, ma) be surprising, for they 
mention even months and days in their computation Whatever those 
ancient authors did or v-rote, they did it with sincerity and accuracy, 
' truth ' being the basis of accuracy Our educational institutions are 
saturated -with the teachings of modern scholars on the untruth of these 
Puranic accounts, but it is still hoped that time will come when truth 
will triumph and display a real orientation of ancient Indian History * 

34 Of the several kingdoms and dynasties of which Puranas have 
recorded political history, there is the kingdom of Magadha For our 
present purposes of sifting and settling the chronology of India up to the 
Christian era the history of Magadha is particularly relevant, for it is at 
Magadha, ' Chandyagupta ' and ' ABoka ' ruled and it is on these names 
that the modem computation of dates has been based for everything 
relating to India's literary history and it is those two names that make 
the heroes of the theory of Anchor Sheet of Indian Chronology 

35 The Kingdom of Magadha was founded by Brhadratha, 

son of Upancara Vasu, the 6th in descent from Kuru, of the Candra 
Vamsa. That happened 161 years before Mahabharajja war Tenth in 
descent from Bjhadra$ha was, Jarasandha Jarasandha perished at the 
hand of Kamsa and m his place Sahadeva "ft as installed on the throne. 
Sahadeva was an ally of PanijUvas and was killed in the war, that is m 
3139 B C. His son Marjan (or Somadhi or Somavit) was. his successor 
and the first king of Magadha after the war From him 22 kings of 
this Barhadrafha dynasty ruled over Magadha for 1006 years, or 
roughly stated, for 1000 years • 

For instance* Majsya Purana says ' — 

nftafitoir at *rfrntr Raw I 

$ «!TOW 5 for TM fl/^fcr II 169, 30 
Ripunjaya was the last king of this dynasty He was assassinated 

1 P E, Pargiter has given an. admirable sammaty of Early Indian Traditional 
History as recorded in Pnranae in JRA8 (1914) 367 et seq 

2 BeeK P Jayasval, Brhadratha Clm nohay, JB0BS, IV 1, Sitanafch Pra 
Allan, Chronology of Ancient India, Calotitta , Hemohandra Bayohaudhuri, Pthttcat 
BistoryoJ India from the accession of Pankstt to the extinction of the Gupta 
dynasty, Calcutta 


by Pulaka and Pulaka succeeded to the throne His son was Pradyofa 
or Balaka Thus came the Pradyota or Balaka dynesty in 2133 B C. 
Thus Mafcsya Purana saj s — 

555$ ^rf*p %&r ^wft^rfa II * II 
*r t jr°raaTTRir srf^t spprftg 11 * 11 

" When the Barhadrathas, the Vihhotras and the Avan^ras have 
passed away, Pulaka after killing his master (King Ripufijaya) will 
instal his son Balaka as King Balaka, the son of Pulaka, will, m the 
very sight of the Kshattnyas of hib time, subjugate these neighbouring 
kings by force and will be devoid of royal policy " 

36 Instead of crowning himself as king against the wishes of the 
people, Pulaka got the only daughter of Ripunjaya married to his son 
Pradyota and installed him on the throne 

Ihere were 5 kings of this dynasty 1 and they ruled for 138 years 
(1995 B.C )» Visnu PurSna says — 

*Ff 5T5TRRT %k I 

aiaf5|i«Nrwd ifmfcs ?i^Cr %xt ll-xil u 

37 Stsunaga got in by conquest or usurpation and founded 
SiauNAGA dynasty in 1995 BC* There were 10 kings of this dynasty 
and they ruled for 360 or 362 years i e , 1635 B C Thus Vayu Parana 
says . — 

f§RT HfrcfRT t %&m W\ *& I 

sffirft ^tM qqfl% f!?re*pqftra>ri% g II 

1 Pragyofa (23), Balaka (24 or 28), Viiikhayupa (50 or 33), Janaka or Snryaka 
or BSJaka (21 or 31), Nan<3ivar<)hana (20 or SO) 

The periods vary aooording to the versions of the PurSnas or their readings. But 
Mat«ya Purina makes the period 152 years 

fftV^Wafr P^T H*TSr 1*^ a* g?TT: I 

2 SifanSga (40), K&kavaraa (36) , Ksemavarma (26, 20 or 86), Ksatraujas or 
Kssmajit (40 24 or20\ YidhisSra or BlmbisSra or VuuJhyasSra (28 or 33), AjStaiatru 
(27 or 25, or 82 or 52), DarsSka or Darbhaka (24), U4ayana or U4ayasva, or Ajaya or 
TJ4ayabhadra (38), Nan4ivar4hana (42 or 40), Mah5nan4in (43 or 63). It was Uiayin 
that built the oiby of Kusnma on the Ganges 

3tc$t Jffftcrr TWT6; srcflrsrg; ?fflr gq. | 
« 1 3^ tfsrr $flr«iT ^grtOT; I 
TSfrTr ?Rf f& ^#s^ ^jft^fa II 


Here ended the £isunaga dynasty in 1635 B C. 

38 Mahapadma known as Nanda was the illegitimate son of 
Mahanandin, the last king of that dynasty, and came to the throne He 
founded the Nanda dynasty in 1635 B C He ruled for 88 years and 
bis sons Sumalya and seven others ruled for 12 years until 1635 B C. 
This dynasty lasted for 10 years * 

Vig9u Purana says 

*ifRi%«rer<r ss&h ffl!&<?)'sfcr§ 5 #rsffa£r q%w$t jf^stot <K3*w 
?errsrd sdrs^rPiiwS trf^rfir IK°II era - spjf^ srecr ^sr yrft^fa ll**ll 
!r ^**d^Mg^m?i5aT!Er^r M%m. ?M tfwfct II r=i ll crarrs^er g?rr 
g»n««imr iffim II u ll <rcr ^rcsrsrrss $foff m^ II iv ll q%m- 
Wa^iff <?p #sra si^rati 5flf^f% ll ^h ll aw JitawsF?; $ffc% 

STIST S3«ft B *lft II *<* ll aTfTtwfa 4NT Sftfl ^f^cT II R» || $fc$q 

sfifatfu- II R<s II— Amsa, IV, Ch sxiv 
Bhagavafa Purana says 

+i^iHP^tid'i A3R; gtflisHUtf' *$r II £ ll 
trot m *rfW5r ^irrcrctsrsnflfor il i ll 

wiffr^fid i^mr fttffa ?sr jnrhr. ll \ o \i 

asr ^rs^ sfr^?^ strijtsw gar- 1 

*r ?sf »ftetf% «r^f ^tjtr ?*t g<r *wr ll u ll 

«^ &sx% ftsr ^r?srq-«ni?[it«t^ I 
fanmra sptff irhft jfaftftr I ^r II u II 
sr ip *&m t ft* ^sft&wfr i 
cEgcfi - ^fatr^ ?Rwr^R>^!i n ? n 

— SkandhaXII Ch ii 
Vayu Parana says 

*&&& *%m a%?rrer$r w ii **< H 

1 See K P Jayasval, Samnaga and Mmrya Chronology, JB0B8, I. i. 


era spjfct CTsrnit srf^rr wfl«R I 
%*m$ h *T4R'^r q^str *T^qfir II Rrvj ll 

«5qid* m rggr *rrfa3lrsfer t sp^ra; II ^< II 

44^ IM^^ «rfft ¥^11% w 3pTT^ ll $rs 11 

f^?rr *r£r ^ifors ?&*q a ^rfc 6 ^ ll 3?* II 
^gftsrg; ct-rt ^J3TT ^^gtr jnt^Rl II 3.3.S II 

—Chapter XCIX, 
Mafsya Purfina Says — 

JTiRr^scWsfEr ^srqi ^f^rasT 11 k< II 

<!cl SRjft ITSTHHTf^rr ^R7 im II 

ij'to^ sr ^rqra s^s^r srf^tfcir l 
srsT^fifcr ?r qsftPi ^NT Tieyfasqfo ll ^o n 

sartor wit ?wr g^sr a sjrr. 11 =u ll 

TfrTSHgT T^fi% JfFf^TpcT ITT *FffTc^ I 

^sft^fo- *te*r e*ra[nFsrfrr?5 ar^ ll * *, ll 
i^rr *np «i*ra cr?r *qnNN; TRi'qfd ll * 3. II 

— Chapter CCLXX. 
Brahmanda Furana gives the following account — 

iTfHfNsasgTsfa 3£P?i +i<A«ici- 1 

s ltM t Wi *HW5T ffls^FcPFW: II W II 

?ra: jpjra n*n% srf^rr sia^nr. i 
I^j^ % wfrrsr "i^str jrfrsrft ll **« ll 

#gnr sufsr wfltfrsfai t *ect^ ll **^ ll 


*t?R5w <r?fft 5Frfrsrr% w w^ II Ur II 

ssfcrrlr ar^ $4% $rrc<r^ f flaw? | 
i^r flCr #aa sftsjj s qffcrfa it m II 

^Rreg; sror ct^tt ^csnr j# r qffr II m ll 

— Up5dghata, Ch LXX1V 

The following is the description of the Nanda Dynasty as given m 
the Kahyuga Rajavjttanta — 

zmti nsrcst «t^rc ?ft ga ll 

Sf^qts^f^f ST^Rrfsgu- I 

Swraflta - qrararc; sfrtstfahr ^r; ll 

ftrar ^s^ ^tosr; &cfre is *rr% II 
<TKr? h ii^nra - 4**ai"i jt^# I 

srrfa^fcr wrat «<% r>«rf|wi^r i 

cffi: qt ^^1% y&mt *N 5«5T ll 

srsr#<r 3 ftfro <jfM qresfa'arfit | 
sr t Jrora*rp?s|fr usiTsft qirsrs || 

Tfrm cr^rr w fRCT ffir pr l 
p?*r tiCr qfer qpr ipprf% H w II 

'^sh ?r 351^ ^fe?q ^mrf^rra ll 

— Bhaga, III, Ch u 

39 " It will be clear from these numerous extracts quoted in full 
from the various important Pura?as, which are practically identical with 
one another, that the Founder of this Dynasty was Mahapadma well 


known otherwise as Dhana Nanda, that he was the son of Mabanandra, 
the last of the Saisunaga Dynasty, that he was bom to that king from a 
&adra wife, that he was most avarici >us and powerful, that he extir- 
pated the Kshattnya rulers of his time like a second Parasurama the 
destroyer of the Kshattnyas m the olden times, that he subjugated the 
different lines of Kings of the Solar and Lunar dynasties who began 
to rule in the various parts of Northern India from the time of the 
Mahabharata War commencing from the Coronation of Yudhishjhira 
in the year 3139 B.C , that he became a paramount King and Emperor 
of the whole of India between the Himalaya and the Vindhya moun- 
tains by putting an end to the ancient families of Kings, such as Aiksh- 
vakus, Panchalas, Kauravyas, Haihayas, Kalakas, Ekalmgas, ^Qrasgnas, 
Maithilas etc , who ceased to rule as separate dynasties ever since that 
time, that he ruled the kingdom under one umbrella for a period of 88 
years, that his 8 sons jointly ruled the kingdom for a short period of 
12 years, that these Nine Nandas, including the father and his eight 
sons ruled Magadha altogether for a total period of 100 years from 
1635 to 1535 B C , that these Nandas were extirpated by the Brahman 
Chanakya, well known as Kautilya, on account of his crooked and 
Machiavelian policy, and that he replaced his protege Chandragupta, 
an illegitimate son of Mahapadma Naada by his $fldra wife Mura on 
the throne of his father " 

But Vincent A Smith chooses to assign to these nine Nandas a 
total period of only 45 years for their reigns 

40 Candragupta came to the throne as the son of Mura; so 
he was a Maurya and the dynasty which he started was Maurya dynasty. 
Candragup$a's son was BmdusSra and Bindusara's son was Asoka or 
Asokavar4hana. An old grantha manuscript of Mafsya Pur&oa gives 
this account 

aWlfalMft MWO& ms' II W II 

as? jar. foiiswd, sflfaqg! wf^rfir II ^ II 

*rar*rt s^reraW a^Fswrfecr- II *$ II 


st% s^rfr ^r*csflt **n%r II ** II 
nftar sra^ 3 «ra wffo a^p. I 
TOwg 3^ a^r s^rs*r safr. II « II 

wift rtfo f#r S»i wi^ ift«flft II *° II 

This version of the Matsya Purina tolerably agrees with that given 
in the Kahyuga Rajavjtpnta — 

^gflrerg; smr u^ qsft^Tfct g«rrfifa> II 

«f^farer aar *rar »rfaaTs#i3r«fc II 

arst ^fa crs% sffNfiT I ^prfecf ll 
^pn^a^iw snfii ^T#a I 
*rraaT hw ^fSr ci^r p^ 'ETfcT 11 
^r^T^r mt *M 5rri%53>. ^^ I 
trfon ssraqffa fcr«rof srcfa. II 
aa srasrs; 1 03n *rftarss? *r»r gf% I 
153*^3 a?pt srorcFq- ^rs>TT ll 
#wwi^g i ^ filar T^TCOT wfcqffi I 
srgrorfa 5 ^rWr a *r§ wPHfa II 

wrft flftflr ifiwftr w j^t *rar f^fr ll 

— Bhaga III, Chapter n 

Thus Candragupta reigned from 1535 to 1501 B.C for 34 years, 
Bindusara from 1 501 to 1473 for 28 years and Asoka from 1473 to 
1437 B C for 36 years And in all there were twelve Kings of Maurya 
dynasty, the last of whom was Brhadrafha * 

1 Oandragupja, Bmdasara or Bh&draaara or Nandas&ra on VansSra (38 or 26) , 
Afola or Aiokav&rdhana (36 or 37) , Suyatas or SupSrJva or KunSla or Kutela (g) , 
Das3ratha or Bandhnpahta (8 or 10) , (6) Indrapaiifa (7 or 10] , Harsa or Harsavar 
dhasa (8) , (8) Saiigsfa or Sammatl or Samrali (9) , 3ah<oka (13) , Somafaunaa or 
Devadharman or Devavarman or D8savarinan (7) , &ijadhanvau or Satadharn (8 or 9), 
Brhadratha or Brhadaiva ($7 nr 70 ta 1\ 


Regarding this dynasty the readings and versions of the Puranas 
are hopelessly confused and incorrect but the passages quoted, of 
which the authenticity is doubtless, show that the Macrya dynasty 
lasted for 316 years from 1535 to 1219 B C 

41 Pusyamitra was the commander-in-chief of Bjhadratha He 
removed his master and ascended the throne Thus he started the 
Sunga dynasty According to Matsya PuraVa, there were ten kings of 
this dynasty who ruled in all for 30 years from 1219 B C to 919 B C 
Kaliyuga Rajavrttanta says 

3Rfa f« *t3TR sigfsr n^ II 

<tt55tW& t#r ?wr. <n% J^fft«rr«* II 

?r# ^gfrr^ T^rn^fTSR5 II 
^1^5T?5 ?wt w&i ^rcf^Tnl t ^ I 

!ife'4+tM4Pto*ftdl' WRT II 

ficfr tw*gansft sftfa srafffir $mft II 
WfiHfr ^H fl ftld qftft m- I 

&Lift%i*fa'dr ^rfa ?wr wv&fc 3ff II 
Tfort 3 §awsr ifrffcT. ?wr w I 

fafor imtm mm&i fifcaftft n 
fafpr qissfrp fafaaTtf pnT&cr. I 

sr JFsrr Tr^m^r sft^w^q; II 
a^^f^ f%<$f€r sd?5rrat I 


<tot ^ nm wqr ^IcfqT^ l 
*<pft cit ^wr7«t qsrr ?n$ fraflrft 11 

cnpi^fiifir str ererr wto W ll 
flTsft iri^Ts^r ^Iff stptr[ cR^nsr cRsrrrq; II 

wfa *tr<wiflw ?falTff ^rr«w^ ll 
spppr srsrr. *tft. g?^r tot ^«r <rcr I 

stfe atfwiift arwRtort ^w* II 
m sy? st fc ? fa <®m% ifti«j% ll 

Of these kings,* it is noteworthy that Pusyamifyra 19 described 
by KahiJIsa in Malavikagnimitra as the conquerer of Sxylvaifca and 
Agnimi$ra is meationed by Patanjali as having performed Agvamedha 

" Devahflti, the laBt king of the Sunga dynasty, having been addict- 
ed to a life of pleasure and sexual enjoyment from his boyhood, en- 
trusted the kingdom to the care of his Brahman minister Vasudeva, 
and he himself retired to Vidiga, noted in those days for itb dancing 
girls, where he began to lead a most licentious and immoral life with 
his voluptuary companions, corrupting the fair maidens of the city to 
satisfy his lust and becoming an object of hatred to his own subjects, 
On hearing the extraordinary beauty of the daughter of his Brahman 
minister Vasudeva, who has been living with her husband, he sent for 
them to come to Vidisa and live by his side, and on one day, after 

1 The kings are -Pu S yaimjca or Pnspamitra (86 or SO) , Agniraitra (60 or 78) , 
Vasunnfra (86) , Sujyietha (17 or 7) , Bba<Jraka or Anlaka or Anflhraka or Udanka 
(10 or 80 01 2) , Pnlutfaka or Poling (3 or 83) , Ghosavasu oc Ghcsa (8) , Vainunita 
(39, 14 or 7) , Bhagavafc, (83) , Devabhufr or Devahutl or K§amabhural (10). 


secretly disposing of her husband, the king sedaced her in the disguise 
of her husband, and the poor girl who was most true and devoted to 
her husband, coming to know of the treachery practised by the king, 
at once gave up her life On hearing the sad news of the fate of his 
fair daughter and of her innocent husband, Vasudeva contrived to send 
to the king a dancing woman, fully furnished with poison, dressed as 
one of the chief queens and had him killed by her hand People 
hailed the death of their licentious king with joy, and made Vasudeva 
his upright minister, to take charge of the kingdom and rule the coun- 
try henceforth with Pataliputra as its capitaL" 

42. Vasudeva of the race of Kanva Mabarpi thus came to the 
throne of Magadha and started the Kanva dynasty There were four 
kings in all and they ruled for 85 years from 919 to 834 B C * 

Thus Kaliyuga Rajavrtf£n$a says 

flfrsifiir sronfwr w^i^r 57 1 
>3j%fawtf Jrfair ^siffiwfiHaKi^ II 

srfrar srasr swra%r tmwft w l 
ssnft 3?scwrft nffrqft mt ssr 11 

t^r qt frqresr sfsfcregsfr. 1 
iiK tfmfar w& HHnflfrfl «rot^ II 

ffl^iftW^. fos$r ffpft wft 11 

wwr prok fts?r srfiw toj 11 

swprt §? *r%r srcfrftT n<^$ 1 
sfpsmnr^gicrr nR«4|ft <rft v. II 

43. The last two kings of Kanva dynasty were puppets in the 
hands of the commander-in-chief, Simhaka Sva^ikarna He slew the 
last king Sus*arma and ascended the throne of Magadha. He traced his 
lineage to King Safavahana of Prafisthana and his dynasty was there. 

1 Vasu4eva(39 9 or 6), Bhumlmitra oe Bhtunitra (14, Mot 34), NSMyaga 
{ 13) , Safarma (10 or i) 


fore called Andhravamsa There were 32 kings of this dynasty who 
ruled for 506 yearb from 834 to 328 B C The last of the kings was 
Puloman 111 1 The Kahyuga Rajrivyttanta gives the account 

44 In Sri Gupta dynasty there were seven kings and they 
ruled for 245 years from 328 to 83 B C ' 

1 he Kahyuga Rajavp J^anta given this account 

f ror«ftera?R?5 ^n ^rrssj- n%wm I 
sumsr ?rar urn ww&\ wf^rfri ll 

^t?n^ ffferr <wi<j4bk&i ft II 

sfterid*iWdr hitt. q^ror ^ ^ I 
?*FsrccFsft gat ctstt w\ m&$R g tl 

^r <*nsg| hut war #5T <*nfc$l w[fa I 
anftcr^t ^jt t ^ cT^t pt tfWct II 

*llcU=tllcteffit CT3TT ?wr stst^ ft II 

^i'tv*yia#N' ^ftfar ^ftf>r *fterf<r II 

W$& yrcr*M*g ^l^cusai' ?wr 37 I 
a*ir afci 4iid*/^*fi%fr s$$m 5 ll 

1 Simhaka Sri SatakanjI or Somuka (38) , Krfija (18) , Srlmalla (10, 18 or 66), 
Pornotsanga (18) , SrH5Jakar?i (56 or 10) , Skandhastambhiti (18) , Lambajara (18), 
Api^akaorApilakaorYikala(12), Meghasvati or Sanghasvatior Bau4«sa (18) , Satas 
vSfo or Svaft (18) , 8kan4»gv5tikarra or Bkanqasatakartil (7), Mrgenflra (3) , Kunjala 
(8) , Saumya or Puspasena (12) , Saja or SvStikanja (1) , Puloaia or Pnlomavl (86 or 
24)! Megha or MTeghasvatt (88) , Arijta(HS), H51a <8j , Mandalaka or BhSvaka or 
Pulaka pr Tulaka (6) , Purindrasena or Purikasena or PulindaBena or Pravilla (1) ,« 
Oakora (6 months) , Mahetdra (8 months or 8 years), Siva or^ivasvatl (38), Gautami- 
put» (SI or 26) , Puloman U (33 or 28) , SivaJr! (7) , givaskanda (7) , Yagnalri (19), 
VijayaW (6) , Oan4rafei (8) , Puloman III <7) See para £98 pott 

2 Oandragnpta I or VijaySdifya (7), Sairradragupta or A fokadlfcya (61), Caoijra- 
guptalX, Vikramadfya (83 or 86), KnmSraRupta (42), Bh«ndagnpta(25), Narasimfca. 
gnpta (40), Knmaragcpta II (44) 

Introduction j v 

crar irar j^w^t: ^f^r^qriR^tr ll 
sfrRisfli^Mi-Mi =qr: m?mfci ^ Trarfct u 

Rra^fira <H£MWI - : II 

f^sfterrcfspfofcsr crar sn?rr ^mfct. I 
uPMfci srarr ^rnr srfte f^ 3»^r 5^ II 

qwrgf te n ci « » ffirgr i^cufts^rw^: I 

^HPto ft Ktm Jfff^fcT 5WT ^fr II 


sfalfcftTTOlT Wit Tlftf % W- II 

ffl^l M sfojr#<r *nffi?rtft^r ll 

ffiRftffi hhi dl flrairO q*rr #j ll 
■*w *##r w® 1 wt *m. II 

w. speRt >jtor ^wwr wWr 11 

Thus, these 32 kings of the Andhra Dynasty reigned for a total 
period of 506 years, although in summing up their total period of 
reigns, it states in round figures that they ruled for full 500 years (instead 
of 506 years); and their kingdom passed into the hands of Candra- 
gup$a, son of Gha|6tkaca Gupf a and grandson of Sri Gu|i|a, who 
appears to have come from &ri Parvata or Nepal and originally entered 
the service of Vijayasri Safakaroi as one of his generals and with 
whose help he managed to maintain his tottering kingdom, 


45 Before proceeding to consider the merits of Puramc history 
as reviewed by orientalists a brief statement of the cosmogonic and 
political calculations of time adopted in India may be useful 

" According to the Puranas, 360 lunar Samvatsaras or human years 
constitute one divine year, K r ita, Treta, Dvapara and Kali— a cycle of 
these four Yugas and their Sandhyas and Sandhyamsas, consisting of 
12000 divine •v ears or 4,320,000 human } ears constitutes one Maha- 
yuga 1000 Mahayugas constitute one Day of Brahma or one Kalpa- 
An equal period of time (viz , 1000X4,320,000=4,320,000,000 human 
years) is also reckoned as one Night of Brahma 30 such days and 
nights make a month of Brahma , and 12 such months his j ear , and 
100 such years make the full period of Brahma's life The two halves 
of Brahma's age are respectively called Purva-Parardha aad Uttara- 
Parardha The 1st or the Prathama-Parardha has expired , the second 
or the Dvitiya-Parardha has commenced with our present or Varaha- 
Kajpa At the beginning of the first Parardha was BrZhma-Kalpa, when 
Brahma or the present K jsmos was born At the end of the first 
Parardha was Padma-Kalpa, when the Lska-Padma {the Lotus of 
LOkas) appeared at the navel of Han The first Kalpa" of the Dvitiya- 
Parardha which is the present Kalpa is called Varaha Kalpa, when 
Han incarnated as Varaha or the Wonderful Boar We are now in the 
1st day of the fifty-first year of Brahmadeva, called Sveta, and each 
of the days of the month of Brahma bore a different name, like 
(1) Sveta, (2) Nilalohita, (3) Vamadeva, (4) Rathantara, (o) Raurava, 
and so on So the present Kalpa called the " Sveta-Varaha-Kalpa " 
forms the ,18001st Kalpa of the Brahma, a day and night of Brahma 
being calculated here as one Kalpa 

14 Manus reign dunng the day of Brahma, each Manu reigning 
for 71 y± Mahayugas Each Manvantara, therefore, consists of 857, 
142f divine years or 337, 142, 657 J£ human or lunar years With 
every day and night the age of Brahma declines The present Man- 
vantara is the seventh Mamantara of Varaha.Kalpa, the first six Man. 
vantaras having already elapsed The first sis Manvantaras are known 
after the name of the respective Manus, as (1) Svayambhuva, (2) SvarO- 
chisha, (3) Auttama, (4) Tamasa, (5) Raivata and (6) Chakshnsha, and 
the present or the seventh Manvantara is called Vaivasvata Manvan- 
tara. The present Kal>Yuga is the fourth or the last quarter of the 
28th Mahayuga of this Vaivasvata Manvantara, and 5018 years of this 
Kali Yuga have expired by the 13th day of Apni 1917," 


Kah-Yuga, begins from the year 3102 B C. , the year 1, expired 
or completed, being 3101 B C. The four Yugas, or Ages, which com. 
prise one Mahayuga, have the following periods — 

Kfja-Yuga ... 1,728,000 360 4800 years of Gods. 

Treta-Yuga • 1,296,000 360 3600 

Pwapara-Yuga . . 864,000 360 2400 „ 

Kah-Yuga . 432,000 360 1200 „ 

OneMaha-Yuga.. 4,320,000 360 12000 years of Gods 

The Kali Age is said to enbrace Six Sakas. Thus it h said in 
Pancanga-Sarani — 

«tfijRt SFfep T^TO #n"— 

sp#ir fckfH^ w (3044) 
W ft wag (135) **srf|qiPr (1800) 
citsp (10000) «5S^I^ * (400000) 
mtfm (821) ftai: «rarer. II 

" In the Kali-age there are six founders of eras. First there was 
Yudhishthira in Indraprastha, whose era lasted for 3044 years The 
second was Vikrama at Ujayani, whose era had run for 135 years The 
third was Salivahana at Prahsthana. Here the era of Yudhishthira is 
made the same as that of the Kaliyuga, which also dates from 3044 
years before the era of Vikrama, The Yudhisthira era also is obtained 
by adding 3179 to the Saka year , (i e , the Saka begins with the 3180th 
year of the Yudhishthira era) and " by adding 3044 to the Vikrama 
Samvat which, in its turn, is got by adding 135 to the Saka date "* 

46 Vikrama or Samvat Era began in 56 B C "A Hindu legend 
tells us that a celebrated king Vikrama or Vikramaditya of Ujjain, in 
Malwa, began to reign in that year, and founded the era, which, in that 
view, rans form the commencement of his reign. Another version of it 
asserts that he died in that year, and that the reckoning runs from his 

1 SeeT V SrimvasalAlyangar , The Prtsent Kaliyuga, JOB, JH, 335, 
9, See B. P L. Naraamhaswami, IA, XL 162 and B. B. Bhagwat, JRA8, XX, 


death It is common to both the Digambaras and the Svetambaras 
And the Gathas or Praknt verses, upon which the earlier portions of 
some of the Jain Pattavalis or successions of the pontiffs are based, 
pretend to put forward such details about Vikramaditya as that " for 
eight years he played as a child for " sixteen he roamed over the 
country , for fifty-six " — (? fifteen) — " he exercised rule, being given 
over to false doctrine , for fifty years he was devoted to the religion of 
the Jina and then obtained heaven," An addition to the legend 
connects Vikramaditya with some foreign invaders of India who were 
called Sakas , and this, again, appears in two versions , one version 
represents him as regaining the kingdom of Ujjain after the Saka 
kings and dispossessed his father and had reigned there for four years 
prior to B C. 57 , and the other, as reported by Alberum in the 
eleventh century AD., — brings the Sakas on the scene a hundred and 
thirty-five years later, and asserts that Vikramaditya marched against 
the Saka king, and put him to flight and killed him " in the region of 
Karur, between Mullah and the castle of Lord," and that in celebra- 
tion of this, there was established the Saka era commencing A.D 78 
And another addition asserts that at the court of Vikramaditya there 
flourished " the Nine Gems," namely, the poet Kahdasa, the astrono- 
mer Varahamihira, the lexicographer Amarasimha, and the various 
authors Dhanvantarh Ghatakarpara, Kshapanaka, Sanku, Vararuchi and 

47. Salivahana-Saka, is " the Saka or era of Salivahana/' the 

$aka or era of the glorious and victorious king SSshvahana, the year of 
the $aka Or era established by SalivShana And the popular belief, in 
that the Saka era was founded by a king Salivahana reigning in AD 
fr8 at Pratishthfina, which is the present Paitjhan on the Godavari, in 
the Nizam's territory "* 

1. 3, F. Fleet, LL, &3X 1 , JBA8, (1916), 809. 

" Bee Professor Reilhotn's examination of this question in the M litt vol. 30 
(1891), p. 401 fl. His earliest instance of the word vikrama being used in connection 
with the era, in a not quite olear sense, namely, in the expression vikramakJiya kala, 
" the time called vikrama," is one of the year 698, in a,d. 843, bom an inscription at 
Cholpur (p. 406 No. 10). His earliest instance of the era being plainly attributed to a 
king Vikrama was a literary one of the year 1060, in a..d, 998 (Ibid. No 40) An ear- 
lier instance is known now from the Eklingjl inscription, which is dated in the year 
1038 of king Vikramaditya in aj>. 971 . JBBAB, vol. 32, p. 166." 

3, J. F. Fleet, JBA.8 (1916), 809. 

" The exact expression Salivahana Saka is mostly confined to dates recorded in 
prose, In dates in verge, other ways of introducing the name BSlivShan i were follow- 


Sakakala, gakabda or Saka era commenced thus in 78 A D It fa 
either " the Era of the Saka king Kanishka, who conquered Kashmir 
and Western India in the 1st century after Christ " or the era of the 
defeat of the Sakas by a Hindu king 

" The astronomer, Varahamihira who lived in the sixth century A D 
cited the Saka Era as the Saka Bhupa Kala or Sakendra Kala, le, 
the Era of the Saka king His commentator explains this as the Era 
when the barbarians called Sakas " were discomfited by Vikramaditya. 
Again, the astronomer Brahmagupta, who flourished m the seventh 
century A.D„ cites the Era as Saka Nnpante, 1 e , after the Saka king, 
His commentator explains this as after the reign of Vikramaditya, 
who slew a people of Barbarians called Sakas ' 

, "» 

['• Manu says (Ch X, 144-145) that the Sakas, Yavanas, Kambhojas, 
Paradas and Pahlavas were originally Kshatnyas, but became outcastes 
by neglecting their Vedic duties, etc. The Mahabharata (Adiparvan, 
Ch, 85) speaks of these tribes as descendants of Kshatnyas and as 
having taken part in the Great War between the Pandavas and Kaura- 
vas. The Eamayana of Valmiki (Balakanda, Sarga 55) mentions them 
among ihe tribes who fought during the war of Visvamitra with 
Vasishlha The Gautama Dharaa Sutra (Ch IV, 21) speaks of the 
Sakas, Yavanas, etc, as a Pratiloma caste of the Aryas It is stated 
in the Padma Purana (Svarga-khanda» Ch 15) that the Sakas etc , were 
driven out by king Sagara> a descendant of Ikshvaku, to the countries 
beyond the borders of India, after getting (heir heads etc,, shaved 
under the advice of Vasishtha, although they were Kshatnyas, The 
Vishnu Purana (Amsa II, Ch, 3) descnbes the Yavanas as living in the 
west, the Sakas m the north-west, the Kiratas in the east, and the four 
Indian castes in the middle of India during the time of the Great War. 
The Matfya Purana also refers to Sakas, Yavanas, etc, as degraded 

ed, and the shorter form SSlwaha was sometimes used, to suit the metro, see eg., 
Professor Kielhorn's List of the Inscriptions of Southern India in Ep. Ind vol. 7, 
appendix, Nob 465, 475, 60S, 519, 1004, 1005 This dipped form is also found oooa 
sionally in prose tee, eg , Ibid , No 527 Compare Satavaha as the shorter form of 

1 Oolebrooke's .Algebra, eto., from the Sansont, p xhii, London 
See on this era, Dufcl's Ctv 1 31 , Fleet, Tr a&ittonal Dot* tf Kamshka, JBAB, 
{1906), 986 , J H Marshall, Date of Kanishka, JBAS (1905), 193. 


Aryan, tribes living on the frontiers of Bharata Varsha Panini refers 
in his Ashtadhyayi (II 2-84) to Sakas and Yavanas and requires 5TO to 
be placed before 1W, and Pamni even according to Western Onental- 
ists lived long before the time of Alexander the Great The Sakas 
therefore, could under no cucumstances, be identified with any foreign 
tribes that invaded India after Alexander's time "j 

48 Harsa Era of Nepal began in 457 B C., 1 and that is the 
date that is referred to m Nepalavamsavah.* 

Cedi or Kalacuri Era began in 249 A D 

Hamsa Samvat or Era of Harsavardhana began in 606 A.D ' 

Valabhi Era began in 319 A J) * 

49 Brhaspaticakra or Jovian cycle of sixty yeare " The 

Hindu Cycle of 60 years, technically known as the Bnhaspati Chakra 
or Cycle of Jupiter," begins with the year Prabhava and ends with the 
year Kshaya (60) 

" In Northern India a year of the Jovian cycle is omitted once on 
an average of 85 5/22 years, or 22 in 1875 years , hence ft has ad- 
vanced on the southern system by 11m about 950 years The year of 
the cycle in Northern India is found by multiplying the Saka year by 

22 addmg 4291 and dividing the sum by 1875, then adding the Saka 
date to the integral of the quotient, and dividing by 60 , the remainder 
is the year of the cycle Thus, for Saka 1772 the first operation gives 

23 and a remainder of 260, then 1772-J-23 divided by 60 gives as a 
remainder the 55th year of the cycle or Durmati current If the Kah- 
yuga year is used, the usual rule is to multiply it by 1.0117, and to the 
integers of the product add 26 and divide the sum by 60 as before " 

50. Kollam or Malabar Era began in 25th August 825 A.D on 
the sun's entry into Kanya according to the Chronogram, 

SIT* <3T 3f W T ft W 
6 14 3 4 1 

1 See Albezuni's India (Saohou's Transl II, dix 7} and Bhagwanlal Indraft's 
Nepaia-Vana«5vali m IA, 3311. 411-28 

3 U, XL31. 307 5 XVII. 334, XVTH. 965. 

8. IA, XV. 106, 188, 

i. tfrom Senapatl Bhattarka. See Mya. Arch. Sep (19JS), and IA. I. 45, IV. 
104, 174, V. 904, 306, XV. 187 post- 2\» Gupta-VaMM Em, see U, XtV. 9. 


By that day 1434160 days of Kali had expired This is current in 
north Malayalam, but in Travancore and Cochin, the year begins on 
sun's entry into Simha 

" The chief difference between the northern and southern systems 
is, that if the sun enters a sign of the zodiac during the day time, that 
day is reckoned in the northern calender as the first day of the month 
corresponding to that sign , whereas in the south the sun must have 
entered the sign within the first 3 of the 5 parts into which the day is 
divided, otherwise the day next is reckoned the first of the month " 

" The Andu year obtains in the Malayalam Country and in the 
Tinnevelly District In the former, they are known as Kollam Andu* 
and m the latter merely as Andu. The Andu commences in the South 
Malayalam Country (Travancore and Cochin) and in the Tinnevelly 
District with Chingan (Avani), i e , on the first day of the fifth month 
of the Solar Calender (Tamil), and m the North-Malayalam country 
(British Malabar) with Kanni, i e , on the first day of the sixth month 
of the same Calender The Andu year is thus not synchronous with 
the Cyclic, Kali or Saka year Andu years would appear to have been 
originally reckoned in Cycles of 1,000 years each, and the second of 
them is stated to have expired in 825 A D However this may be, the 
current Cycle, which was begun in 825 A D , has now been carried be- 
yond the limit of 1,000 years, and it may be that this was done in 
ignorance of the above convention, if any such had existed h 

51 Chronogram*. A number of devices have been adopted in 
Hindu Works for expressing the number of years, an expression by 
chronograms They were either expressed by significent words, words 
which denote their own number as the equivalent or by the use of 
letters on an algebraical formula. 

" The first complete list is that given by Alberuni (A D 1031) , the 
following is from his list, as translated by Woepoke supplemented from 
Brown's "Cyclic Tables" and Inscriptions. As no limits can be 
placed to a fanciful practice like this, I cannot give this list as com- 
plete list. 

Cipher - -Sunya, kha, gagana, vtyat, akasa , ambara, abhra., 
ananta ; vyoma. 

1 •• • Adi , sasin , indu , kshiti , urvara , dhara , pitamaha ; 
chandra , sitamsu , rupa , rasmi , prithivi , bhu , tanu , soma , nayaka ; 
vasudha; sasanka , kshma , dharani. 


2 Yama, Asvia, ravichandrau , lochana, akshi, Dasi 
y amala , paksha , netra , bahu , karoa , kutumba , kara , dnshti 

3 Tnkala , tnjagat , tn , tnguna , loka , tngata , paval 
vaisvanara , dhana , tapana , hutasana , jvalana , agm , vahni , tn 
ch&na, trinetra , Rama, sahodara , sikhin, guna 

4 • Veda , samudra , sagara , abdhi , dadhi , dis , jalasay 
knta , jalamdbi , yuga , bandbu , udadhi 

5 Sara , artha , indriya , sayaka , bana , bbuta , isbu , Pa 
dava , tata , ratna , prana , suta , putra , visikba , kalamba , margana. 

6 Rasa , anga , ntu , masarddha , raga , an , darsana , tari 
mata , sastra. 

7 • • Aga , naga , parvata , mahidhara , adri , muni , nshi , a& 
svara , chhandas , asva , dbatu , kalatra , saila. 

8 Vasu , abi ; gaja , danbn , mangala ; naga , bbati , ibbs 

9. • Go ; nanda , randbra , chbidra , pavana ; antara , graha 
anka ; mdhi , dvara. 

10, • • • Dis , asa , kondu , ravanasura ; avatara , karma 

11 Rudra , svara, Mahadeva ; akshauhini , labba. 

12 ... ....Surya , arka , aditya , bbanu, masa ; vyaya, 

13 Visva , Manmatba , Kamadeva. 

14 Manu , Loka , Indra 

15. . ..Tithi , paksbi ; aban, 

16 , ..Asbti , nripa , bbupa , kaja 

17 Atyashti 

18 Dhriti 

19 Atidbnti. 

20 Nakba , knti. 

21 Utknti , avarga, 

24 . . Jina 

25 •• Tattva 

Alberani (1031 A D ) says that numbers beyond twenty-five were 
noted in this way The following, however, occur but in late docu- 
ments only 

27 Nakshatra. 



.... Danta, Rada 


. Deva 



The list might be made much more extensive, as it is obvious that 
any synonyms of any word that can be used to signify a number can 
be used, e g , any word signifying ' moon ' besides those mentioned as 
equivalent to 1, may be used for the same purpose, and so with the 
others The ordinary numbered words are commonly mixed with the 
words given above 

In making numbers of this system units are mentioned first and 
then the higher orders, e g , Rishinagakhendusamvatsara is year 1087 
gaganasastrakhendugamte samvatsara is equal to 1063, dahanadn- 
khendugamtasamvastara is equal to 1073 It appears, however, that 
occasionally in recent inscriptions the words are put m the same order 
as the figures are written " 

The algebraical formulas are — 

i. *iftwl. *e (1) I $ (2) and so on to s (9) 

u. srft - I z (1) I z (2) and so on to s (9) 

ui. <nforsr l t (1) I ■h (2) and so on to *r (5) 

iv wdl I. *r (1) I * (2) and so on to £ (8) 

The order of the letters is from right to left, in conjunct letters, 
the last pronounced consonant only counts value and vowels have no 
value Thus f^S mean 54 an «T#T5 means 1059 * 

52. Santracottus It was Sir William Jones, the Founder and 
President of the Society instituted m Bengal for inquiry into the History 
and Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences and Literature of Asia, who died on 
27th April 1794, that suggested for the first time an identification to the 
notice of scholars. In his 'Tenth Anniversary Discourse' delivered 
by him on 28th February 1793 on " Asiatic History, Civil and Natural," 
referred to the so-called discovery by him of the identity of Can- 
dragupf a, the Founder of the Maurya Dynasty of the Kings Magadha, 
with Sandracottus of the Greek writers of Alexander's adventures, thus 

" The Jurisprudence of the Hindus and Arabs being the field, 

which I have chosen for my peculiar toil, you cannot expect, that 1 

should greatly enlarge your collection of historical knowledge , but I 

________ „____, . _ 


may be able to offer you some occasional tribute, and I cannot help 
mentioning a discovery which accident threw m my way , though my 
proofs must be reserved for an essay, which I have destined for the 
fourth volume of your Transactions. To fix the situation of that 
Pahbothra, (for there may have been several of the name) which was 
visited and described by Megasthenes, had always appeared a very 
difficult problem , for, though it could not have been Prayaga where 
no ancient metropolis ever stood, nor C&nyacubja which has no epithet 
at all resembling the word used by the Greeks, nor Gaur, otherwise 
called Lacshmanavati, which all know to be a town comparatively 
modern, yet we could not confidently decide that it was PataMputra, 
though names and most circumstances nearly correspond, because that 
renowned capital extended from the confluence of the Soite and the 
Ganges to the site of Patna, while Pahbothra stood at the junction of the 
Ganges and Erranaboas, which the accurate M D'Anville had pronoun- 
ced to be " Yamuna ", but this only difficulty was removed when I 
found in a Classical Sanskrit book near two thousand years old, that or golden-armed, which the Greeks changed to Errana- 
boas, or the river with a lovely murmur, was in fact another name for 
the Sofia itself, though Megasthenes from ignorance or inattention, has 
named them separately * This discovery led to another of greater 
moment , for Chandragupta, who, from a military adventurer, became 
like Sandracottus, the sovereign of Upper Hindustan, actually fixed the 
seat of his empire at Pataliputra, where he received ambassadors from 
foreign princes, and was no other than that very Sandracottus who 
concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nicator , so that we have solved 
another problem to which we before alluded , and may in round 
numbers consider the twelve and three hundredth years before Christ 
as two certain epochs between Rama who conquered Sifiht a few cen- 
turies after the flood, and Vicramaditya who died at Ujjayini fifty-seven 
years before the beginning of our era." 

53 The passage regarding Candragupta's date is found in 
Justinius, Epitoma Pompet Tragi, xv 4 and Mr. McCrindle translated it 
as follows * 

" [Seleucus] earned on many wars in the East after the division of 
the Macedonian kingdom between himself and Que other successor of 
Alexander, first seizing Babylonia, and then reducing the Bactrians, his 
power being increased by the first success Thereafter he passed into 

1. Asiatic Researches, TV. 10-11. 

3. Mendelsohn's edition (Leipzig, 1879), I. 435. 



India, which had, since Alexander's death, killed his prefects, thinking 
that the yoke of slavery had been shaken off from its neck. The 
author of its freedom had been Sandrocottus , but when victory was 
gained he had changed the name of freedom to that of bondage For, 
after he had ascended the throne, he himself oppressed with servitude 
the very people which he had rescued from foreign dominion Though 
of humble birth, he was impelled bj innate majesty to assume royal 
power When king Nandrus, 1 whom he had offended by his boldness, 
ordered him to be killed, he had resorted to speedy flight, 
Sandrocottus, having thus gained the crown, held India at the time 
when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness. 
Seleucus came to an agreement with him, and, after settling afiairs in 
the East, engaged in the war against Antigonus " 

The same transactions are referred to by Appianus 

" [Seleucus] crossed the Indus and waged war on Androcoltus 

king of the Indians who dwelt about it, until he made friends and 

entered tnto relations of marriage with him " 

According to Strabo, Seleucus ceded to Chandragupta a tract of 
land to the west of the Indus and received in exchange five hundred 
elephants ' 

The inference drawn is this Seleucus I Nikator of Syria (b c 312- 
280), " arrived ra Cappadocia in the autumn of 302 [the year preced- 
ing the battle of Ipsos] The march from India to there must have 
required at least two summers Consequently, the peace with Chan- 
dragupta has to be placed about the summer of 304, or at the latest 
m the next winter "• We know from vanous sources that Megasthenes 
became the ambassador of Seleucus at Chandragupta's court * 

It follows from these statements that Chandragupta ascended the 
throne between Alexander's death (BC 323) and the treaty with 
Seleucus (B C 304) " 

54 Earlier in the same discourse Sir William had mentioned his 
authorities for the statement that Candragupta became sovereign of 
upper Hindusthan, with his Capital at Patallpu|ra " A most beautiful 

1 McOrlndls" a translation, 114, 

2 V A Smith, Early History of btdia, 3cd ed , p 150 t , Krom, Hermes 
44 154 fi 

8 Belooh'a Griceh, Qeseh, 8, 1 146, n 3 

4 Sohwanbeok, Mtgasthemt Iitdvsa (Bonn. 1876), p 19 , Muller Frag 
mtnta Historiocrtm Gra-cortim, vol 11 (Parfe 1848). p. 898 , MoOrindle, U, VI 115 


poem " said he " by Somadeva, comprising a long chain of instructive 
and agreeable stones, begins with the famed revolution at Patahputra 
by the murder of king Nanda with his eight sons, and the usurpation 
of Chandragupta , and the same revolution is the subject of a tragedy 
in Sanskrit entitled ' The Coronation of Chandra ' "* Thus he claimed 
to have identified Pahbothra with Patahputra and Sandrokottus with 
Candragupta, and to have determined 300 B C "in round numbers " 
as a certain epoch beLween two others which he called the conquest 
of Silan by Rama " 1200 BC" and the death of Vikramaditya at 
Ujjain in 57 B C 

In the Discourse referred to, Sir William barely stated his dis- 
covery, adding " that his proofs must be reserved " for a subsequent 
essay, but he died before that essay could appear 

55 The theme was taken immediately hy Col, Wilford in Volume 
V of the Asistic Researches Wilford entered into a long and fanciful 
disquisition on Pahbothra, and rejected Sir William's identification of it 
with Patahputra, but he accepted the identification of Sanaracottus with 
Candragupta in the following words —" Sir William Jones from a 
poem written by Somadeva and a tragedy called the Coronation oi 
Chandra or Chandragupta discovered that he really was the Indian 
king mentioned by the historians of Alexander under the name ol 
Sandrocottus These poems I have not been able to procure , but I 
have found another dramatic piece entitled Mudra-Rachasa, 1 which is 
divided into two parts , the first may be called the Coronation of 
Chandra "' 

Wilson further amended the incorrect authorities relied on by Sir 
William Jones , and said m his Preface to Mudra-Rakshasa* that by 
Sir William's " a beautiful poem by Somadeva " was " doubtless meant 
the large collection of tales by Somabhatta the Vnhat-katha "* 

1. Ibid 6. 

1. This spelling shows that Wilford saw not the Sanskrit drama bat some veroa* 
oular visions of it 

2. Asiatic Eesearohes, V 262 Wilford wrongly names the author of the drama 
as Amanta (or Ananta). 

3 Theatre of the HinduSj Vol fit. 

4, Wilson again is not qpxte oorreot in his Bibiograpby, Somadeva' s large oolleo 
tion of tales is entitled Kathasarit sagara and is an adaptation into Sanskrit verse a 
an origtagal work in the Paisaol language oalled Brlhat, Katha, composed by oa 


56. Max Muller then elaborated the discovery of this identity 
in his Ancient Sanskrit Literature. To him this identity was a settled 
incontrovertible fact On the path of farther research, he examined 
the chronology of the Buddhists according to the Northern or the 
Chinese and the Southern or the Ceylonese traditions, and summed 
this up " Everything in Indian Chronology depends upon the date of 
Chandragupta. Chandragupta was the grand-father of Asoka, and the 
contemporary of Selukus Nikator Now, according to the Chinese 
chronology, Asoka would have lived, to waive the minor differences, 
850 or 750 B C , according to Ceylonese Chronology, 315 B.C Either 
of these dates is impossible because it does not agree with the chrono 
logy of Greece " ' Everything in Indian Chronology depends upon the date 
of Chandragupta 'is the declaration How is that date to be fixed? 
The Puranic accounts were of course beneath notice The Buddhist 
chronologies were conflicting, and must be ignored The Greek 
synchronism comes to his rescue " There is but one means by which 
the history of India can be connected with that of Greece, and its 
chronology must be reduced to its proper limits," that is, by the clue 
afforded by " the name of Sandracottus or Sandrocyptus, the Sanskrit 
Chandragupta " 

From classical writers — Justin, Arnan, Diadorus Siculus, Strabo 
Quintus Curtius, and Plutarch — a formidable array all of whom how- 
ever borrowed their account from practically the same sources — he 
puts together the various statements concerning Sandrocotlus, and tries 
to show that they all tally with the statements made by Indian writers 
about the Maurya king Candragupja "The resemblence of this name" 
says he " with the name of Sandrocotlus or Sandrocyptus was first, 
1 believe, pointed out by Sit William Jones Wilford, Wilson, and Pro- 
fessor Lassen have afterwards added further evidence in confirmation 
of Sir W Jones's conjecture , and althongh other scholars, and particularly 
M. Trqyer m hu edition of the Rajatarangim, have raised objections, we 
shall see that the evidence in favour of the identity of Chandragupta 
and Sandrocottus or Sandrocyptus is such as to admit of no reasonable 
doubt" Max Muller only repeats that the Greek accounts of Sandro- 
cottus and the Indian accounts of Chandragupta agree in the mam, 
both speaking of a usurper who either was base-born himself or else 
overthrew a base-born predecessor, and that this essential agreement 
would hold whether the various names used by Greek writers — Xan- 
drames, Andramas, Aggraman, Sandrocottus and Sandrocyptus — should 
be made to refer to two kings, the overthrown and the overthrower, 


or all to one namely the overthrower himself, though personally he is 
inclined to the view that the first three variations refer to the over- 
thrown, and the last two to the overthrower He explains awaj the 
difficulty in identifying the sites of Pahbothra and Patahputra geo- 
graphically by " a change in the bed of the river Sone " He passes 
over the apparent differences in detail between the Greek statements on 
the one hand and the Hindu and Buddhist versions on the other quite 
summarily, declaring that Buddhist fables were invented to exalt, and 
the Brahmanic fables to lower Chandragupta's descent ! Lastly with 
respect to chronology the Brahmanic is altogether ignored, and the 
Buddhist is " reduced to its proper limits " that is, pulled down to fit 
in with Greek chronology 

57 Priyadaai Next came inscriptions of Pnyadasi* These 
edicts published in the tenth and twelfth years of Asoka's reign (253 and 
251 B C ) are found in distinct places in the extreme East and West of 
India As revealed in these engraved records, the spoken dialect was 
essentially the same throughout the wide and fertile religions lying be- 
tween the Vindhya and Himalayas and between the mouths of the Indus 
and the Ganges The language appears in three varieties, which may be 
named the Punjabi, the Ujjaini and the Magadhi These may point to a 
transitional stage between Sanskrit and Pali " The language of the 
inscriptions," says Pnncep " although necessarily that of their date and 
probably that in which the first propagators of Buddhism expounded 
their doctrines, seems to have been the spoken language of the people 
of Upper India than a form of speech peculiar to a class of religionists 
or a sacred language, and its use m the edicts of Piyadasi, although 
incompatible with their Buddhistic origin, cannot be accepted as a 
conclusive proof that they originated from a peculiar form of religious 

Asoka's name does not occur in these inscriptions, bat that these 
purport to emanate from a king who gives his formal title in various 
Prakrit forms of which the Sanskrit would be Devanampritah Priya. 

1. The Edicts ate edited in IA, 6. 10, 14, 17, 18, 19, 23 31, 87, 8 8. On t he 
Ediots, see IA, Xni 804 , XX 1, 86, 339 , XXXV 330 XXXIV 346 , XXXVIII 
151 , XLVn. 48. 

Also, D B, Bhandaikar, Aeoka, Oaloutta, V A Smith, Asoka, Oxford, F W. 
Thomas, Les Vivasti de Asoka, 3 A, (1910) , B Hultesah, Date of Atoka, JRAB, 
(1914) 948. H H Wilson, Identity of Anoka, 3BAS, (o s ), XXII, 177 248 , (1901) 
827 868, V. A Smith, Authorahtp of Ptyadoai mscrtptvms, JBA8, (1901), 486; 
Aaokavadana, JBAS, [1901) 645 , Blndusara, JR&8, (1901), 334. 


darsi raja. It was James Prrasep that first ascribed Asoka's edicts to 
pevanampiya-Tissa of Ceylon * The discover} of the Nagajuna Hill 
cave-mscnptions of Sashalata pevanampiya, whom he at once identi- 
fied with Dasiratha, the grandson of the Maurya king Asoka and the 
fact that Tornour had found Piyadassi or Piyadassana used as a sur- 
name of Asoka in the DipavamSa, induced Pnnsep to abandon his 
original view, and to identify Devanampnya Pnyadarsan with Asoka 

In February 1838, Pnnsep published the text and a translation of 
the second rock edict, Girnar version of it (1 3) the words Amtiyako 
Yonar&ja and in the Dhauli version (1, 1) Amhyoke tuma Yona-laja, and 
identified the Y6na king Antiyaka or Antiyoka with Antiochus III of 
Syria * In March 1838, he discovered in the Girnar edict xm (1, 8), 
the names of TuramSya, Anuikona,* and Maga, whom he most ingeni- 
ously identified with Ptolemy II Philadelphos of Egypt, Antigonus 
Gonatas of Macedonia (?) and Magas of Cynne At the same time he 
modified his earlier theory and now referred the name Antiyoka to 
Antiochus I or II of Syria, preferably the former. 

On the Girnar rock the name of a fifth king who was mentioned 
after Maga is lost The Shahbazgajphi version calls him Alikasundara 
E, Norns recognized that this name corresponds to the Greek 
'A"Kt€*ubflOS> and suggested hesitatingly that Alexander of Epirus, 
the son of Pynhus, might be meant by it* This identification was 
endorsed by Westerguard,* Lassen, 6 and Senart/ But Professor Beloch 
thinks that Alexander of Corinth, the son of Craterus, had a belter 

" The mention of these five contemporaries in the inscriptions ot 
Dgvanampnya Priyadarshi," says E. Hultzsch, " confirms in a general 

1, B Hultzsoh, Date of Asoka, JBA8, (19U), 948 """~ 

3 JA8B,-m 166 

8. In reality GIrnSr ana KSlsi real Amtektna, ShShbazgarht Amhkini Btthlet 
(ZDMG , 40 187) justly remarked that these two forms would rather correspond to 
AnMgenes than to Antigonus But no king named Antigenes is known to us, though it 
was the name of one of the offioers of Alexander the Great, who was executed, together 
with Bomenes, in B 316, being then satrap of Suslana 

4. JBA8,{o s), 205 

5. ZtOM Aohatidhmgen, translated from the Danish into German by Stenzlef 
(Breslau, 1863), p 120 f 

6 lni. 

1 JA, XX. 242 

8. Grteeh, Qmh., 8, 2, 105. 


way the corrections of Prmsep's identification of the latter with Asoka, 
the grandson of Chandragupta, whose approximate time we know from 
Greek and Roman records Antiochus I Soter of Syria reigned B C 
280-261, his son Antiochus II Theos 261-246, Ptolemy II Philadelphos 
of Egypt 285-247, Antigonus Gonates of Macedonia 276-239, Magas 
of Cyrene c 300— c, 250, Alexander of Epirus 272— c 255, and Alexan- 
der of Connth 252— c 244 " 

58 This identification of Sandrocotlus with Candragupta Maurya 
furnished a very certain starting point in investigating what appeared 
to be such a huge field of uncertainties as Indian Chronology Thus, 
according to Buddhist traditions, it is said, Buddha died 162 years 
before Candragupta. Ma\ Muller supposes that "Chandragupta 
became king about 315 B C , and so he places the death of Buddha 
162 plus 315 or 477 B C Or again 32 years after Chandragupta, Asoka 
is said to have become king, that is 315—52 or 263 B C , and his 
" inauguration " is said to have taken place in 259 B C At the time of 
Asoka's inauguration 218 years had elapsed since the conventional date 
of Buddha's death " Hence Buddha must have also died in 477 B C 

59 Thus came in the Anchor Sheet of Indian Chronology. It 
fell to the glorious lot of Vincent E Smith to sponsor this hypothesis 
and instal it on a firmer pedestal. Glory is god-made and V, S 
Smith was destined for it, 1 He took the chronological identity so pre- 
mised by the predecessors in this historical heirarchy as the basis of 
further calculation of the exact dates of the different dynasties that 
ruled over Magadha before and after the Mauryas He was able to 
invoke the aid of numismatics in addition to epigraphy He could 
interpret the eras, particularly the Gupta era of the inscriptions and the 
legends on the coins, and discover a confirmation of the earlier 
opinions He could not however get over, as if by compunction, the 
need to follow the Puranas in the enumeration of the kings and then 
dynasties , he took the dynasties and the succession of kings as they 
were, he did not call them fictitious He had objection to the long 

1 The reader may well be reminded of the faoitnons address of Gopl to Sri 

ssqf ■s&tefa fl^tsRr sspff ^fwtf ^t eftsrar 
fa ^ ftfa *$tk * im 'ffrN! 5iW I 


periods of years that these Puranas sometimes assigned to particular 
kings or dynasties They were improbable and fanciful and so on 
their face unreliable I So he set out to sift the intervals of time and 
adjust the dates and periods on a rational basis, a basis that would 
quite convince the modern mind of a reasonable probability The 
device of reduction of time is in short this 

Where the Puranas have different readings the shortest number of 
years is adopted , where the Puranas give a long period to any reign, it 
is reduced to 20 years as the average ascertainable in royal histories 
elsewhere , where the Puranas give only brief terms of a few years or a 
few months, that is adopted as correct The result of these reductions 
will be seen below — 

Puranas V. Smith 

Nandas . 100 (1635-1535 BC) 45 

Mauryas . ... 316 (1535-1219 B.C ) 137 

Sungas ... ... 300 (1219-919 BC) 112 

Kanvas ... ... 85 ( 919— 834 B.C ) 45 

Sndhras ... 506 ( 834—328 B.C ) 289 

Guptas ... ... 245 ( 328 — 83 B C.) 149 

Thus, according to Vincent Smith's Candragupta became king m 
322 B C , and Buddha died in 487 B C , this allows 50 years for the 
Nan$as, before Candragupta, and 250 years for the Saisunagas before 
the Nandas And so he begins his Eaily History from about 602 B C 
Likewise, starting from 322 B C , V Smith allows 137 years for the 
Maurya Dynasty and places Sunga kings in 185-73 B C and Kanva 
kings in 73 to 28 B C„ and so on bringing the list down to Andhras 
and Guptas I extract the passage 

" Although the discrepant traditionary matenals available do not 
permit the determination with accuracy of the chronology of the Saisu- 
naga and Nanda dynasties, it is, I venture to think, possible to attain 
a tolerably close approximation to the truth, and lo reconcile some of 
the traditions The fixed point from which to reckon backwards is the 
year ?22 BC ,the date for the succession of Chandragupta Maurya, which 
is certainly correct, with a possible error not exceeding three years 
The second principal datum is the list of ten kings of the Saisunaga 
dynasty as given in the oldest historical entries m the Puranas, namely 
those in the Matsya and the Vayu, the general correctness of which 
is confirmed by several lines of evidence , and the third is the probable 
date of the death of Buddha. 


Although the fact that the Saisunaga dynasty consisted of ten 
kings may be admitted, neither the duration assigned by the Puranas 
to the dynasty as a whole, nor that allotted to certain reigns, can be 
accepted Experience proves that m a long series an average of 
twenty-five years to a generation is rarely attained, and that this ave- 
rage is still more rarely exceeded in a series of reigns as distinguished 
from generations 

The English series of ten reigns from Charles II to Victoria, in- 
clusive, 16+9-1901 (reckoning the accession of Charles II from the 
death of his father in 1649), occupied 252 jears, and included the two 
exceptionally long reigns of George III and Victoria, aggregating 124 
years Jhe resultant average, 25 2 yean pet reign, may be taken as the 
maximum possible, and consequently 232 years are the maximum allowable for 
the ten Saisunaga reigns The Puranic figures of 321 (Matsya) and 332 
(Vayu) years, obtained by adding together the durations of the several 
reigns may be rejected without hesitation as being incredible The 
Matsya account concludes with the statement, ' These will be the ten 
Saisunaga kings I he Saisunagas will endure 360 years, being kings 
with Kshatnya kinsfolk ' Mr Pargiter suggests that the figures ' 360 ' 
should be interpreted as ' 163 ', If that interpretation be accepted the 
average length of reign would be only 16.3. and it would be difficult to 
make Buddha (died cir 487J contemporary with Bimbisara and Ajata- 
satru It is more probable that the dynasty lasted for more than two 

As stated in the text, the traditional periods assigned to the Nanda 
dynasty of either 100 or 150 years for two generations cannot be 
accepted A more reasonable period of fifty years may be provision- 
ally assumed We thus get the 302 (252 plus 50) as the miximmn 
admissible period for the Saisunaga and Nanda dynasties combined , 
and, reckoning backwards from the fixed point, 322 B C, The Year 
62^ B C , is found to be the earliest possible date for Sisunaga, the 
first king But of course the true date may be, and probably is, some- 
what later, because it is extremely unlikely that twelve reigns (ten Saisu- 
naga and two Nanda) should have attained an average of 25.16 years 

I he reigns of the fifth and sixth kings, Bunbisara or Srenika, and 

Ajatasatru or Kunika, were well remembered owing to the wars and 

events in religious history which marked them We may therefore 

assume that the lengths of those reigns were known more or less accu- 



rately, and are justified m accepting the concurrent testimony of the 
Vayu and Matsya Puranas, that Bimbisara reigned for twenty -eight 

Ajatasatru is assigned twenty-five or twenty-seven } ears by different 
Puranas, and thirtj-two years by Tibetan and Ceylonese Buddhist tradi- 
tion I assume the correctness of the oldest Puramc list, that of the 
Matsya, and take his reign to have been twenty-seven years The 
real existence of Darsaka (erroneously called Vamsaka b) the Matsya) 
having been established by Bhasa's Vasavadatta, his reign may be 
assigned twentj-four years, as in. the Maisya Udaya, who is men- 
tioned m the Buddhist books, and is said to have built Pataliputra, is 
assigned thirty-three years by the Puranas, which may pass 

The Vayu and Matsya Puranas respectively assign eighty-five and 
eighty-three years to the sum of the reigns of kings numbers 9 and 10 
together These figures are improbably high, and it is unlikely thai 
the two reigns actually occupied more than fifty years The figure 46 
is assumed 

The evidence as far as it goes, and at best it does not amount to 
much, indicates that the average length of the later reigns was in ex- 
cess of the normal figure We may assume, therefore, that the first 
four reigns, about which nothrog is known must have been compara- 
tively short, and did not exceed some seventy or eighty years collec- 
tively. An assumption that these reigns were longer would unduly 
prolong the total duration of the dynast) , the beginning of which must 
be dated about 600 B C , or a little earlier 

The existence of a great body of detailed traditions, which are 
not mere mythological legends, sufficiently establishes the facts that 
both Mahavira, the Jam leader, and Gautama Buddha were contem- 
porary to a considerable extent with one another and with the kings 
Bimbisara and Ajatasatru 

Tradition also indicates that Mahavira predeceased Buddha The 
death of these saints form well-marked epochs in the history of Indian 
religion, and are constantly referred to by ecclesiastical writers for 
chronological purposes. It might therefore be expected that the 
traditional dates of the two events would supply at once the desired 
cloe to the d>nastic chronology, But close examination of conflicting 


traditions difficulties The year 527 (528-7) B.C , the most 
commonly quoted date for the death of Mahavlra, is merel> one of 
several traditionary dates, and it seems to be impossible to reconcile 
the Jam traditions either among themselves or with the known approxi- 
mate date of Chandragupta," 

60. This exposition of V E Smith has become the unalterable 
standard for later scholars * Great and sincere as many of these scholars 
have been, they did not dare or care to go behind Smith's fiats and 
if any did differ from him, it was over the insignificant question of the 
particular year in which Candragupta was crowned, if it was 312, 315, 
321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326 or 327 B C * Thus Fleet says — 

Now, in all matters of the most ancient Indian chronology, the 
great " sheet anchor " is, and has been ever since 1 798$ the dale of 
Chandragupta, the grandfather of AsSka the Maurya> as determined b> 
the information furnished by the Greek writers. In recent years } in- 
deed* there has been a tendency to believe that we have something 
still more definite in the reference to certain foreign kings in the 
thirteenth rock-edict of As5ka But, as may be shown on some other 
occasion, there is nothing m that, beyond proof that that edict, framed 
not earlier than the ninth year after the abhlsheka or anointment of 
As5ka to the sovereignty, and most probably in the thirteenth year, 
was framed not befona B C 272 , and that does not help as much, 
because the abhisheka of AsSka might, so far as that goes, be put back 
to even as early a year as B C, 284 In all that we have as yet been 
able to determine about AsOka, there is nothing that enables as to im>- 
prove upon what we could already determine about Chandragupta 
From the Greek writers, we know that Chandragupta became king of 
Northern India at some time between B C. 326 and 312 Within those 
limits, different writers, have selected different years ; BiC. 325> 321> 
316, 315 and 312 The latest selection is, I suppose, that made by 
Mr, Vincent Smith in his Early Hsstory of India, 173 , namely, B k C* 
321 "" 

1. V B Bamaohandra Diksltar, Matsyapurana, Madras , B D Banerjee, Ags 
of Imperial Guptas, Benares, Dinesoandra Siroar, Successors of SUtavShanas, 31. of 
Dept of Letters, Oaloutta, Vol. 26, Dhirendranath Mukhopadriyaja, True Dates of 
Buddha and Connected Epochs, Ibid Vol 97 

3 See Id Senart, U, XX 339 ; B Gopala Iyer, U, XXXVII. Ml , Buhler, U, 
VI 149, El, HI, 18a , Meet, JBA8, (190ft) 1, (1906) 988 , V Smith, UHI, 178. 

S Meet, JBAS, (1906) ,984. 


61 The deductions and inferences of V. Smith have come to 
stay But the traditional reputation has been too staring in its assertion 
that Mahabh5ra$a War happened at the end of Dvaparayuga, 37 years 
before the advent of Kahyuga in 3102 B.C Later scholars, to whom 
the tradition was a fraud resorted to the only alternative viz . to post- 
date the beginning of Kahyuga so as to preserve the Puranic Synchro- 
nism of Mah&bharata War with about the end of Dvaparayuga Even 
there the sayings of V Smith were adopted as canons of indubitable 
truth and the dates were worked up on their basis only and this had 
been done in wholesale disregard of the care and precision with 
which the Puranas recorded the calculations of political history 

62 The Puranas uniformly give two methods, which are corro- 
borative of each other, in calculating the dates of these Hindu Dynasties. 
One starts from the close of the Mahabharafa War and almost co eVally 
with the commencement ot the Kahyuga, from which time the number 
of years that each king reigned is given The other starts from the 
Saptarsi Era or the Laukikabda, whose cycle consisting of 2700 years is 
accepted by all authorities to have commenced about 4992 years ago 
corresponding to 3676 B C Now the Puranas state the First cycle of 
this Sap(arsi Era or Laukikabda commenced at the time of Pariksit, 
that the Sapjarsis were in Magha" at his time, that they move in a retro- 
grade motion and take 100 years to pass from one Naksafra to ano. 
ther, that they were in Purvasadha (or the 16th Nakgafra from 
Magha) at the time of the commencement of the Nanda dynasty, that 
they were in Citra-Naksafra (or the 24 Naksafra from Magha) at 
the commencement on the Andhra Dynasty and that at the beginning 
of the reign of the 27th king of the Andhra Dynasty, the cycle repeat- 
ed itself, the Sapfar&is having come back to Magha So there mus>t 
have elapsed at least 1500 years between Pariksit and Mahipadma 
Nanda, 2300 years between PariksH; and Andhra Simuka (Sri Sstakarni) 
the Founder of the Andhra Dynasty and 270 years between Pariksty 
and Sivasri $atakarni, the 27th king of the Andhra Dynasty, and that 
this king Sivasri must have commenced his reign m the year 377 B C 

63 The Mahabharaja War starts the Puranic chronology, that is, 
at 3139 B.C The periods assigned to the eight dynasties that ruled 
over Magadha, Barhadratha to Andhra is made up 2811 years thus. 


Dynasty No of Kings years 

1 Barhadrafha (post-Bharafa) 22 1006 

2 Pradyota 5 138 

3 Saisunaga 10 360 

4 Nanda 9 (2 generations) 100 

5. Maarya 12 316 

6. Sunga 10 300 

7. Kanva 4 85 
8 Andhra 32 506 

Total* ... 2811 

2811 years after the Mahabharata War or about 328 BC„ the 
sovereignty of Magadha passed into the hands of & line called Parva- 
fiya and An4hrabhriya, the first king of which was Candragupta. 

64 This Sapjarsi Era is fully described m all the Purlnas in 
words almost similar to one another and the following passage from 
the Kaliyuga-R5ja-Vr#anta may suffice as an example : 

hot^ fasfar tNfaw m m% II 
sra#>rt jjt %m fcw fcprcr Pjan I 

9#3J TT% ST9H 5$fo" 1^ S$ fal% II 

h^i«ii^#ii*-«i %i^#t#t^ II 

w ^rN: m inns IWfa it I 
«r«!r snraij t&dfcwwiciitTO: (I 

1. As summed up m Kallyuga Ba>vr/{ttata or 2886 according to Matsya ? 

Vincent Smith oommits an eggiegious blunder in making the first 10 or 11 
kings of the Andhra dynasty contemporaneous with the preceding dynasties and holding 
that the slayer of the last Ka$va king "apparently must have been one on other of 
three Andhra kings namely No, 11, 1 9 or 13 " Early E*story p 306. 


nf&\ $«>fr ft* ^ncrerftsrsfa f| ^ft I 
Jrmq«T +&^iftici irtf . suiter n 

sra^ sr *rw* ft°5 <m3rcn srg-srcr^ I 
a^r *rwT*qr ?rrerf% ijforreT ?r^ I 

?n?r sra^ srrg^TT faster terr ll 
*wnsntw; ^f^rcr^ - aratg^fr gr%f&* ll 
?wrsrf¥^P5n% B rt g?PT# ^ ?nrr. ll 

yit^am+i^ 5?r% <rnr^ iraf^r 11 

sn%«rT ?FsnTR«rf^r 5T5n% g^T II 

?ra#qir flsrrsm. *r& qtftflft «rth i 
«r^r % *ifa«qfcr *5i% spscsr ^ ll 

«4N*nfil'Hiig srra^aRT qfi%cr. I 

%$& H?^ - 5 t*T MMSI^y^ 11 

^cr s^nfe Tws^it *r#*pr. 3?r I 
<rer s ftmwwMl tii ^N" ifagrf ci ll 

3PP% mm *P* g^r qrran^ nfiFqfi U 

— Bhaga III Chapter III, 


The above passage may be freely translafced>s follows 

' In the oirole of the lunar astensms (Nakshatras) wherein the great constellation 
of the Sapta Rishis (constituting the Great Bear or the Ursa Major) revolve, and which 
contain 27 astensms (like Asnni, Bharam, Knttikfi, etc ) in its oiroumferenoe (ecliptic 
consisting of 360°, eaoh Nakshatra or lnnar astensm being equal to 1 8° 20 1 of the 
eoliptio), the Seven Sages lemain for 10O years in each astensm in turn (the Rishis 
taking 2700 years to make a circuit of the heavens) 

This is the Cyole of the Seven Seers (consisting of 2700 human years) and is reokon 
ed in the terms of Divine years (860 human years being equal to 1 Divine year) And 
the total period is equal to 7 Divine years and 6 Divine monthB (i e , 7J times SCO or 
i700 human years) 

The constellation of the Seven Saints (or the Seven Stars of the Wain, consisting of 
Mariohi, Yasishtha accompanied by the SakshmatSrS Arundhati, Angiras, Atri, Pulas 
tya, Fulaba and Kratu) takes a period of 100 years to go over eeoh of the 27 asteriBms, 
(and it goes through these 27 astensms in a retrograde order, as the Twelve Signs of the 
Zodiao whioh comprise these 27 astensms are arranged in a retrograde order around the 
eoliptio) Thus the Saptarshi Kala (or the Samvat of the Haft Bikheshar), consisting 
of a oycle of 2700 years, has come to be constituted 

The two front stars (Pulaha and Kratu) of the great constellation of the Seven 
Sages which are seen (in the northern region) when risen at night, the lunar asterism or 
Nakshatra which is seen situated equally between them in the sky is said to govern the 
same— the constellation of ths Sapta Rishis being known as conjoined with that aste- 
rism for 100 human years This is the exposition of the conjunction of the lunar 
astensms and the constellation of the Sapta Rishis 

When the constellation of the Seven Sages remained conjoined with the asterism of 
Maghas, then the Kali Age (the sinful Kaliyuga) oompnsmg 1200 Divine years (or 
432,000 ooinmon human years) began 

When Lord Krishna returned to Heaven (1 e , left this mundane world), then in 
that very same year (on the first day of Ohaitra of the year Framathin aooorjingto the 
Southern sohool of Astronomers), — say the knowers of the ancient history —the present 
Kaliyuga (of the 28th M&hayuga comprising 12,000 Divine years) commenced 

As long as the Great Incarnation of the Divine Vishnu continued to touch the 
Earth (with Bis holy feet), so long the Kali Age was unable to approach the Earth 

When the Seven Rishis shall pass from the Maghas and reach the asterism of 
PurvSshSdhS, then will, indeed, the Kali Age begin to grow. 

When Pnnce Yudhlshjhlra was for the first time orowned as king at Indraprastba 
(and established himself with his brothers, as master of half of the kingdom belonging 
to his father Paniju), then the Seven Rishis of the constellation of the Ursa Major 
entered the lunar astensm of Maghas which were sacred and propitious to the Pitris 

The Seven Rishis (of the Great Bear) entered the asterism of the Maghas, just 75 
years before the beginning of the Kaliyuga (tn the year 3177 BO) at the commence- 
ment of the reign of the great king YudhiBhfhira who ruled the Earth dunng the said 

These Seven Sages will enter the asterism of Aflesha on the expiry of 26 years 
from the commencement of the Kali Age (in tbe year 3077 B 0.) and they will continue 
to remain in that asterism for a period of 100 human years (from 8077 B to 2977 


In that very same year (8077 B,0 ) will Dharmapntra (Yudhishtbira, the eldest 
of the five Pan4»va brothers) ascend to Heaven (8vargarohana) after wandering over the 
earth for a long tune (having abdicated the throne in favour of Parikshit,, the grandson 
of his brother Arjnna and started on his Mahaprastbana wi$h his brothors and wife on 
hearing the sad and sudden news of the departure of Sri Krishna from the world) 

Then will the Laukikabda or the Laukika Bra consisting of a oycle of 3700 years 
be started in the world in commemoration of the Ascension of Dharmaputra into 

These Divine Sages (consisting the constellation of the Ursa Major) will reach (the 
lunar astensm) Aflesha a second time (ra their revolution) at the time of the com- 
mencement of the reign of the 27th King of the Andbra Dynasty (Sivafci Satakar^i 
who began to rule Magadha in the year 2762 A Y correspouding to 377 B —one com 
plete oycle of 2700 years having elapsed since the expiry of the 25th year of ths Kali 
Yoga, when they first reached Aflesha after the Mahabharata War) 

These Seven Sages were conjoined with the asterism Magha for a period of 100 years 
during the time of Yudhisjhira and at the time of the commencement of the reign of 
King Nanda (Mahapadma), they will be conjoined with the astensm (Sravana (the 15th 
Nakshatra from Magha calculated, of course, m a reverse order) 

From the commencement of the Andhra Dynasty (at Magadha) the Seven Bishis 
(of the Great Bear) will be found oonjomed with (Ohitra) the 24th lunar astensm (cal- 
culated from and inclusive of Magha) 

The interval of time between the birth of Pankshit (son of Abhimanyu by Uttara 
and grandson of Arjuna, who was in the womb of his mother at the time of the Malta- 
bharata War) and the inauguration of Mahapadma Nanda (the Founder of the Nanda 
Dynasty) is to be known as 1500 yesrs 

According to competent authorities (Pramanajnas) the interval of time between the 
coronation of Mahapadma Nanda (who oame to the throne of Magadha in 1504 A, Y ) 
and the commencement of the Andhra Dynasty (whioh began to rule Magadha in 
1805 A ■?. ) is stated to be mil 800 years. 

When the great constellation of the Seven sages of the Ursa Major shall again reaoh 
the asterism Pnnarvasu (in its second revolution after the Mahabharata War), the 
Empire of the great Gupta Kings shall begin to deoline and when they shall aotually 
enter the asterism of Purvabhadra thereafter, the kingdom of Magadba will pass from 
the Guptas to the Pala kings' 

65. According to VSyu and Majsya Farinas the interval between 
the birth of Parikpitand coronation of Mahapadma Nanda, is 1500 years 

<£& *faw-4 &r M^idWK q; II 

But some versions of Bhagavafa Purana differ and state tbat inter- 
val to be 1115 years. The text reads 

<MA$«*4l 5 w q^^p^ci^ II 

— Skanda XII, Ch II, v. 26 


This will mean " From j our birth (Parlksrfc is addressed by Suka) to the 
inauguration of Nanda 1115 years, will elapse" Yet according to the 
duration of the different intermediate dynasties as enumerated b\ it m 
Skanda XII, Chapter I, the interval comes to 1498 years viz , 

Barhadrafha kings 1000 years 

Pradyota kings 138 „ 

f^aigunaga kings 360 „ 

Total 1498 years 

This mistake has struck the celebrated commentators, oridharasvimm 
and Viraraghava and they distmctly suggest tbat the reading should 

For Srfdhara in commenting upon this verse states 

' snT^rPepn— q%?£ ^ztfm srfr %fr ^rrsPr ^rt 3ptrtc 
Mftfifrqfl re re ww vrsftftm?? fti^wdt iW^tww. sprats* 

Thus we have the authority of £ridharasvamin and Viraraghava 
to say that 1500 years is the interval between PariksrJ and Nanda 

66 But having adopted the wrong readings and reduced the 
penod of interval between the birth of Pariksit and the coronation of 
Nanda to 1015, 1050 or 1115 years, these Orientalists bring down the 
date of the commencement of the Kali Yuga itself as low as possible 
Assuming the wrong synchronism between Sandracottus of the Greek* 
and Candragupta Maurya, they place the accession of Candragupja 
Maurya to the throne of Magadha in 322 B C , and calculating back- 
wards and forwards from that date (while accepting the Lists of Kings 
given in the Puranas and the regnal periods given of those kings as cor- 
rect) fix the date of the accession of Nanda to the throne in 422 B.C , 
just placing him 100 years before the accession of Candragupta to the 
throne, and conclude that Kali Yuga must have commenced 1015, 1050 
or 1115 years before that date , that is m 1437 B.C or 1537 B.C 


conceding for all practical purposes the commencement of the Kali 
Yuga to be synchronous with the Birth of Pariksit, the Coronation of 
Yudhis$hira and the Great War of the Mahabharata 1 his false syn- 
chronism between Sandracottus of the Greeks and Candragupta 
Maurya of the Indians has become so much rooted in the bed of Indian 
Chronology, that scholars ^nsa Chandra Vidyarnava and F E. Pargiter 
placed the commencement of Kahyuga m J 733 B.C 

" The method of calculation ", says Snsa Chandra " adopted by 
the Puranas, however, is to take Nanda as the starting point The last 
of the Sisunaga was Mahanandm, who had a son by a Sudra woman 
He was known as Mahlpadma or the famous Nanda, whose eight sons 
succeeded him This Nanda famil) was brought to an end by the 
Indian Machiavelh, Kautilya or Chanakya Chandragupta was placed 
on the throne of the Nandas by this Kautilya or Chanakya About 
this event V Smith says — 

' Mahanandm, the last of the Dynast}, is said to have had, by a 
Sudra or low caste w oman, a son, named Mahapadma Nanda who 
usurped the throne, and so established the Nanda family or dynasty- 
This event may be dated in or about 372 B C * * 

The Greek or Roman historians * * * ranking as contemporary 
witnesses throw a light on real history When Alexander was stopped 
in his advance at the Hyphasis, in 326 B C , he was informed * * 
that the king of the Prachei etc * * * was Xandrames or Agramis ' 

The reference to this king is evidently to one of the Nandas The 
date of the accession of Nanda is calculated from that of Chandra- 
gupta Maurya, who ascended the throne in 322 B C The Nanda 
Dynasty according to Mr Vincent Smith, lasted for 50 years, when it 
was replaced by the Maurya So adding 50 to 322, the above figure 
372 B C , is arrived at by Mr V Smith as the date of the accession of 
Mahapadma Nanda But all the Puranas are unanimous m stating that 
the nine Nandas reigned for 100 years, and we have taken that m our 
calculations The date of accession of Mahapadma Nanda would, 
therefore, be 422 B.C instead of 372 B C 

Thus 4.22 B C w the starting point backwards and forwards m the 
Pttramc calculations 

Chandragupta Maurya displaced the Nanda family The nine 
Nandas reigned for 100 years Before that, there was the gisunaga 
Dynasty, and before that was the Pradyota Dynasty, and before that 


the Bnhadrathas The following table shows the periods of the reigns 
of these dynasties — 

(t) Chandragupta's accession 322 B.C 

(2) Nanda Dynasty 100 

(3) ^lsunagas 360 

(4) Prady5tas 

(5) Barhadrathas from the time of 


152 (?) 

Deduct from Chaidya to Sahadeva 



1441, and 

1763 BC, thejear 
of the Great War 

The Mahabhardta War took place when Sahadeva of Barhadratha 
family, was king From Vasn Chaidya Upanchara up to Sahadeva 
there were 13 kings, namely, (l) VaSu Chaidya Upanchara, (2) Bjiha- 
dratha, (3) Kusagra, (4) Vjishabha, (5) Funyavan or Pushpavan, (6) 
Punya or Pushya, (7) Sat3'adhriti, (8) Dhanusha, (9) Sarva, (10) Sam- 
bhava, (11) Bnhadratha, (12) Jarasandha, and (13) SahadSva After 
SahadSva there were 19 or 32 kings (or 22 according to Mr Pargiter) 
up to Ripunjaya the last The Great War, therefore, took place, on 
the above assumption, one thousand four hundred and forty one years before 
the accession of Cliandragupta tu J 22 B C„ or in other words that the Great 
War took place in or about zfdj B,C" 

67 Mr Pargiter, however, in his Dynasties of the Kali Age arr> 
ves at the year 1810 B C as the date of the Great War of Mahabbarata. 
He says that from SSmadhi to Ripunjaya there were 22 kings in the 
Barhadratha Dynasty who reigned for 920 years. The PradyOfas after 
Ripunjaya were S kings who reigned for 138 years. The $aisanagas 
who came after the Pradyotas were 10 kings and reigned for 330 years 
Adding up the above mentioned three figures, 920 plus 138 plus 330, 
he gets the sum 1388 yeais, which according to his calculation, was the 
interval between the installation of Mahapadma Nanda and the birth 
ofPariksitor the Great War Adding 422 B C„ the year of the in- 
stallation of Mahapadma Nanda (which is of course assumed as a 


postulate of Indian History). Mr Pargitet comes to the figure 1810 
B C as the date of the Mahabharata War 

The fanciful speculutions involved m these theories regarding the 
date of the Mahabharata War will be manifest to any disinterested 
reader of the Puranas and Itihasas The conclusions, were so uncertain 
that Snsa Chandra Vidyarnava reviewed his own original theory at a 
later stage and refuted the date of the Great War in 1922 B C (still 
following, the false synchronism between Candragup^a Maurya and 

68 Thus, we see that Vincent Smith is the modem protogonist of 
this identity, the Anchor-Sheet of Indian Chronology It is he that is quoted 
and foll< wed without inquiry by our Indian Professors of history and 
it is that chronology that is and must be taught m our schools By sheer 
repetition by men m authority and in the works that emanate from 
them, 'the theory had almost become an a^iom and rarely does any 
thought occur for any fair investigation Day after day the assumed 
identity takes a firmer root and it is considered a matter of senility or 
superstition to express a need for a reconsideration Hasty generali- 
sations lead to prepossessions and it is rarely human to attempt to 
demonstrate their reality It may appear therefore, a futile cry to seek 
to go behind these established opinions and to ask the reader to 
forbear and see fcr himself on the original bases of this theory, if, after 
all, the narratives of the Puranas, so honestly planned, are ' pious 
frauds ' For the vindication of the morality of our sages and the merit 
of our traditional lore, a lore adored by the millions of Hindu India, 
an attempt must be made, be the effect what it may * 

69 Max Muller himself was not slow to condemn in others this 
tendency to generalise Says he " Men who possessed the true faculty 
of an historian like Niebuhr, have abstained from passing sentence on the 
history of a nation whose literature had only just been recovered, and 
had not yet passed through the ordeal of philological criticism 
Other historians however thought they could do what Niebuhr had left 
undone ; and after perusing some poems of Kalidasa, some fables of 
Hitopadesa, some verses of the Ananda-lahan, or the mystic poetry of 

1 Sea also B K. Mookerji, Later Gupta History and Chronology, Jl, of Ind 
Eittory, IV. 17 , Dineschandra Saroar, Dynastic History of Northern India , Jyotit- 
moy Ben, Riddle of Pradyota Dynasty, 1HQ, (1980), 678, H D Bhide, Pradyota 
Dynasty, JBOBS, (1921} , K P, Jayaawal, Chandr&guvla 11 and his iredetessors 
JBARS, XVm. 17 


the Bhagavad-gita, they gave with the aid of Megasthenes and Appol- 
lonius of Tyana a so-called histoncal account of the Indian nation 
without being aware that they were using as contemporary witnesses 
authors as distant as Dante and Virgil No nation has in this respect 
been more unjustly treated than the Indian Not only have general 
conclusions been drawn from the most scanty materials but the most 
questionable and spurious authorities have been employed without the 
least histoncal investigation " H H Wilson, earlier, in the preface 
to his translation of the Visnu Purana, had remarked " Impatience to 
generalise has availed itself of whatever promised to afford materials 
for generalisation, and the most erroneous views have often been con- 
fidently advocated because the guides to which their authors trusted 
were ignorant or inefficient " 

70 The various accounts given of Candragupfa and Asoka by 
Hindu and Buddhist enters, have contributed to a large extent to the 
manipulation of Indian chronology at the historian's pleasure In his 
play Mudraraksasd Visakhadafja who wrote about 5th century A D 
dramalises the events relating to Candragupfca and his account is mostly 
in agreement with the Puranic tale He calls Candragupfa a Maurya 
and does not describe his parentage 

The object of the play, says Wilson, " is to reconcile Rakshasa, the 
hostile minister of Nanda, the late king of Palibothra (Pafcaliputra), to 
the individuals by whom, or on whose behalf, his sovereign was mur- 
dered, — the Brahman Chanakya and the Pnnce Chandragupta With 
this view, he is rendered by the contrivances of Chaflakya an object of 
suspicion to the Pnnce with whom he hat. taken refuge, and is conse- 
quently dismissed by him In this deserted condition, he learns the 
imminent danger of a dear friend, whom Chanakya is about to put to 
death, and in order to effect his liberation, surrenders himself to his 
enemies 1 hey offer him, contrary to his expectations, the rank and 
power of pnme minister , and the parties are finally fnends " 

71 The Buddhistic accounts such as Mahavamsa and Dipavamsa 
give a descnption of the first three kings only of the Dynasty The ac- 
counts given of Candragupta's origin and parentage are vanous and 
contradictory By one dccount it is said that Murl, the mother of Can- 
dragup^a, was the servant girl of Phana Nanda, the last of the Nanda 
Dynasty, and by her influence she had her son placed on the throne of 
Magadha at Pataliputra Another account makes him a member of an 
Andhra family, and says that he acquired the sovereign power by his 


own skill and exertion The writer evidently confuses here the accounts 
of the two Candraguptas, Candragupta of the Maurj a Dynasty with 
Candragupta the Founder of the Gupta D) nasty, and an illegitimate 
son of the Andhra family, for the Andhra family itseif came into exis- 
tence about 700 years after the accession of Candragupta Maurya 

According to Northern Buddhistic accounts Candragupta was a 
member of the Sakya family which in consequence of some political 
intrigues was driven away from its territory The family repaired to a 
forest in the Himavanta and there constructed a new town in a delight- 
ful and beautiful locality The streets and houses in the town having 
been laid after the pattern of a peacock's neck, it was called by the 
name of MSnya-nagara, and the family bj the name of Monya, and the 
kingdom founded by it Monya Dynasty The explanation is ingenious 
and is probably based upon a confusion of the Prakrit forms of the 
words Maurya (*TT*t) and MayOra (wg.) 

The lika on this Buddhistic account gi\es a curious origin of the 
name of this pnnce Cardragupta It is staled that while Candra- 
gupta was still in the womb, his father's dominions were taken posses- 
sion of by another powerful neighbouring chief, and his father himself 
was killed in the contest " His mother, ihe queen consort of the 
monarch of the M5nya-nagara C^FFTC), the city before mentioned, 
was fully pregnant at the time when that powerful provincial Raja con- 
quered that kingdom, and put the MSnyan king to death In her 
anxiety to preserve the child in her womb, she departed for the capital 
of Pupphapura (Pushpapura) under the protection of her elder brothers 
and under disguise she dwelt there At the completion of the ordinary 
term of pregnancy, she gave birth to a son, and relinquishing him to 
the protection of the dews, she placed him in a vase, and deposited 
him at the door of a cattle-pen A bull named Chando f^S?) stationed 
himself by him, to protect him A herdsman, on observing this pnnce, 
moved by affection, like that borne to his own child, took charge of 
and tenderly reared him , and in giving him a name, m reference to 
his having been watched by the bull Chando, he called him ' Chanda- 
guttS ' (^3*T), and brought him up " 

But all the Buddhistic works are agreed on one point that Can- 
dragupta owed his sovereignty entirely to Canakya alias Kautilya, 
and not ' called to royalty by the power of the gods and by prodigies ' 
as, stated by Justin with reference to his Sandracottus Nor it, there 
any reference either m the Hindu or the Buddhistic accounts to 


Candragupfa Maurya's ''having traversed India with an army of 
600,000 men and conquered the whole " as stated by Plutarch 

72 The Buddhistic accounts of AsOka, as given by the two great 
schools of Buddhism — Mahayana and Ilinayana— not only differ from 
each other but also from the accounts given of AsSka, the grandson of 
Candragupta Maurya by the Puranic accounts of the Hindus " There 
is a good deal of confusion in these Buddhistic works as regards the 
very family and geneology of As5ka, the Buddhistic Ling , and one can 
easily trace that the life and time of AsSka must have been constructed 
by the Buddhistic writers who flourished several hundreds of years 
after him, by jumbling up the lives of three different Indian kings, viz , 

(1) of AsSkd, (Dharmasoka) the third in ascent from Kanishka belong- 
ing to the First GSnanda Dynasty of Kasmir kings as described in the 
First Book of Kalhaua's Raja-Tarangini who is said to have freed him- 
self from sms by embracing the faith of Gautama Buddha and by con- 
structing numerous Viharas and Stupas, and by building the town of 
Srinagatl with its mnenty-six lakhs of houses resplendent with wealth , 

(2) of AsSkavardhana (Chandasoka) the grandson of Chandragupta 
Maurya, as described in the Puraias , and (3) of Samudragupta or 
As5ka the Great, (Mahasoka) the son of Chandragupta the Founder of 
the Gupta Dynasty, described by Mr Vincent A Smith himself as the 
Indian Napolean, as narrated by his biographer HanshSna, and in the 
Kahyuga Raja Vjittanta, and as corroborated by his numerous corns 
and inscriptions recently unearthed by European scholars themselves " 

The Mahavamsa, (according Wijesmha's revised edition of Tur- 
nour translation) says " One KalasOka had ten sons, who after his 
death ruled the kmgdom righteously for 22 years They were succeed- 
ed by other nine brothers, who likewise, in order of seniority, ruled 
the kingdom for 22 years A Brahman named Chanakya, who had 
conceived an implacable hatred against Dhana Nanda, the last survivor 
of the nine brothers, put that king to death, and placed upon the 
throne Chandragupta, a member of the princely M6nya clan descended 
from the line of the $akyas, who ruled the country for 34 years He 
was succeeded by his son Bmdusara, who ruled the land for 28 years 
The sons of Bindusara, the offspring of sixteen mothers, numbered one 
hundred and one, of whom the eldest was named Sumana, and the 
youngest Tishya A third son, AsSka, uterine brother of Tishya, had 
been appointed Viceroy of Ujjara by his father On receiving news of 
King Bindusara's mortal illness, AsOka hastened to Pataliputra, slew his 


eldest brother Sumana and his 98 other brothers and ruled the country 
for 37 years " 

The Dipavamsa, on the other hand, substitutes dusunaga for 
Ka-asoka and makes AsSka, the son of Susunaga himself, and omits all 
mention of the nine Nanda brothers 

The AsSkavadSna (according to the prose version in the Divya- 
vadana) gives the following account of the lineage and family of 
AsSka — 

" (1) King Bimbisara reigned at Rajagyiha His son was (2) Ajata- 
satra, whose son was (3) Udayibhadra, whose son was (4) Munda, whose 
son was (5) Kakavarom, whose son was (6) Sahalm, whose son was (7) 
Tulakuchi, whose son was (8) Mahamandala, whose son was (9) Pra- 
senajit, whose son was (10) Nanda, whose son was (11) Bindusara 
King Bindusara reigned at Pataliputra and had a son named Susima 
To him was born of Subhadrangf, the daughter of a Brahman, two sons, 
the elder named AsSka, and the younger named Vigatasoka Asoka 
secured the throne by putting to death the legitimate prince Susima by 
a stratagem devised by Radhagupta by which Susima was inveigled 
while marching against the capital, so that he fell into a ditch fall of 
burning fuel and there miserably penshed " 

Here it will be observed that Candragupta is altogether omitted, 
and Bindusara, the father of AsSka, is represented as being the son of 
Nanda The metrical Asokavadana, on the other hand, substitutes 
Mahipala for AjataBatru, and exhibits numerous other variations, which 
deprive these Buddhistic accounts of historical worth The conquests 
ascribed to As6ka in the various Buddhistic accounts are no doubt 
taken from the conquests of Samudragupta or AsSka the Great, and 
the embassy of the Ceylon king is also tracable to the same origin 
The story of his having embraced the faith of Buddha, of his having 
built sfcupas and Viharas, of his having reconstructed the city of 
Pataliputra and of his having introduced several reforms in the affairs 
of the kingdom and in the matter of the appointment of officers of 
state are all taken from the accounts of AsSka and his successors as 
given by Chhavulakara and by Kalhaoa in his Rajatarangml 

73 Inferences have been drawn in support of this imaginary syn- 
chronism by the dates assigned to Buddha-Nirvana Opimons are vari- 
ous on that event " The Northern Buddhists give dates ranging from 
2422 to 546 B C , and the Ain-i Akban of Abul Fazl fixes 1246 B C , for 


the event The Tamil Mammegalai gives the year 1616 of some tin- 
known era, probably of the Kali, and the Buddhists of Ceylon, Burma 
and Siam have uniformly been regulating their calenders on the basis 
that the Nirvana occured in B C 543 The Western scholars are like- 
wise as much divided in then* opinion, though their dates range onlv 
from 544 to 370 B C Professors Rhys Davids and Kern give 412 and 
388 B C respectively for the Para Nirvana, whereas Max Muller to the 
last maintained that 477 B C , was the correct date Dr Fleet considers 
the event to have taken place in B C 482 1 and Professor Oldenberg and 
M Earth fix it m 480 B.C Mr V A Smith has given us three differ- 
ent dates, B C 508 in his ' Asoka ', 487 in his ' Early India ', and 480 
to 470 B C in a recently published article '" 

The Maurya dynasty ruled at Magadha according to the Puranas 
in 1535-1219 B C , and Candragupta ascended the throne in 1538 B C 
But according to modern orientalists the Gupta era began somewhere 
about 325 B C There they vary in arranging the date of Candra- 
gupta's coronation between 325 and 312 B C ," such as 325, 321, 316, 
315 and 312 For instance, V. Smith, as we have seen, fixes the corona- 
tion of Candragupta in 321 B C But Fleet has a word of condemnation •* 
" Mr Smith's chronological details are even inter se wrong and irre- 
concilable The most reliable tradition, adopted by Mr, Smith himself 
for other ends, gives an interval of 56 years from the commencement 
of the reign of Chandragupta to the dbhuheka of AsSka , yet on the 
same page, Mr Smith has adopted only 52 years, placing the abhuheka 
of Asoka in B C 269 And further, he has placed only three years 
earlier, in B C 272, that which he has termed the " accession " — (in 
reality, the usurpation) — of As6ka , regardless of the fact that the same 
tradition makes that interval one of four years * A chronology which 
includes such inconsistencies and errors as these m some of its radical 
details cannot in any way be accepted as final." 

1. JBA8, (1906) 179 and 669 
3 Indian Bevttto, VIII 661. 

3 SeaM Senait, IA, XX 229, V Gobala Aiyar, JA, XXXVTI 841; Bnhler, 
IA, VI 149 , XI, IH. 1B4 ; Sleet, JBAB, (1904), 1 , (1906), 988 , V. Smith, BEX, 

4 JBA8, (1906), 984 

5 This Is easily arrived at, by deduction, from the Wpavajnsa, 6, 1 20, 31, It 
is expressly stated l>y the commentary on that work, the Mahavamsa, in the statement 
about Afoka (Tumour 31 1 ) that — 

VematUce bhatare so hantva ekunakam satam I 
safeale Jambudipasmim ekarajjam apSpuni V 


In a paper read before the First Oriental Conference in Poona 
in 1919 on the same subject, the epoch of the Early Guptas, Hiralal 
Amritalal Shah of Bombay again considered the question, and adducing 
quite different reasons, arrived at about A.D. 200 for the initial date 
of the early Gupta era 

74. In a scholarly examination of the subject R Shama Sastry 
thus summarises the results of his research 

" (1) Alberuni's statement that the Gupta Valabhi era A D 319-320 
was started from the epoch of the extermination of the Guptas is shown 
to be correct, inasmuch as it is supported by the Prabhavakachanta 

(2) The initial date of the early Gupta era, as distinguished from 
the Gupta-Valabbi era of A.D. 319-320, is fixed to he inAD 200-201 
on the authority of Jinasena's statement that Guptas ruled for 231 years 
and preceded the rule of Kalki whose birth date is fixed to be in the 
Mahamagha-samvalsara, A.D 402 on the authority of Nemichandra's 
statement made in his Bahubahchanta that ChSmundaraya (A D 970- 
1030) set up the statue of Goma$eswara in Belgola on Sunday, the 
Chaitra snkla panchami of the year Vibhava in Kalki era 600 expired, 
corresponding to Sunday the 3rd March of A D 1028 

(3) With this starting point for the early Gupta era, the date of 
Siladitya VII or Dhruvabhafa of Valabhi, Gupta samvalsara 447 comes 
out to be 200-201-f-447=A D 647, making it possible for the Chinese 
traveller Hiuen Tsiang to meet him about A D 640 

(4) With this initial date of the early Guptas, the last date of 
Samudragupta's rule will be about A.D 282 when or a little earlier he 
could possibly conquer the Shahan Shahis and the last king of the 
Murunda dynasty of Patahputra, and when he could receive an embassy 
from Megbavamabhaya, king of Ceylon, whose date of accession to 
the throne is AD 254 

(5) This initial date of the Early Guptas plus the inscnptional date 

Jina-mbbSnato paohohha pure teas =3bhisekato| 

atjliSrasami vassa aatam dvayam evam vijaniyam \) 

PatvS chatobi vassehi ekarajja mahSyaso I 

pure PataHputtasmim attanam abhiseohayi |] 
" Having slain (Ms) brothers, born of various mothers, to the number of a hundred 
less by one, he attained sole sovereignty in the whole of Jambudvipa After the death of 
the Oonoueror (Buddha), (and) before the anointment of him (Atoka), (there were) 
218 years , thus is it to be understood Having reached (a point qf Utne marked) by 
fouryearB, he, possessed of the great fglory of sole sovereignty, caused himself to be 
anointed at the town Pataliputta, 


269 of Mahanaman's construction of a Vihara in Bodhgaya is shown 
to tally with the Ceylonese date of king Dhatusena (469) whose con- 
temporary was Mahanaman, the priest and founder of the Vihara 

(6) It has also been shown how the last of the Andhrabhntya kings 
Satakarni dufu-kulananda was contemporary with the first of the 
Guptas, the successors of the Brihadbaaas in the north and how 
Mayurasarman, the first of the Kadambas and conqueror of the Brihad* 
banas m Mysore was contemporary with the same Satakarni and how 
Kakutsthavarma living in the 80th year of Kadamba victory was con- 
temporary with Chandragupta II living in the 82nd year of the Gupta 
era and probably gave his daughter in marriage to Chandragupta II 

(7) It is also shown how with this starting point for the Gupta era, 
Thursday coincides with Ashadha Sukla Dvadasi of Budhagupta's m- 
scriptional date, G S 165 Here the year taken for verification is 
AD 200-201-l-G S. 165 expired=365-366 The twelfth Tithi of 
Ashadha (June) A.D 365 is shown to fall on Thursday 

(8) For the assumption that there were two Toramanas and two 
Mihirakulas, the Chinese accounts of the murder of Simha, the 23rd 
Buddhist Patriarch* by Mihirakula in about 420 A.D are to be relied 
upon It is however immaterial whether this assumption proves accep- 
table or not, for the burden of proof for the starting point of the Early 
Gupta era in A.D. 200-201 does not depend upon it 

(9) As the Early Gupta era of A.D. 200-201 is shown to be quite 
different from the Gupta-Valabhi era used by the Huns and probably 
by the Fanvrajaka Maharajas, my scheme does not come into clash 
with Dr. Fleet's scheme 

(10) This scheme throws a flood of light on what has hitherto 
been regarded as a dark period between A.D 200 and 300 in the 
History of India"* 

75 Speaking of the Indian sources, Fleet wrotes (IA, XXX 1 t 

" We should not be able to deduce the date of Asoka from the 
Furanas But we should find that the Rajatarangmi would place him 
somewhere about B.C 1260 We shall find, indeed, that the Nepal 
Vamsavali would place him, roughly, about B C. 2600 As, however, 
that list does not mention him as a ruler of Nepal but only as a visitor 
to the country, we should probably infer a mistake in that account, and 
prefer to select the date of B C 1260 And then we should set about 
arranging (he succession of the kin gs of India, itself, from the Pnranas, 
1. Mys. Arch. Hep, (1997). 


with B C 1260 for the approximate date of the accession of Asoka as 
oar starting-point " 

76 In his dissertation on the Chronology of the Hindus, written 
in 1788 (As Res Vol II, p in, reprint of 1799) Sir William Jones took 
a different starting-point and fixed it in a different way His paper was 
based on a work entitled Pdranarthapkakasa, which was composed 
shortly before the time at which he was writing, by Pandit Radhakant 
Sarman and which seems to have been based, in its tarn, chiefly on the 
Bhagavataktrana In the first place he brought forward a verse 
given to him from a book entitled Bhagavatamrita, composed by " a 
learned Goswami," which purported to fix the Kaliyuga year 1002 
expired as the date of the manifestation of Buddha With this he cou- 
pled an ' assertion in the same book that, two years before that date, 
there occurred the revolution which placed on the throne Pradyofa, 
the first king in the third dynasty before that of the Manryas And he 
thus exhibited a chronology which, taking the accession of Pradyofa in 
B.C 2100 as its starting-point, placed the accession of Sisunaga in 
B.C 1962, the accession of Nanda in B.C 1602, and the accession of 
Candragupta (the grandfather of Asoka) in B.C 1502, and made the 
dynasty of the Andhrabhrtyas run from B.C. 908 to 432 But he con- 
sidered that the figures put forward by the Puranas were excessive 
both for generations and for reigns And adjusting those figures 
according to his own estimate, and taking, as a starting-point B.C 1027 
for the date of Buddha as fixed by the Chinese authorities as inter- 
preted by De Geignes he submitted a revised scheme, which placed 
Pradyofa B C 1029 Nanda B.C 699, and the rise of the Andhrabhrf- 
yasinBC 149 

77. Patanjali mentions in Mahabtasja (I 1, 68) ' Candragupta. 
sabhS ' and ' PuSyamitra-sabha.' It is said that he mentions Mauryas in 
V ni. 39 as the vendors of idol images or beggars carrying these idols but 
does not connect them with any of the ruling races at all The reading 
of the word 'Maurya ' seems to be wrong " The old MSS. (of the 
Mahabhashya) of the South makes the allusion of making and selling 
idols apply not to Mauryas but to Pouras ( a peculiar tribe also men- 
tioned in the Vishnu Purana (IV xxiv) , for example MSS Nob 31, 33 
of the Adyar Library, which are, on paleographical examination found 
to be more than 3 and 4 centuries old respectively, may be consulted 
If "Pouras " be the nght word, so much controversy about the allusion 
of Patanjali to the Mauryas will vanish at once " 


78. Kalhaua's Rajatarangini is not after all an unreliable record 
As a chronicle of Kashmir annals it is a true representation Its impor- 
tance in literary history lies in the variety and detail of traditional in- 
formation it gives of past history over a long period of 3500 years 
He wrote the introduction to his work m 1148 AD He might have 
been in error in saying that the Mahabharafa war was fought in 663 
of Kali for there were two astronomical views on the movement of 
Sap^arsis and he chose one of them * 

Kalhana says that the 24th year of the Laubka corresponded with 
the year 1070 of 6akakala " The year 1 of the Laukika coincided 
with 1047 of the Saka, or A D 1025 , and as the cycle was a century 
one, the first year of each century must have corresponded with the 
25th year of each Christian century " 

79. Loka Kala, Laukikabda or Sapta-R§i-Klla is so named after 
the Sapta-Rsis seven Rsis or the seven stars of the constellation of 
Great Bear It is supposed (hat the Rgis move from star to star once 
in a hundred years, but on the actual reckomng there is a difference of 
opinion between Vjddha Garga and Puranas on the one side and 
Varahamihira and other later astronomers on the other, " By the 
former it is said the seven nshis were in Magna between 3177 and 3077 
B.C , that is in B C 3101 at the beginning of the Kali-yuga , while by 
the latter they are placed m Magha just 653 years later, between B C. 
2477 and 2377, that is in B C 2448. The reckoning of the Lok-Kal, 
as now used in Kashmir and the other hill states, is by the common 
lum-solar years beginning on Chaitrasuddi 1, or the new moon of 
Chaitra The cycle consists of 27 centuries, each counting from 1 to 
100 years, when a new reckoning is begun The first year of each 
century corresponds with the 25th year of each Christian century *** 

80 Modern historians are again uncertain on the date of Kaniska 
but the opinion prevails among them that he ruled in about 78 AJ> 
and according to some his name is connected with the S*aka era If 
according to Kalhana, the reigns of kings that ruled in Kashmir after 
Kaniska made up a period of 2330 years up to his day, that is, the 
reign of King Jayasimha, Kalhana would then go up to 78 plus 2330 
to 2408 AD , but we are now in 1937 AJD* 

I See pans 184-188 on Kalhana. 

3. See for an elaborate discussion, GuBningham's Indvm Brat 
8 On Kanishka, Bee Y. Gopala Aiyar, Tho Chronology of Ancient India , V. E. 
Smith, EH, 83, 951 , and Li, X. 318, Xm. 58, XXXV. 88, XLH. 183, XLYI 961 , 

utt, u, a* , 3 a, xxxn. *n. 


81 . The story of Candragupta as originally given m the Byiha$- 
kafha in the Paisad language by Gunadhya, the prime minister of 
King datavahana of Prafisthana, and as we now have il in Kathasant- 
sagara, a true translation of the said work m Sanskrit by SSmadeva, 
is somewhat different from the accounts given of that prince m the 
Puranas on the one hand, and m Visakhada^a's Mudrarakgasa and 
its commentary on the other Here Candragupta is represented as the 
only son of Nanfla, the king of Fatallpufra and a contemporary of 
Ka^yayana Vararuci, the celebrated author of Var|ikas and a disciple 
of Varfacarya, under whom Piuim also first began to study Grammar * 

82. The following are the passages of Kathasan{sagara, dealing 
with King Nanda and Candragupta — 

arrciftrat *r*r 1% ^ <tt§#pt1% II 
B^r fa srrer v mfli*(to Jra;n%cw I 

• ■ ■ 

fRr. srwfeg <Firfitf^K"isi ^f ct^ II 
?mr swNswwrf ftw ?d|pif srfir I 
g^trspftq; *Wti% timfflfa il 

arftfcT #«fN*T ^ 3 tTlftlHftHtlfq I 

tft m s% ' «N N ifit fl awfann il 

stnt o^Imjimi =* srn^frMfar I 

ffir ^Hw ?Rfl?r apfr. ^^ ^ I 
ar%«TO*pr s *ra m. tmwft«i ; u 

*r| $m$$ srrcr fon^r at* ?r |l 

TaRfoer ?&& sift? jrffaF*^ il 

1. Bee paras 4-7 post. 


jrf^RT ^Y^pit =*r t%srrar 3^f%°rrq; l 
*Th IW-£ll *PT ?T5T ^*r-*ti3? sr *?r^r: it 

ijcrcq *ftf^t ?§r *rosr srrRrmfSNr. I 

*r cf^ fricTNK «Mt fa+ta-4 ^ sfw<rr^ II 

sp^jpi *R^t srr^r ?T5»f ^ ^^■hsj; II 

•• ••• ••• ••• 

ri-^^fr %*m***<i ^rsesfq^srrsjsr^^r |l 

qftflffi^ftH f^Trsft- 1% ffcrqr %**rrft % il 
cr^grrs^rT^r cf s^rr^r: «t>khf*i<i*md I 



q^s?n *t^n5RT f&t ft°M\<m\4*T ll 
cfSrrssfrr «rarr ^ *0* i «Ah *ita«r II 

3fTr«TRr ^MHr-tt^ fas q^r *rfa f^rfr ll 

1% sr»?RT TSfSJ d<4H»IWIAcl Hrf*T I 

o5g^ra^ra"-wgrs tji-°^hA i & Ifeftm *r: 11 

sr 6rppc ^wnr *Thm-«wj' gRRr* i 
fsfrffr *Ei-i-*f4i«M»^ri ,Bi '*r u i«H< r-*e*f fitsr Trar II 

1% gw ^•wt^th 1 ^sr f^srrssr ^tsajCi^ I 
g^PTF ^^r <rr^r irfa ^ srer ll 

fT^?3T ?fi|8T »T^ft ^TST ^iPlJ^TH | 

«i 5r$R^*nic g% sr^-w agrq^r. II 

woftfr sft ■^Ts^trf 15% a n«^g m 11 

srsafcadhi^ ti 1 *m sr sixt ^ ?m 11 
«rcr. 53- i^rr =qp»PFft 3ft ?frec qurrffraq; I 

aiTntrerrsqfr t>«i. 3*FS^it Ersg 11 
3rrr?%rt t *i*wf ^n^ i ai s re wa. I 
!r ^sqrw jf^trr ^imf u m gq^gflq; H 
£rs*r $^rr ^srmqpTf «*k»fi«i s*rrt: i 
ftarf s^wr ftrgt ?nr ^Ruai+mifam^ H 


form* spsFfcrr =*? agi Plfl^i f^i n 

3R5i%cf #l| g *i*Ai<£r s#B?ig; II 
cRtoraafo ^r 5e a^r jtJ^if I 
ff ^r«R$ f&tsr wsfc ^ f^rercrra^ 11 
cresrr#R^rs«r ^stwwuq % \ 
srat $& jnt q^^ ggqrirag; ll 

^phr srrefll^ ?r h *F?ft ^rf^rain II 
*mhI *rw«K^ $ d^wfiiftw I 
p^rft^N sr^a-Jipa^ll 

The above passage has been briefly translated by H H Wilson as 
follows — 

" After living for a considerable penod in my hermitage, the death 
of Yogananda was thus related to me by a Brahman, who was travelling 
from Ayodhya and had rested at my cell, ^akatala, brooding on his 
plan of revenge, observed one day a Brahman of mean appearance 
digging in a meadow, and asked him what he was doing there. 
Chanakya, the Brahman, replied " I am rootmg out this grass which 
has hurt my foot." The reply struck the minister as indicative of a 
character which would contribute to his designs, and he engaged him 
by -the promise of a large reward and high honour, to come and pre- 
side at the draddha, which was to be celebrated next new moon at the 
palace Chanakya arrived, anticipating the most respectful treatment, 
but Yogananda had been previously persuaded by Sakatala to assign 
precedence to another Brahman, Subandhu, so that when Chanakya 
came to take this place, he was thrust from it with contumely Burning 
with rage, he threatened the long before all the court, and announced 
his death within seven days. Nanda ordered him to be turned out of 
the palace Sakatala received him into his house and persuading 
Chanakya that he was wholly innocent of being instrumental to his 
ignominious treatment, and contributed to encourage and inflame his in- 


dignation Chanakya thus protected, practised a magical rite, in which 
he was a proficient , and by which, on the se\enlh day Nanda was de- 
prived of life Sakatala, on the father's death, effected the destruction 
of Hiranyagapta, his son, and raised Chandragnpta, the son of genuine 
Nanda to the throne Chanakya became the prince's minister , and 
Sakatala having attained the only object of his existence, retired to 
end his days m the woods "* 

83. According to Katjhasarit-Sagara therefore Candragupta was 
the only son of the genuine-king Nanda, and was very young when the 
genuine Nanda passed away and Indradatta entered the dead body of the 
king and began to rule the kingdom, so he was called by the name Yoga 
Nanda Yogananda begot a son on the queen of the late real or Satya 
Nanda and he was named Hiranyagupta. Besides the mention of these 
two persons, there is no reference to " Nanda and his eight sons " 
anywhere in the said poem. These passages also show that Candra- 
gupta was but a king in name, that he was in no sense a usurper or 
adventurer, that he took no active part at all in establishing himself 
on the throne of Nanda, that it was Sakatala, the old minister of the 
king, and Canakya, a Brahman sage of great learning and determination 
that planned the death of Yogananda and of his son Hiranyagup^a, and 
raised the young prince Candragupfca, the legitimate son of the genuine 
Nanda to the throne of Magadha Nowhere is there any reference to 
this Candragupta being a conqueror of enemies or of having received 
ambassadors from foreign princes, either at Patalipufra or Ayfidhya, the 
permanent and temporary capitals, and it is at Ayodhya the revolution 
came off on the death of king Nanda, leading to the elevation of 
Candragupta to the throne. 

84 The statements of the early European writers may now be sum- 
med up* —(a) At the time of Alexander's invasion, the Prasi or eastern 
kingdom of Magadha was ruled over by a king Xandrames , according 
to the officers of Alexander sent to investigate the country living ahead, 
and also according to Poros whom Alexander consulted, Xandrames 
was a powerful king who could bring into the field 20,000 horse, 
200,000 footi 2900 chariots and 4000 or 3000 elephants , he was 
nevertheless of mean origin, the queen of his predecessor had fallen 

1. (Yide Appendix II to the Prefeoe of his Mudrsrakshasa, The Theatre of Ate. 
Hindus, n. 140-lM). *"* 

3. MaOrlndle's oolleotion and translation of all the passages from classical 
writers In six books are regarded as reliable by Vincent Smith, of whioh indlka ef 
Megasthanes and Arian are instructive! 


in love with him and had helped him to murder her husband , and 
therefore he was very unpopular with his subjects (b) Sandrokottos or 
Androcottos as a young pnnce had met Alexander, and had offended 
him and incurred his displeasure , but after the retreat of Alexander he 
put himself at the head of a band of robbers, drove out the prefects of 
Alexander, and made himself king (c) Seleukus Nikator tried to regain 
the Indian conquests of Alexander, but found it wiser to contract an 
alliance with him * {d) Megasthenes the ambassadar of Seleucus dwelt 
at the court of Sandracyptus and wrote an account of those in whose 
midst he lived (from which account later writers have quoted copiously) 

" The Greek wnters mention as many as six names or variations, 
Xandrames, Andrames, Agrammes, Sandrocottus and Sandrocyptus. 
Whether these apply to one or more than one individual ; and Max 
Muller was not sure but in his obdurate zeal to demonstrate the identity 
he said "Xandrames the last king of the empire conquered by 
Sandracotus If however it should be maintained that those two names 
were intended for one and the same king, the explanation would still 
be very easy For Chandragupta is also called Chandra, and Chan- 
dramas in Sanskrit is a synonym for Chandra "* 

85 What was discovered was simply this — that in the celebrated 
inscriptions of king Priyadarsm— Rock Edicts HI and XIII— Antiochus 
and Ptolemy are mentioned as Priyadarsin's contemporaries There is 
nothing in the inscriptions to show that Pnyadarsin was Asoka Maurya, 
grandson of Candragupta Maurya. Strict logic will justily only one 
inference from the first Greek Synchronism — that Sandrocottus whoever 
he was was the contemporary of Seleukus Nikator , and only one from 
the second — that Priyadarsm was the contemporary of a Greek ruler 
Antiochus. Unless proof is forth coming to show that either Sandro- 
cottus or Priyadarsin was a Maurya King, it is wrong to say as 
Vincent Smith does say, that by the discovery of these two synchro- 
nisms " the chronology of the Maurya dynasty was placed on firm 
footing, and is no longer open to doubt in its main outlines " 

86. Who was Xandarmes ? Let as compare the Greek and the 
Indian versions, understanding Xandramas to be the predecessor of 
Sandrocottus First in Indian traditions Nanda, or more precisely 
Sumalya Nanda, was the immediate predecessor of Candragupta Maurya. 
If therefore by Sandrocottus we are to understand Candragupta Maurya* 

1 V Smith, SWL, 140 
3. ASL.lia, 


we must identify Xandrames with Nanda. This is exactly what is done 
by almost all Orientalists like Vincent Smith, with a vague statement 
" that the king of the Gangandie and Parsn . was named, as nearly 
as the Greeks could catch the unfamiliar sounds, Xandrames or Agram- 
mes,,.. ....who must have been one of the Nandas mentioned in native 

tradition "* and that somehow m order to maintain the hypothesis, Xan- 
drames muse be identified with Nanda Max Muller as a philologist is 
convinced that Greek Xandrames is Sanskrit ' Chandramas or Chandra.' 
and rather than ignore grammar he is for identifying Xandrames and 
Sandrocottus Secondly the Greek account of Xandrames does not 
tally either with Hindu or with Buddhist versions of Nanda. Accord, 
ing to them Mahapadma, first king of the Nanda dynasty, was the son 
6f the last Saisunaga King Mahanandin by a $Sdra wife, and was a 
powerful, avaricious, wicked king, having Ksafcnya wives, but there is no 
allusion to any of his father's wives having become his paramour The 
Puraoic writers, had no love for Mahapadma and they would cer- 
tainly have mentioned such an incident m his life, if it really referred 
to him. His father Mahanandin is nowhere stated to have been 
murdered whether by Mahapadma or his paramour Thus neither from 
the name nor from the description, can Xandrames be reasonably 
identified with Nanda. 

87 We have no less difficulty in identifying Sandrocottus or San- 
drocyptus with Candragupta Maurya The description given of the 
mighty Sandrocottus by the Greeks cannot possibly compare with any 
Indian account whatsoever of Candragupta Maurya, who, far from 
being a great conqueror, owed his elevation and rule entirely to the 
Brahmana Capakya or Kautilya The Hindu and the Buddhist ver- 
sions are agreed here Max Muller's explanation is only this, that be- 
cause Candragupfa Maurya was grandfather of the great Buddhist 
Emperor Asoka, therefore the Brahmanas unduly lowered him, and the 
Buddhists as excessively exalted him, and that is mere fancy The part 
played by Raksasa, the devoted minister of the Nandas at first and of 
Candragupta at last, and the power exercised throughout by the Brah- 
man Canakya over Candragupfa amply indicate that Candragupta and 
his immediate predecessors were m no way considered anti-brahmani- 
cal. Even King Priyadarsm of the Edicts was no persecutor of the 
Brahmans, for in his inscriptions he always enjoins the highest respect for 
" brahmanas 1 and sramanas " 

1. JUS, 40. 


88 The identification of Raja Prfyadarsin with. Raja Asoka was 
based entirely upon Ceylonese Buddhist chronicles. Talboys Wheeler 
wrote in 1874, " The identification of Raja Pnyadarsin of the Edicts 
with Raja Asoka of the Buddhist chronicles was first pointed out by 
Mr Tumour who rested it upon a passage in the Dipavamsa The late 
Prof Wilson objected to this identification "* Prof Rhys David de- 
clared " It is not too much to say that without the help of the Ceylon 
Books, the striking identification of the King Piyadassi of the edicts 
with the king Asoka of history would never have been made "* But 
the Ceylon chronicle" are admitted to be utterly worthless as history 
and according to Wheeler " the Buddhist chronicles might be dis- 
missed as a monkish jumble of myths and names,* and even Vincent 
Smith in the preface to his Asoka himself said "I reject absolutely the 
Ceylonese chronology...... The undeserved credit given to the monks 

of Ceylon has been a great hindrance to the right understanding of 
ancient Indian history." And yet it is on such undeserved credit that 
the identity of Pnyadarsin with Asoka Maurya rests to this day. 

89. In the literature of India there is no allusion anywhere to an 
invasion or inroad into India by foreign nations up to the time of the 
Andhra kings ; and the only person who bore the name of Candra- 
gupia answering to the description of Sandracottus of the Greeks who 
flourished about the time of Alexander the Great in India, according to 
the Puranas, was Candragupta of the Gup^a Dynasty who established 
the mighty empire of the Guptas on the ruins of the already decayed 
Andhra Dynasty about 2811 years after the Mahlbharata War, corres- 
ponding to 328 B C , but he is now bemg placed in the 4th cen- 
tury A D , on the sole strength of this mistaken Greek Synchronism 
by our Savants of Indian history God save us from our friends ! 

90 Beyond the verbal resemblance of Candragupfa and Sandra- 
cottus and Pataliputra and Pahbofra, there is nothing to justify the 
identification of Candragupfa Maurya and Sandracottus of the Greeks, 
No attempt has been made to explain the various names Xandrames, 
Andrames, Andracottus, Sandracottus, Sandrocyptus, and Sandrocuptas 
as used by the Greek writers to denote three different persons, as referring 
respectively to the last king of the previous dynasty, the usurper who 
.has been actually reigning at P&tallputra a t the time when Alexander 

1. Btstory cf India, Hindu, Baddhist and Brahmanioal, 380 
3. BuddMst India, 97? 

8. xm.m 


invaded ladia, and the king who concluded a treaty with Seleucus 
Nicctor at the instance of Megasthenes These facts would equally 
apply, if not more pointedly, to Candragup$a of the Gupfa Dynasty 
who usurped the throne of Candrasri, the last virtual king of the 
Sndhra Dynasty, under the pretext of acting as guardian and regent of 
his minor son Pulgman and who was succeeded by Samudragupta who 
established himself on the throne of his father with the aid of vaga- 
bonds and banditti at Pafallpufra, and who is distinctly stated in ins- 
criptions to have received ambassadors from various foreign princes, to 
have conquered the whole of India, then extending far beyond its pre- 
sent limits, and to have performed even an Aivame4ha sacrifice in 
honour of his glorious victories 

91 Kahyugarijavrttanta, which is a part of Bhavisyottarapuraua, 
describes the last two kings of the Andhra dynasty and the advent of 
Gup|a dynasty thus 

^sfrara'&tffag f rfSr 3<ftf*r *rterfct I 

tb&m $°r *&®&r qn%5. II 
sRnfa q^ - ^rfft &rt tort qfoqfo ll 

* » * 

MltklflMd qfe tfljWI jMq. Ml 

$tp&*5£hj ^nsrsfl% mi ll 

1. She names underlined like this, aftgtf, ^ (=^) 5 ^^ fTO eto , are 
mentioned In order shly by K31ii}5sa in Baghuvamsa (I 11 18) e g , 

iii sq£m$t 15^35*. i 

Hew the word «ft a single totter, is oomparea with the word ajf— a single letter of 
great sanctity, In I 81, KalidSsa says that 8udaksi*5 was a Magadba ratoness, thus 
suggesting that Kalldlia had In mind Magadha kingdom when be wrofc thtipoam. 


55s«rs^reft *t^rsf^ tls^^srt esnra: j 

4^g raft: srra^rs^t *tfsra«>Tf*#r l 
acs^ ^ ^i4>h f %Pn£<fl «mnfci>q; ll 

m t>£*3i *rm* 50^ sRreiTsq^tt 62 '^ I 
^%T %Fr g%r i^atfftsr Sg?r: II 

q^^as^ra^jq^ff g^rea??* msrwr: l 

*w* fasrc ip^r ?r?s^ srenpsprac I 
at4ft*if^Mi*u g sre^rat 5tt#ci% li 

^& f^Trisjfras* Jcrat "^rsfJippaf^ i 
*<*i*»i8i m&im ?nt#r«rc?rer: q^ I) 

srarrewirfr* qq r rerrer fesrra^: ll 
<a**n3f33*n333 : gmftnnrer. I 

qp=^iw wn %^r ^frtq^fcfti^: our* u 

ftsfiTOf^rM- qf*3§: qftgri%cT: I 



&m v* ^H fa§H$raft%* II 
^irffcrarar i. ? iM qwPNfir II 

fT>T?fe^ ji^fl^i 11 

m *$%m imfca ?ft p' I 

fits srj fl#cn Hjrfii^a^ ?m iff; II 
«rj ffinrcjuaisfg ' i&TO<tf «5T*Rrr I 

ft^row^H flir^n'^Rs I 
■^ p ^r fo r M m #flfa ilfofiq, tl 

iftwftf I at *MTMlKwt t HUT II 

wra prf «^h fetf fJrsr ^ sfor I 

— Bhaga III, Chapter 3 
To translate a few of these verses 

" Chandrasri Satakami, known also as the son of Vashishthi will 
enjoy (the kingdom) for 3 years After him yet another Puloma, will 
be king for 7 years under the protection of Chandragupta, son of 
Ghatotkacha. These thirty-two Andhra kings (already enumerated) 
will enjoy the earth , and then- reign will cover full 500 years (in round 


numbers While they are yet on the throne, the country will pass to 
the Guptas who will be known as the snparvatiya andhrabntya kings 
(i e , those that had come from Snparvata, and had been in the service 
of the Andhras) . . And so the valiant Chandragupla, the head of 
the Parvatiya clan, grandson of the ruler of Snparvata named Sngupta. 
and son of Ghatotkacha Gupta, will marry Kumaradevi daughter of the 
king of Nepal Then with the help of the Lichchhavis he will gain in- 
fluence m the Government (of Andhras), become the Commander-in- 
chief, and head of a large army He will marry a Lichchhavi Princess, 
the younger sister of the Queen of Chandrasn, and thus will become 
the King's brother-in-law , And instigated b} the Queen he, by some 
stratagem, will get King Chandrasn killed He will be appointed 
Regent in place of her son by the Queen , and m seven years he, un- 
daunted, will become sovereign himself, after killing the young Pnnce 
Puloman And thus by force he will seize the Kingdom from the 
Andhras, and will rule Magadha along (or jointly) with Kacha, his 
son by the Lichchhavi wife He will reign for seven years under the 
title of Vijayaditya and shall establish on earth an era in his own 
name " 

"After that (le, after Chandragupta) his son, son likewise of the 
daughter of the King of Nepal, with the aid of Mlechchha bands, will 
slay his treacherous father together with his son and other (unfriendly) 
relations He will be known on earth under the title of Asokaditya, 
himself freed from all misery, (spiritually ?) and causing joy to his 
mother, Samudragupta will become supreme ruler of earth. He will 
conquer the whole world like a second Dharmaputra, and with the 
help of Brahmanas he will perform the horse-sacnfice according to the 
scriptures He will be honoured by (subject) Kings both in his own 
and in foreign countnes , and will be praised by poets for his learning 
and talents in music Thus Samudragupta will reign supreme over the 
earth from sea to sea {lit surrounded by the four oceans) " 

92 This eulogy should bnng to mind at once the Greek picture of 
Sandrocottus The sensitiveness of Pnnce Samudra must have been stung 
by his father's undue favountism towards Kaca The statement that 
Candragupja ruled along with Kaca not merely indicates the cause of 
quarrel between Samudragupta and his father , it explains also the 
numismatic puzzle as to how Kaca's coins came to be struck. Thus, 
then, Androkottus of Plutarch who fried to persuade Alexander to in- 
vade the Prasii, but whose " insolent behaviour " according to Justin 
led to a quarrel between him and Alexander, the Androkottus who 


afterwards collected bands of robbers and drove out the prefects of 
Alexander, who was called to royalty by the power of the Gods and 
by prodigies, who overthrew Xandrames, and humbled Seleucus Nika- 
tor, was the same as Samudragupta who with Mleccha troops over- 
threw his " treacherous " father, and whose conquests inscribed by 
Harisena on " Asoka's pillar " at Allahabad amply bear out the state- 
ment of the Puranas that Samudragupta was supreme ruler of the earth 
from sea to sea, to whom even Ceylon and Bactna and Assyria paid 
homage And this same Samudragupta " the Indian Napoleon " of 
Vincent Smith, was the Sandrocottos of Megasthenes , and he reigned 
for fifty-one years. Samudragupta like all the Guptas had a title ending 
in adttva he was ASOKADHYA » 

93. Sandrocottos was also Piyadassi. — We have read of 
" Asoka the Buddhist Emperor of India" and " The first and most au- 
thentic records are the rock and pillar edicts of Raja Pnyadasi ....the 

reputed grandson of Sandrocottos .The second .. consist of the 

Buddhist Chronicles of the Rajah of Megadha "* From a careful study 
of these two classes of records Talboys Wheeler whose " History of 
India " appeared in 1874, that is, before the traditional conventions of 
Orientalists took the fatally ngid shape which they have since assumed, 
drew his picture of Raja Pnyadarsi Asoka and found how like his pic- 
ture was to that of the Greek Sandrocottus as depicted by Megas- 
thenes Asoka, while young,* " was at variance with his father and 
seems to have gone into exile like another Rama He is said to have 
been appointed to the Government of the distant province of Ujjain. 
and subsequently to have repressed a revolt in Taxila m the Panjab 
......The mam incidents of Asoka's early career thus present a strange 

similarity to those recorded of Sandrokottos by Greek writers. San- 
drokottos was also an exiled prince from Patahputra , and he ultimate- 
ly drove the Greeks from Taxila Again Asoka usurped a throne and 
founded an empire , so did Sandrokottos Asoka originally professed 
the Brahmanical religion, and then embraced the more practical reli- 
gion of the edicts Sandrokottos sacrificed to the Gods in Brahmani- 
cal fashion , but he also held a great assembly every year in which 
every discovery was discussed which was likely to prove beneficial to 
the earth, to mankind and to animals generally. ... It would be a start- 
ling coincidence if the great sovereign whose religion of duty without 
deity has been engraven for more than twenty centuries on the rocks 

1 Talboys Wheeler's History of Inclia, Hindu Buddhist, and Bmbminloal p, 909. 
3. Ibid, pp. 331, 487. 


and pillars of India, should prove to be the same prince who met 
Alexander at Taxila, who offended the Macedonian conqueror by his 
insolence and assumption, who expelled the Greeks from the Panjab 
during the wars of Alexander's successors, and ultimatelj manned the 
daughter of Seleukos Nikator " In fact Talboys \Yheeler had little 
doubt that Sandrokottos of the Greeks and Asoka of the Buddhists 
were identical In one or two places he calls Asoka " the reputed 
grandson of Sandrocottus or Chandragupta" 1 and adds in a note "The 
term ' reputed grandson ' is here used advisedly It will appear here- 
after' that there is reason to believe that the name Sandrocottos and 
Asoka are applied to the same individual "• The title Asokadifya appli- 
ed to the king m the Kaliyugarajavrtfan$a confirms the conjecture made 
by Talboys Wheeler from internal evidence 

94 Asoka and Samudragupta — The correspondence bet- 
ween these two names rests on not mere fancy Asoka is said to have 
resented the ill-treatment accorded to him by his father , so did Samu- 
dragupta resent Asoka in becoming a King became a parricide,* or 
fratricide also , so did Samudragupta become too Both were Hindus at 
the outset Special mention is made of the conquest of Kahnga by both 
Asoka was converted to Buddhism by Upagupta,* who is described as 
a blood relation of Asoka's Samudragupta, it is admitted, was a 
pupil of the celebrated Buddhist teacher Vasubandhu Asoka of the 
edicts though an earnest Buddhist enjoined the highest respect for 
Brahmanas Samudragupta, though an * orthodox Hindu ' was a great 
patron of Buddhism , and throughout the Gupta period " the Buddhist 
rule of life was observed Buddhist monasteries were liberally endowed 
by royal grants "• Both Asoka and Samudragupta had inornate rela- 
tions with Ceylon, with Bactna and other foreign countries * These 
correspondences cannot fail to establish the identity of the two 
Emperors Vincent Smith claims that modern oriental investigators 
have unearthed the history of Samudragupta, and wonders how " this 
great long, warrior, poet, and musician who conquered nearly all India, 

1, Ibtd , pp 209 and 476 

3 t.e , p 487, 

8 26td,p 476. 

4 Hari§ena makes special mention that Samudragapla was received by hiB lather 
with open arms Where was the need ior this special mention unless it were intended 
to contradict current beliefs to the contrary ? 

S. Vinoent Smith's Early History, p 169. 

6 Ibtd , pp 383, 828-884, 397 

7 Ibid , p 386. 


and whose alliances extended from the Oxus to Ceylon was unknown 
even by name to the historians of India "* The explanation is simple, 
Asoka, the title assumed by the emperor, completely replaced his per- 
sonal name, and became a household word all over India , it was 
earned to Ceylon in the anecdotes regarding Raja Prayadarsi Asoka 
But Samudragupta was known to the Greeks as Sandrocottos only, and 
the name was also inscribed on the coins which lost to mediaeval India 
have now been discovered 

95 A.soka's pillar at Allahabad may, in one word, be said to 
link together all the three groups of contemporary evidence It is the 
pillar of Samudragupta Asoka Pnyadarsin The Greeks knew him not 
as Priyadarsm because Megasthenes had left Pahbothra before Sandro- 
kottus became a Buddhibt The Ceylonese Buddhists knew not of the 
Hindu Samudragupta but only the Buddhist Pnyadarsin In India 
itself, except in popular tales about Asoka, both the names Samudra- 
gupta and Pnyadarsin were forgotten , the older Puraflic accounts all 
close with the Andhra line of kings practicall) Ihe monuments were 
all pulled down by the Mahomedan invaders. 

1 hus we see that the Gupta dynasty ruled from 328 BC to 83 B C t 
and of these kings Candragttpfa ruled fiom 328 to 321 (J years) and Samu- 
dragupta for 31 yeats from 321 to 270 BC This would make this Can- 
dragupta and Samudragupta contemporaries of Alexander, Selekus 
Nicator and Antiochus Is this the correct synchronism ? 

96 Here is an inscnption on the metal pillar in Buddha Gaya of 
a king Candra 

tfteft rnmffi fa oft fl fr ft ffi dr w%vr 
nwwqfimti 3raftfa^TTft|^<ir ll 

*nfa sgsiiiSicHf sfcrc^ftrcnar %?ft 

1. 26«a„p 969. 


" He, on whose arm fame was inscribed by the sword, when in 
battle in the Vanga countries (Bengal), he kneaded (and tamed) back 
with (His) Breast the enemies who uniting together, come against (Him), 
he, by whom, having crossed in warfare, the seven mouths of the 
(River) Smdhu, the Vahlikas were conquered, he by the breezes of 
whose powers the Southern ocean is even still perfumed. He, the rem- 
nant of the great zeal of whose energy, which utterly destroys (his) 
enemies (like the remnant of the great glowing heat) of a turned out 
fire in a great forest, even now leaves not the earth , though, he, the 
king, as if wearied has quitted this earth, and gone to the other world, 
moving in (bodily) form to the land of paradise won by (the merits of 
his) actions, (but) remaining on this earth by (the memory of his) fame \ 
— By him, the King, — who attained sole supreme sovereignty m the 
world, acquired by his own arm and (enjoyed) for a very long time, 
(and) who having the name of Chandra, earned a beauty of counten- 
ance like (the beauty of) the full moon having in faith fixed his mind 
upon the (God), Vishnu, this lofty standard of divine Vishnu was set up 
on the hill (called) Vishnupada " 

97. By tins indictment of the present condition of Indian histori- 
cal studies it is not in the least meant to belittle the labours of those lllu* 
stnous savants of Sanskrit learning, who had left their countries and de- 
voted their time and means for the understanding and dissimination 
of India's ancient literature India owes to them a debt of gratitude, 
which lapse of time, however long, cannot tend to obliterate, for those 
scholars, like Max Muller, Jones and Wilson have all left behind them 
monuments of learning and research in their editions of Sanskrit works 
and their translations which have gone out to the wide world for 
appreciation It is all the same barely consistent with that expression 
of thankfulness that as time progresses and new material emerges, scholars 
should exercise their thoughts on questions on which there may be a 
possibility for review and reconsideration. Among such subjects u> 
this topic of the Greek synchronism The fancy that dawned in the 
mind of William Jones, was hatched by Wilford, was reared by 
Max Muller, was well clothed by Vincent Smith with the garb of reality. 
The dissent of Taylor expressed in the preface to Rajatarangitf 
was lost to view before the modern ideas of A Stein in his new Edn. 
of that work, and bo too went down the feeble protest of Wilson. 


98. To my lamented friend, T. S. Narayana Sastri, High Court 
Vakil, Madras, with whom I collaborated, was due a categorical investi- 
gation of this faulty identification and his Age of Sankara and The kings 
of Magadha embodied the results of our research. Then followed a 
similar exposition of $ri Kalyanananda Sarasvatf of Virapaksa Mult and 
an address to an Oriental Conference by M. K. Acharya. Now comes 
my reiteration. It may not be a forelorn hope that, as I said, at some 
day or in some clime these thoughts may again have a revival and a 
recognition. Let me repeat the words of Bhavabhati : 

These prefatory pages will now introduce the reader to the study 
of Classical Sanskrit Literature. 





Cat Bod 
Bibl Ind 















Cat CP 


■ \ 

Abhmava-BhSratl of Abhmavagupta 
Cunningham's Ancient Geograph} 

Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in A<hnr Librar] 

Annals of Bhandarkar Research Institute, Ponna 
Max Mullens Ancient Sanskrit Literature 
BhavaprakaSana of ^arada^anaya 
Mss in Bhandarkar Research Institute, Poona 

' Catalogus Codicum Sansknticorum Bibhotheca Bodha- 

Bibhotheca Indica, Calcutta 

• Buhler's Kashmir Report 

Bombay Sanskrit Series 

A Catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts contained in the 

Private Libraries of Guzarat, Kathiavad, Eacbchh.&c 

compiled under the superintendence of G Buhler 
A catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts in the library of 

the Maharaja of Bikneer, compiled Rajendra Lala 

Mitra, Calcutta 

Report on the search for Sanskrit Mss in the Bombay 
Presidency by R G Bhandariar 

A classified index to the Sanskrit Mss in the Palace at 
! Tanjore by A C Burnell, London 
Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum, Pts 1, 2,3, Leipzig 
Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Sanskrit College. Calcutta 
Calcutta Oriental Journal 
Columbia University— Indo-Iraman series 
Corpus Ins Indicorum 

Catalogue of manuscripts in Adyar Library 

Catalogue of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

Hiralal's Catalogue of Manuscripts in Central Provinces 


DR DasarBpa of Dhananja>a 

DC Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the 

Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras 

El Epigraphies Indica 

£g | V Smith's Early History of India 

EHD R G Bhandarkar's Early History of the Deccan 

EC Epigraphica Carnatica 

Gough A E Gough's Records of Ancient Sanskrit Literature 

GOS Gaekwad Oriental series, Baroda 

HOS Harward University Oriental Series 

HR \ Reports on Sanskrit manuscripts m S India b) 

HZ j E Hultzsch, Madras 1905 

iSt Indisch Strahen 

IAU. Indische Alterthumskunde, Leipsig 

IA Indian Antiquary 

IL Indian Literature 

10 \ Catalogue of Sanskrit manusenpts m the India Office, 

IOC J London by Eggelmg 

IW Monier William's Indian Wisdom 

IHQ Indian Historical Quarterly 

Ini Rev Indian Review, Madras 

JA . Journal Asiatique, Pans 

JAHS . Journal of Andhra Historical Society 

JAOS ... Journal of the American Oriental Society, 

JaSSP . Andhara Sanity a Panshat Patnka 

JASB ... Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 

/BRAS ... do (Bombay Branch) 

JSSP Journal of Samskrita Sahitya Panshat, Calcutta 

JDL . . Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta 

/OR ... Journal of Onental Research, Madras 

/RAS ... Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 

/My Journal of Mythic Society, Bangalore 

ff? s \ Catalogue of Manusenpts m Jessalmere Library 

J*n. Cat J (G O Senes) ' 

Red ... Kavfndracandrodaya 

Keith's SD ... A B Keith's Sansknt Drama 

Keith's CSL... A B Keith's Classical Sansknt Literature 

Keith's SL . A B Keith's Sansknt Literature 

Kao \ 

Kvs . J F w > Thomas Edn of Kavfndravacanasamaccaya 




• •• 



I c 

• •• 

he, at 

• • 


• •■ 




• •• 

Many Jl 



• •• 


• •• 






• *• 

Mys. OML 

• •« 


• • 

Mys Sup 



• •• 

Mod, Rev 

• •• 


• •■ 


• •■ 


• •• 



Nepal Cat 

• •• 


• •• 




• •a 


■ •« 

Cat. Bod. 

• • 

op. at 

■ •• 

o. c. 

• •• 




• •• 


• •• 





A Catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts existing in the 
Central Provinces — Edited by Keilhom, Nagpur 

Report on the search for Sanskrit manuscripts in the 
Bombay Presidency during the year 1880-1 by 
Keilhom, Bombay 1881 8 

{kco citato)— ' in the passage previously cited,' 

"• } Notices of Sanskrit Manuscripts by Rajendralala Mitra 
... J 

Mackenzie Collection A descriptive catalogue of the 
Oriental Manuscripts collected by the late Lieut. 
Col Colin Mackenzie by H H Wilson, Calcutta. 

ManjBsa, Sanskrit Journal, Calcutta 

ManjubbSgini, Sanskrit Journal, KancT (Conjeevaram) 

Mitragosthl, Sanskrit Journal, Calcutta 

A descriptive catalogue of manuscripts in Mithila by 
K Jayaswal 

Madhuravaoi, Sanskrit Journal, Belgaum 
C V Vaidya's Mediaval India. 

Catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts in Oriental Library, 
Mysore and Supplement 

Notices of Sanskrit Manuscripts 

| Modern Review, Calcutta. 

Natyadarpana of Ramacandra 

A Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in Private Libr- 
aries of the North-West Provinces, Benares and 
Catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts m Nepal 
Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts existing in Oudh, 
I Catalogue Codicum Sanscnticorum Bibliothece Bod- 

leianse by Aufrecht, Oxoml, 1864. 

J {open citato) — 'in the work cited.' 

} Lists of Sanskrit Manuscripts in Private Libraries in 
Southern India by C-ustav Oppert, 2 Vols Madras, 
Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras. 

| Padjunrta^arangiai 












• •• 


Sam , , 

Schuyler, Bill 













Peterson's Reports of the operations in search of Sans- 
krit Mss m the Bombay Circle (I to IV) 

Kalahana's Rajafarangim. 

RasSrnavasudhakara of SmgabhupSla 

Report on search of Sansknt Mannscnpts in Bombay 

Presidency by B G. Bhandarkar. 
Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts m Mysore and 

Coorg by Lewis Rice, Bangalore 
Pustakanam Sucipatram of the library of Pandit 

Radhaknshna of Lahore used by Aufrecht. 
Samskyta Bhara^i, Sansknt Journal, Calcutta. 
Samskftacandnka, Sansknt Journal Kolhapur 
Samskfta-maha-mandala, Calcutta 

Sahityadarpana of Visvanl^ha. 
Saraswa£kanthabharana of Bhoja 
^fngaraprakaga of Bhoja 
Sansknt Poetics by S. K, De. 

Sahfdaya, Sansknt Journal, Madras 
Samvat Era 

A Bibliography of the Sansknt Drama by Montgomery 
Schuyler (Columbia University, Indo-Irauian Series), 

I Catalogue of Manuscnpts in Kashmir. 

Subhasitavah of Vallabhadeva Ed by Peterson 
Belvalkar's Systems of Sansknt Grammar. 
Seshagiri Sastn's Reports, 2 Volumes 
Sources of Vizianagar History, Madras 
SadukfckarQamrta of $rfdharadasa. 
Samscpta-PSdyavani, Sansknt Journal, Calcutta 
Catalogue of Sansknt Manuscripts in the Sanskpi 

College Library, Benares, Allahabad. 
SQryodaya, Sansknt Journal, Klsi. 


Aiyar, R. S. 
Altekar, A. S. ... 

Bagchi, P. C 
Ball, U. N. 

Barna, K. L. ... 
Basak, R. G. 

Bhagwat Datta ... 

Bhandarkar, R G. ... 

Bijanr&j Chatterjee ... 

Bose,P N. 
Chakravarthy, SI ... 

Chakradhar H. C ... 
Cunningham, Sir Ale- 
JJas, A. d, ... 

Diksitar, V. R. R. ... 

Deneschandra Sarcar ... 
Dineschandar Sen ... 

Duff, C. M. 
Dutt, R, C. 
Edwh* Arnold 
Frazer, R. W. 

Gopalan, R. 
Henry, Victor 



The Nayaks of Madura 

The Rastrakutas and their timet. 

Sino Indica, 2 vols, 

Ancient India 

Medieval India. 

Early History of Kamarupa 

History of North Eastern India. 

History of Vedic Literature, 2 vols 

Early History of the Deccan down to the- 

Mahomtdan conquest 
A Peep into the Early History of India. 
Indian Culture in Java and Sumatra. 
Ancient Indian Colony in Slam. 
A Story of Ancient Indian Numismatics. 
Ancient Indian Numismatics, 
Social Life on Ancient India, 

• Ancient Geography of India. 

Rig-vedic India, 

Rig-vedic Culture. 

Some Aspects of Vayu Purana, 

„ „ Matsya Purana. 

Dynastic History of Northern India, 
Vaishnava Literature of Mediaeval Bengal. 
History of Bengali Language aadllitewtarei 
Chronology of India, Westminister, 
Civilization in Ancient India, Avols. 
Indian Poetry and Indian Idylls. 
Outlines! of the. Religious Litemtuft dfi India, 
Indian Mythology. 
AiLitejtary History of India, London and 

Leg Literaiwet d* l'Inde, Paris. 



Heras, H 

Jayaswal, K. P 
Jones, J P 

Knsbnaswarai Aiyangar 

Kalkarm, K P 
Law, B, C 

Lassen, Christian 
Macdonell, Arthur, A .. 

Mc Crindle, J W ... 

Majumdar, R C. 

Majumdar, A. K. ... 
Manning, Mrs C, S ... 
Mitra, F. 
Moraes, G M 

Mukerjee, P K 
Nandu Lai Dey 

Oldenberg, N 
Panikkar, K M 

Beginnings of Vijayanagara History 
The Aravidu dynasty of Vyayanagar 
Studies in Pallava History 
The Pallava Geneology 
History of India (150 AD 350 AD ) 
India — Its life and Thought 
A Little Known Chapter of Vizianagar His- 
A Short History of Hindu India 
Early History of Vaishnavism in South India 
Hindu India from Original Sources 
Studies in Gupta History 
Sanskrit Drama and Dramatists, 
Tales from Sanskrit Dramatists 
Ancient mid-Indian Kshatnya Tnbes 
Ancient Tnbes of India 
Historical Gleanings 
Indische Alterthumskunde, Leipzig, 
History of Sanskrit Literature, London and 

New York 
Ancient India as described by Megasthenes 

and Arnan 
Ancient India as described by Ptolemy 
Ancient Indian Colonies in Far East, Vol, 1 

Outlines of Ancient Indian History and 

The Hindu History (3003 B C 1200 A.D) 
Ancient and Medieval India, London 
Pre-Histonc India 
Kadambakula — A History of Ancient and 

Mediaeval Karoataka, Bombay 
Indian Literature Abroad (China), 
Indian Literature in China and the Far East. 
Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and 

Mediaeval India 
Rasatal or The Underworld. 

Die Literature des alten Indian, Stutteart and 

Sn Harsha of Kanoj 


Pargiter, F. E. „, Ancient Indian Historical Tradition. 
Pischel, R. „. Die Indesche Literature, Berlin, 

Pires, E. A. ... The Maukharis 

Rapson ... Ancient India. 

Ancient India (Cambridge), 

History of India, 
Radhakrishna Mukerjee. Fundamental Units of India. 
Sarma, S. H ,„ Padma Parana. 

Sen and Ray Choudhn. The Germination of Indian History. 
Siddhata, M. K. ... Heroic Age of India. 
Siddhesvara Sastri ... Pracma Cantra Kosa 

Dictionary of Ancient Indian Biographies. 
Sitanath Pradhan ... Chronology of Ancient India (from the Times 

oftheRig-veda, KingDevadasa to Chan- 
dragupta Maurya 
Sitanath Tatvabhushan. Knshna and Parana, 
Smith, V. A. ... The Early History of India (from 600 B.C.) 

till Mahomedan conquest, 

Oxford History of India. 

Vaidya, C. V. ,„ History of Mediaeval Hindu India-3 Vols. 

History of Vedic Literature. 
Von Schordder, L ,„ Indian Literature and Kultur, Leipzig. 
Weber, A, „. Indian Literature. 

Williams, Monier ,„ Indian Wisdom. 
Wintemitz, M, .„ Der Indescben Literature, 2 vols. Leipzig. 

Some Problems of Indian Literature, 
























































































s h 



N.B— (i) In the case £ and ? and 3 and 5 the transliteration till 
now adopted by many, \ and d and t and d has been reversed in this 
book as more consistent with the natural sounds of the English 

(11) In the case of the nasals only the letters n and m have 
been adopted, without further modifications of these two types, to 
facilitate printing 

(ui) In the Sanskrit spelling the strict grammatical rule of 
nasal sandhis has not been followed for typographical reasons. For 
instance, *fWf% might have been spelt as Jpftcf. 

aft fifr -intfTW 


Section l 

Vedic Forms of Epics 

" In India, says M. Williams," literature like the whole face of 
nature, is on a gigantic scale Poetry, born amid the majestic scenery 
of the Himalayas, and fostered in a climate which inflamed the imagi- 
native powers, developed itself with oriental luxuriance, if not always 
with true sublimity Although the Hindus like the Greeks, have only 
two great epic poems (the Ramayana and Mahabharata) yet to compare 
these vast compositions with the Iliad and the Odyssey, is to compare 
the Indus and the Ganges, rising m the snows of the world's most 
colossal ranges, swollen by numerous tributaries, spreading into vast 
shallows of branching into deep divergent channels, with the streams 
of Attica or the mountain torrents of Thessalay It is, of coarse, a 
principal characteristic of epic poetry, as distinguished from lyrical, that 
it should concern itself more with external action than internal feelings 
It is this which makes Epos the natural expression of early national 
life When centuries of trial have turned the mind of nations inwards, 
and men begin to speculate, to reason, to elaborate language and 
cultivate science, there may be no lack of refined poetry, but the 
spontaneous production of epic song is, at that stage of national 
existence, as impossible as for the octogenarian to delight in the giants 
and giant-killers of his childhood The Ramayana and Mahabharata 
then, as reflecting the Hindu character in ancient times, ma; be expect- 
ed to abound in starring incidents of exaggerated heroic action," 1 

1. Indton Wtetym, 306. 


The beginnings of epic poetry in India are to be found in the 
early Vedic Literature The Rg Veda contained hymns of a narrative 
character, and short legends in prose and m verse called Gathas, 
Narasamsis, Itihasas etc, occur in the Brahmana literature 1 The 
Niruk^a contains prose tales and likewise the metrical Byhaddevafa 
The Yamasabhiyas, the Indrajananiyas, the Akhyanas, Canarafas and 
probably Granfhas Sisukrandiyas," narrated the course of epic history. 
' In the Vedic literature there was no essential difference between Aftya, 
! Akhyana, Punfta and Itfhlsa and generally KaJhS They meant ordi- 
narily an old tale, story, legend or incident andlhey were often inter- 
changeable * Kajha is non-specific and may be a causerie rather than 
a tale There may be a Pivyakatha, like the legend of Agasfya,* or 
a Katjhamjta or essence of several Upakhyanas,* or a Kathasara, an 
abridgment of a story. But their essential characterstic is the narration 
of stones of great kmgs or Gods in the past So we hear of Pyumaf 
sena solaced by the tales of former kings,' such as Rama andNala* 
Parana, literally old and Iphasa (Ifa-ha-asa), literally ' so it was ' are 
almost synonymous, and these terms are found associated with each 
other in the early literature * The word Iiihasa may become a saying, 
a proverb rather than a legend * In this sense the words Gi^a and 
Gatjha were also used Gajha need not necessarily be sung and means 
only a proverbial verse M VySsa called his Mahabhara^a or " Jaya ", 
Samhija, PurSna, Akhyana, Upakhyana, Katha, Iiihasa, Kavya etc," 

1. BrihaQ , H, 4-10, IV. 1-2 , IV. 8-9 , 8atapa{ha XI 7-1. See also Afharva 
SamMia, XV 6 , ISt 183 

9 PSftn*, IV, m 88 , VI. 2 103. Goldstuoker's Pafifa, 28 , ISt, V. 27 
MazmuQer, ABL, 40 

3. Mah. Ill, 100, 2. 4 Mah. XH, 340, 137. 

5 Mah XH. 386, 16 

6 Mah I 140, 74 , HI. 298-7 

f^w. ^<ral 3>*rr«^ 

7. The story of Nala is being indifferently oalied K&tana, ItiMsa and ParSna 
Mah. in 79, 10, 11, 16 

8 See Oforo r/f . VU. 1, 2, 4 , VH 9, 29 , III 45, 

9 Mah.m 80-21 

10 Mah III 29, 85, m 136, 45, 54 

We find these OS^bSs incorporated in legal and philosophical literature alga 

11. Mah I 3, 388, 385, 387, 389. Similarly ESmayana is oalied Akhyana and 
Samhlja (Bam. VI, 131, 122, 124 This referenoa as KSvya modifies Lassen's opinion 
(Indtan Anhguittes, I. 485} that KSvya is a distinct tatle of BamSyana 

R&VllYANA 3 

In thus describing his work Vyasa must have had in mind some special 
characteristic of each class and therefore added that his work possessed 
all these qualities so as to stand forth as an encyclopaedia of all learn- 
ing. In the extant literature, the terms Itihasa and Purina have ac- 
quired a distinct use Itihasa may correspond to an epic and PuraOa 
to a series of narrations, without the mam porp of a running tale, 
meant solely to explain cosmological and theological tenets. In this 
sense a Purina has been thus described as pancalafyana it treats of 
five topics, creation, destruction and recreation, geneology of the Gods, 
periods of Manus, and history of royal races * 

Broadly speaking, therefore, epic literature in India consists of 
Ibhasas, and Puraflas Of the former we. have Ramayana and Maha- 
bharata and with these we shall now proceed to deal 

Section II 

Ramayana, literally the history of Rama, is the immortal poem of 
Valmlki " Valmlki, known also as Bhargava and Pracetasa, was a sage 
with his hermitage on the banks of the Ganges His original name 
was Rafnakara In the Adhyatma-Ramayana Valmlki describes his 

1 Sea Vayu Pwana, IV 10, and Amarasimtia's N&tnalniganutesanarn, 
3, Vaimlh the descendant of Bhrgu was the 24th Vy5sa in the Vaivasvafa- 
manvan{ara (Tiantt Purata, in, 3) 

st^cFj; awfotf&fcr «ii&*ii , c*M«i'«n*f.w9 l wrfcf — <ro ffcf I 

m*$t dMW<fl I STT5lfrr% 4IJfet<W4dU& I <r<# $r«f& ? I Rta: 

gpr sr«r ^im. I «ii«*dfi»R^«i qi<4l*irtW"iifeftfoa<i3kM»i3N wfrwrr- 
witorfitagiqf arcf fftft wm: I is mtotm*$(> w* % 

Sl^T^fT WlW srq^ ^ cf?ft I cff?*<ld«{ft ^tftefl^ I 33 +'fil<M*l% 
T3 W&ttdfcftvJI ftilcfdMWffl^rfct tfWM H$ft S?T fcldlfM ■*$• I ff 

ti*HW«tm»feqnimiPmi3i ^fcRfi Jri^rsj^Rr «rra- ^tBti 

See Commentary en B&mwHUf TTO. IV. 4366-7r 


past history — By whom or how, O Rama, can the greatness of thy 
name be rehearsed, — that name by whose power I, O Rama, have 
attained the rank of a Brahmin saint ? In bygone times I was bred 
among Kiratas, with the children of Kiratas But by birth only was I 
a Brahmin , for I was perpetually devoted to the practices of Sudras 
From Sudra women many children were born to me of unsubdued 
passions And at last, having fallen in with robbers, I myself of yore 
became a brigand, — bearing constantly a bow and arrows and resem- 
bling, to men, God of death In a great forest, on a certain occasion, 
I saw before me the seven Mums, resplendant, and glorious like fire 
and the sun Through curiosity I pursued them, longing to seize their 
possessions , and I shouted " Stop, stop " Seeing me the Mums 
asked "Wherefore has thou come, base Brahmin?" "To acquire 
something, O most excellent of Munis " was my reply to them " My 
children, my wife and others — many — are starving To save them 
I wander through the mountain forests " Upon this, they, andismayed, 
said to me, "Go and ask your family one by one, whether they consent 
or not to participate in the guilt of the numerous sins that are daily 
committed by thee We will certainly remain here until you return " 
Replying " yes " I went home, and put the question propounded by the 
Mums to my children, wife and others They replied to me, O noblest 
of the Raghavas, ' All the sin is, we deem, thy own alone we are 
willing to be sharers in the immediate fruit of it only Contrite on 
hearing this, I went back, thoughtful, to the place where the Mums, 
with hearts fall of compassion, were waiting At the very sight of them 
my soul was purified Flinging away my bow and other weapons I fell 
prostrate crying, " Save O excellent Mums, me who am on the road 
to the sea of perdition " Beholding me lying before them, His 
venerable Munis said to me 4 " Rise, rise , blessings be upon thee. 
Communion with the pious is effectual We will instruct thee some- 
what , and so thou shalt be saved " Looking at each other they 
Continued ' This vile Brahmin, as being addicted to evil course 
deserves only to be shunned by the virtuous Since, however, he has 
come for sanctuary, he must be deligently protected by being taught 
the way of salvation " So saying, O Rama, they enjoined that, with 
fixed attention, I should unremittingly meditate in that very place, upon 
thy name, its syllables being transposed namely, ma ra " Meditate" said 
they " as directed, till we come again," Having thus spoken, the 
divinely wise Munis departed At once I did as I had been bidden by 
them. With concentrated mind I meditated, and lost all consciousness 


of thing external Above me, rigid in figure, and detached from all 
commerce with the world, there arose, after a long lapse of time, thus 
employed, an ant-hill Subsequently at the close of thousands of 
cycles, the Rishis returned "Come out" said they to me, and 
immediately, on hearing this command, I stood up And I emerged 
from the ant-hill, like the sun from the mist of morning The band of 
Munis then addressed me, " Great Muni, be thy name Valmiki , for 
thy egress from the white-ant-hill (Valmika) has been to thee a second 
birth Thus speaking, O most eminent of the race of Raghu, they 
proceeded on the road to heaven." 1 

Narada was struck with that devotion and thought that he was the 
best person to commemorate the story of RSma He narrated to him 
the story of Rama and blessed that to him the^world would be indebted 
for its publication Once when out in the forests, Valmiki was moved 
by the killing of one of a fond pair of birds by a hunter, leaving the 
female bird to lament the death of her mate and that feeling of pity 
manifested itself m the form of a melodious verse 

m ftrcr? 5]%t fpfw srRqRft m\ I 

When contemplating on this verse with melancholy Brahma ap 
peared and directed him to compose Ramayana, Blessed by Brahma 
with a perception of the events of RIma's history, he wrote his poem 
and gave it the names, Ramayana, Sitacanta and Paulas$yavadha. He 
taught it to his pupils Lava and Kusa, the sons of Rama, who were 
born and bred up in his hermitage while &$a was in banishment, and 
they sung it to lyre for the first time at Rama's Agvamedha sacrifice. 

In the present form Ramayana is divided into seven Kandas or 
books Tradition gives the number of verses as 24,000 in 500 chapters 
or Sargas, each thousand verses beginning with a letter of GSyatri- 
manfra Interpolations and alterations made in different parts of India 
and at different times account for the work now being seen in three 
distinct recensions, the Bombay, Bengal and the West Indian,' the 

I, This narrative is to lie found at I. 61-85 of She Sixth chapter of the AyodhyS* 
kinds of the Adhyafana-RSmayaaa. , 

3 These reoensiona are bo named by Haodonell (Stmt Ltt 80S) Gorroslo's 
Edition is the Bengali reoansion. Begarding the Bombay Edition, see I8t, IL 235. 
For the differences in the Bengali and Bombay versions, see C. V. Valdya's Blddle of 
the Bamayana, Appendix j JBA8, XIX. 308 8 , Mute's Original Sanshrtt Teats, 377* 
418. Kama's horoscope is not found in the Bengal recension. On RIma's horoscope, 


earliest being probably that of Bombay. These variation*, says Mac- 
donell " are of such a kind that they can for the most part be accounted 
for only by the fluctuations of oral tradition among the professional 
reciters of the epic, at the time when three recensions assumed definite 
shape in different parts of the country, by being committed to writing " 
The manuscripts of the Berlin library, contain, it is said, a fourth 
recension * 

The following summary of the story is taken by R C Dutt's 
Civilisation in Ancient India 

Formerly there ruled over the kingdom of Kosala (capital Ayodhya) 
a king called Dasaratha He belonged to the Solar race, and counted 
among his ancestors such famous names as Manu, Ikshvaku (first king 
of Ayodhya), Sagara, Bhagiratha (who brought the Ganges down from 
heaven), Kakutstha, and Raghu He had three wives Kausalya, 
Sumitra, and Kaikeyi , the first was the eldest, the last, the most 
beloved Dasaratha ruled long and prosperously but had only one 
daughter, Santa and no sons, though he was getting old Following 
the advice of Vasishtha, his family preceptor, Dasaratha offered a 
sacrifice m which his son-in-law Rishyasnnga, officiated as head-priest 
As a consequence, the king got four sons 1 Rama, the eldest, born 
of Kausalya, 2 Bharata, born of Kaikeyi, 3 Lakshmana and 4. 
Satrughna, both bom of Sumitra 

The kingdom of Videha (capital Mithila) was to the east of the 
kingdom of Kosala It was at this time ruled by the saintly fr ing 
Janaka, who, as he was once for a holy sacrifice preparing the ground 
with a plough, came upon an infant, and brought her up as his own 
daughter. This was Sita thus miraculously sprung from the Earth. 
The girl grew up m the company of Urmila, another daughter of Janaka, 
and of Mandavi and Srutakirti, daughters of Janaka's brother Kusa- 
dhwaja. As Sita became of an age to be married, Janaka instituted a 
Svayamvara whoever should succeed in bending a mighty bow 
(which Janaka had received from God Siva) was to marry the princess' 
Many attempted, but none succeeded 

see Weber, On the Bamayana, 14, I 120) In his abridgment of Bam*yan» 
(Samkslpta-RamSyajja) B Vaidya purports to eliminate all aooretions and to give 
what- might have been the RamSyana as composed by VSlmiki The running story has 
been muled bat and edited by P p S Sastri and A M. Brimvasaoarya, Madras. See 
Karnam Gundurao's essay, Andhra Patrika, Annual number (1916), 316 
1. Weber's Oat 119, 


One day there came to the court of Dasaratha the royal sage 
Visvamitra who, finding the demons frequently molesting his penances, 
requested the king to send two of his sons, Rama and Lakshmana, with 
him to his penance-grove Since a person of Visvamitra's position 
could not be denied anything, Dasaratha reluctantly agreed to give over 
his sons, though yet in tender years Visvamitra resumed his holy rites 
and when the molestors came, Rama, at Visvamitra's behest, killed the 
demon Subahu and the terrible she-demon Tataka Pleased at the 
prince's valour, Visvamitra thereupon taught him the mystic formulae 
relating to all the missiles that he knew, and particularly the Jrvnibhaka 
missile, which had the power of producing instantaneous stupor or 
paralysis in the ranks of the assailants After the conclusion of the 
sacrifice, Visvamitra took Rama and Lakshmana with him to Mithila, 
the capital of Janaka. Janaka was very favourably impressed by the 
princes , and Visvamitra called upon Rama to try his hand at the 
mighty bow. Young though he was, Rama not only succeeded in 
bending it, but even breaking it in twain, and thus winning him a wife, 
Visvamitra now proposed that, along with Sita's marriage to Rama, 
there be celebrated the marriages of Sita's sister Urmila and her cousins 
Mandavi and Srutakirti to the three brothers of Rama, Lakshmana and 
Bharata and Satrughna respectively The proposal was agreed to 
Dasaratha was called from Ayodhya, and the marriages were celebrated 
with due pomp 

The nuptial joys, however, were interrupted by the arrival of 
Parasurama, son of Jamadagm Parasurama was a fiery Brahman, sage 
and warrior, who had twenty-one times nd the earth of all 
Kshatnyas He was a devotee of God Siva, and was incensed to leam 
that Rama had not only bent but broken the bow of his favourite 
Divinity As nothing short of a fight with the young pnnce would 
satisfy him, Rama managed to reduce him to terms, and sent him away 
humbled and abashed. The four princes then returned to Ayodhya 
with their brides Here they passed some twelve years End of 

Dasaratha, finding his eldest son Rama now arrived at a proper 
age, resolves to crown him heir-apparent Preparations are accordingly 
set on foot But Kaikeyi, the youngest queen following the advice of 
Manthara, her nurse and confidante, calls upon her husband to fulfil 
immediately the two boons which on an earlier occasion he had granted 
her Dasaratha consents, but is sorely grieved to leam that the boons 


are 1 That Bharata, Kaikeyi's son, be appointed heir-apparent, 2 

that Rama be forthwith sent away into exile for fourteen years As the 
king could not belie his words, Rama had to submit to the wishes of 
his step-mother, which he cheerfully does His wife Sita and his 
brother Lakshmana refuse to be left behind, and they are all three 
accordingly carried away through the weeping multitudes The old 
king was so much afflicted by this great blow that he barely lived to 
hear the news of the exiles being taken over safe bej ond the boun- 
daries of his kingdom- 

Bharata, who all this while was m utter ignorance of the 
happenings at Ayodhya, is now sent for in order to perform the 
obsequies of his father and assume the sovereignty thus devolved upon 
him He returns , but discovering the mean conduct of his mother, 
he reproves her bitterly, and refuses to take charge of the kingdom and 
thns give his consent to the base intrigue He resolves immediately to 
start in search of Rama, and to implore him to return. On the other 
side of the Ganges, near the mountain called Chitrakuta, close by the 
saint Bharadvaja's hermitage, Bharata finds Rama leading a forester's 
life in the company of his "Wife and brother Rama is struck by 
Bharata's magnanimity, but insists upon the carrying out of his father's 
command to the letter, and is unwilling to return before the completion 
of the full term of fourteen years. Bharata thereupon resolves to keep 
company with Rama , the latter, however, reminds him of the duty they 
all owed to their subjects, and persuades him to return, which Bharata 
does, only on the condition that Rama will come back at the appointed 
time, himself in the meanwhile conducting the affairs of the state only 
as Rama's agent Enp of Ayodhta-Kanda 

Rama now resolves to withdraw further away from his kingdom 
and learning that the regions on the other side of the Vindhya moun- 
tains were infested with wild demons and cannibals, he set forth in that, 
direction At his entrance into the Vindhya forests he meets the demon 
Viradha, whom he kills He then meets a number of sages and ascetics, 
in whose company he is said to have passed no less than ten years. 
Going further south into the Dandaka forests he reaches the river 
Godavari, and there, in the part of the country known as Janasthana, 
comes upon the hermitage of Agastya and his wife Lopamudra The 
holy pair heartily welcome the newcomers, and here at the foot of a 
mountain called Prasravana, and in a region known as Fanchavau, 
Rama resolves to build a small hut and to pass the rest of his exile 


peacefully in the company of the saint Agastya and the vulture-king 

Peace, however, was not vouchsafed to him long At this 
time there ruled in the island of Lanka (identified with modern Ceylon) 
a demon king, Ravana He was called ten-headed and was a terror to 
the world Having established his power in Lanka proper, Ravana 
crossed over to the mainland and overran the whole of Southern India, 
subduing everything that came in his way Ravana, however, found 
more than his match in Valin, king of the Monkej s, whose kingdom 
comprised the part of South India theu kno^n as Kishkmdha An 
agreement was entered into whereby, except for a narrow strip of land 
along the coast, the bulk of the peninsula came into the possession of 
Valin Ravana's territory touched the Janasthana, and here he left a 
large army of demons under the command of Khara (Ravana's younger 
brother) and Dushana and Tnsiras 

Once Surpanakha, a widowed sister of Ravana, came upon Rama 
in the Panchavah, and smitten with his graceful form made him frank 
overtures of love, promising to eat up Sita and thus put her out of the 
way, if Rama would consent Rama in jest sent her to Lakshmana, 
who rewarded her insistence by cutting off her nose and ears Surpa- 
nakha went weeping and bleeding to her brother Khara, who in anger 
despatched fourteen picked men to capture Rama. As they did not 
return, Khara marched with his whole army, 14,000 demons strong and 
engaged Rama in a close fight. Rama stepped back a few paces so as 
to gain room for working with his bow, and then, one after another, he 
killed the entire army of demons, as also its three leaders 

Surpanakha vows revenge She now repairs to Ravana in 
Lanka and inflames his mind with a passion for Sita, whose charms she 
praises loudly. Ravana resolves to capture her He asks Mancha, 
another demon, to assume the form of a golden deer, and to lure Rama 
in chase away from his cottage Mancha does this and is mortally 
wounded by Rama's arrow Before he dies, however, imitating the 
voice of Rama, he calls upon Lakshmana for help Lakshmana was 
left behind to guard Sita in the cottage , but upon hearing the cry, 
which she mistook for her husband's, Sita urges and even commands 
Lakshmana to go, which he does reluctantly Utilizing the favourable 
moment Ravana now pounces upon the forlorn Sita and flies away with 
her, striking down on his way the vulture-king Jatayus, who from his 
mountain peak had watched this dating act and attempted to tntercept 

10 ramayana 

the abductor. Jatayus falls down to die, surviving just long enough to 
Inform Rama and Lakshmana (already returned from the deer-chase 
amazed at not finding Sita in the cottage) of what had happened, Rama's 
grief was unbounded, End of Aranya-Kanda 

Wandering further onward, the princes at last reach the lake 
called Pampa, Here they come upon Sugnva and his trusty fnend and 
minister Hanuman, alias Maruta Sugnva was the brother of Valra, 
king of the Monkeys, and had been dispossessed by him both of his 
kingdom and his wife Rama and Sugnva enter into an alliance whereby 
Rama agrees to restore Sugnva to his kingdom, and in return the latter 
promises to send out search-parties and help Rama to punish the ab- 
ductor and recover his lost wife Rama accordingly asks Sugnva to 
challenge Valin to a duel, and as the two brothers join in combat, Rama 
wounds Valin mortally with an arrow For this unprovoked wrong 
and treachery Valin reproaches Rama severely , the latter simply replies 
that as an agent of the sovereign king of Ayodhya he took upon himself 
the duty of inflicting proper punishment upon malefactors who, like 
Valin had usurped a brother's throne and wife The death of Valin 
leaves Sugnva master of the kingdom of Kishkmdha , and m gratitude 
he now sends, under proper leaders, parties of Monkeys in search of 
Sita. The most important of these was the one sent to the south under 
the command of Maruti This party presses forward and southward 
until it gams the sea-coast. End of Kishkindha-Kanda. 

The waters seemed to offer an impassable bamer, as the island 
of Lanka stood on the other side of the ocean , but Maruti undertakes 
to clear it by a leap This he does and enters Lanka. Here he was 
fortunate enough to meet Sita, sorrowing in Ravana's garden under the 
shade of an Asoka tree, she-demons of hideous and temble looks 
keeping watch over her day and night In glowing terms they descnbe 
to her the glory and the greatness of Ravana, and work alternately upon 
her hopes and her fears to the end that she may consent to have Ravana 
Sita refuses to listen, and Ravana is too proud to stoop to force 

Maruti soon finds opportunity to console Sita and assure her of a 
speedy deliverance Having thus achieved the chief object of his jour- 
ney, Maruti now leaves Lanka, not without meeting sundry adventures, 
in the course of which he succeeds in killing a few hundred demons and 
setting the whole city on fire Once more he leaps over the ocean and 
returns to Kishkindha with the glad news End of Sundarakanda. 


Rama immediately resolves to invade Lanka Sugnva with his 
army of Monkeys and Jambavant with his army of Bears offer their 
assistance and the whole army soon gains the Southern Ocean Here 
they are joined by Vibhishana, the youngest brother of Havana Vibhi- 
shana had tried to remonstrate with his eldest brother against the evil 
course of conduct he was pursuing* and being rewarded with contempt 
he now came over to Rama's side. Rama receives him well and promi- 
ses him the kingdom of Lanka after Ravana's death. To make it 
possible for the army to cross over, Rama now resolves to construct a 
stone bndge over the ocean, and to this he is helped by the engineering 
genius of Nala Having gained the island he next lays siege to the 
capital The battle which follows lasts, according to the several incon- 
sistent time-indications, for four or fifteen or thirty-nine or eighty-eight 
days , Ravana together with his brothers and sons and the entire army 
of demons is put to death , and Rama, in accordance with his promise, 
installs Vibhishana as king of Lanka. 

Having thus vanquished the enemy and wiped out the insttUj 
Rama now meets Sita He is, however, unwilling, for fear of public 
scandal, to take his wife back until she has proved her parity Pierced 
to the quick by Rama's suspicion Sita proposes the fire-ordeal. A huge 
pyre is kindled and with a firm tread she walks towards it and is engulf, 
ed by the flames Immediately, however, she reappears, led forth by 
the Fire-god himself, who in the hearing of all proclaims her innocence. 
Rama now accepts her, saying that he never doubted her innocence, bat 
had to do what he did for the sake of the people The fourteen-year 
period of exile having now almost expired, Rama, along with hfe wife, 
brother, friends, and allies, makes a journey* northwards, utilizing for the 
purpose the aenal car called Ptishpdka which belonged to Ravana t 
The reach their home, where they meet Bharata and the Queen= 
mothers anxiously awaiting the return of the exiles, Rama's coronation 
is now celebrated with due pomp and there is rejoicing everywhere. 
End oi? Ytodha-KAhda. 

The epic should naturally end here, but there is one more 
book or kanda dealing with the history of Rama from his coronation to 
his death Here we are told how a few months after the coronation 
rumours regarding Sita began to be circulated amongst the people, who 
did not like that Rama should have received his wife back after she had 
been nearly a year in the house of Ravana Through his spies Rama 
comes to know of this, and resolves to abandon Sita, although at this 

12 rSmayana 

time she was in a state of advanced pregnancy Rama charges his 
brother Lakshmana with the carrying out of this plan Lakshmana obeys, 
places Sita in a chariot, takes her into a forest on the other side of the 
Ganges, and there leaves her, after communicating to her the actual 
state of things 

Thereupon Sita sends back to Rama a spirited reply and patiently 

succumbs to the inevitable In her forlorn condition she fortunately 
chances upon the saint Valmiki, whose hermitage was near by. Valmiki 
receives the exiled queen under his protection In his hermitage she 
gives birth to twin sons, Kusa and Lava, whom Valmiki brings up and 
educates along with his other pupils 

Meanwhile in Ayodhya Rama is not at peace From a mere 
sense of duty he discharges his manifold functions as a king, but is 
always haunted by the image of her whom he had treated so unjustly 
Years go by, and at last he resolves to perform a horse-sacrifice. For 
the festivities attending the completion of the sacrifice there came Val- 
miki bringing with him the twins, Kusa and Lava, whom he had taught 
to sing the Ramayana, a panegyric poem on Rama which Valmiki had 
composed With great applause the boys recite the poem in the pre- 
sence of Rama and the whole assembly Rama inquires about the boys 
and is pleasantly surprised to learn from Valmiki that they are Rama's 
own sons Understanding that Sita is still ahvej he sends for her Sita 
comes, Rama asks her to give further evidence of her innocence and 
purity ' If it is true ', exclaims Sita, ' that in mind and deed and word 
I have never been unfaithful to Rama, may Mother Earth receive me 
into her bosom !' Just as she utters these words the Earth gapes open 
and a divine form stretches forth her hands to Sita, who enters the abyss 
and there finds eternal rest 

Soon after the disappearance of Sita, Rama feels his own end 
drawing near. The kmgdom is divided amongst the four brothers, who 
in turn settle it upon their children In the meantime the aged queen- 
mothers die. Thereafter Lakshmana whom Rama, for no fault of his 
own, was compelled to send away from him, gives up the ghost. Finally 
Rama himself enters the waters of the river Sarayu, and his other 
brothers, and the whole city of Ayodhya in fact, follow after him to 
heaven end of uttara-kanda. 1 

(1) Similar summaries of the sfcroy are found in several books, such as Bit 
William Jones's works, Maurice's Hindustan, Moor's Pantheon eto, 


On the authenticity and signification of the narrative itself, various 
theories have been advanced 

R C Butt—" The Ramayana is utterly valueless as a narrative 
of historical events and incidents The heroes are myths, pure and 
simple Sita, the field-furrow, had received divine honors from the 
time of the Rig Veda and had been worshipped as a goddess When 
cultivation gradually spread towards Southern India, it is not difficult 
to invent a poetical myth that Sita was carried to the south And when 
this goddess and woman — the noblest creation of human imagination- 
had acquired a distinct and lovely individuality, she was naturally 
described as the daughter of the holiest and most learned King on 
record, Janaka of the Videhas 1 " But who is Rama, described as 
Sita's husband and King of the Kosalas ? The later Puranas tell us he 
was an incarnation of Vishnu — but Vishnu himself had not risen to 
prominence at the time at which we are speaking ' Indra was the chief 
of the Gods in the Epic period In the Sutra literature we learn that 
Sita the furrow goddess is the wife of Indra Is it then an untenable 
conjecture that Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, is in his original con- 
ception like Arjuna, the hero of Mahabharata, only a new edition of the 
Indra of the Rig Veda, battling with the demons of drought ' The 
myth of Indra has thus been mixed up with the epic which describes a 
historic conquest of Southern India "* 

Jacobt — The foundation of the Ramayana would be a celestial 
myth of the Veda transformed into a narrative of earthly adven- 
tures according to a not uncommon development Sita can be traced 
to the Rig Veda, where she appears as the Furrow personified 
and invoked as a goddess In some of the Gnhya-sutras, she again 
appears as a genius of the plough-fields, is praised as a being af great 
beauty and is- accounted the wife of Indra or Parjanya the rain-god. 
There are traces of this origin m the Ramayana itself For Sita is 
represented, as having emerged from the earth, when her father Janaka 
was once ploughing and at last disappears underground in the arms of 
the goddess Earth Her hu&band Rama would be no other than Indra, 
and his conflict with Ravana would represent the Indra-Vrtira myth 
of the Rig Veda This identification is confirmed by the name of 
Havana's son being Indrajit or Indra-Satru, the latter being actually an 

1 Oiviluat%on %n Armmi India, 


epithet of Vntra in the Rig Veda Ravana's most notable feat, the rape 
of Sita, has its prototype in the stealing of the cows recovered by Indra, 
Hanumat, the chief of the monkeys and Rama's ally in the recovery of 
Sita is the son of the wind-god with the patronymic Maruti and is 
described as flying hundreds of leagues through the air to find Sita 
Hence in his figure perhaps survives reminiscence of Indra's alliance 
with the Maruts in his conflict with Vntra and the dog Sarama who 
as Indra's messenger crosses the waters of the Rasa and tracks the 
cows occurs as the name of the demoness who consoles Sita in her 
captivity * 

Weber — (1) " In the Ramayana we find ourselves from the very 
outset in the region of allegory and we only move upon historical 
ground in so far as the allegory is applied to an historical fact, vis , to 
the spread of Aryan civilization to the south more especially to Ceylon 
(2) The Greeks are mentioned only twice and that under the vague 
name of Yavanas, which word embraces not only the Greeks but many 
of those alien races that have from time to time made inroads on N. 
W India The theory of the translation of the Greek poems into the 
Indian epics has no standing ground So our epic 'composition must 
have preceded the Greek invasions (3) The city of Patahputra was 
built about 400 B C under Kalasoka and which about 350 B C became 
the capital of an empire While the Ramayana refers to cities of 
Eastern Hindustan, it makes no mention of this important city The 
only deduction is that its composition preceded the foundation of the 
city. (4) The capital of the Kosala Kingdom is called Ayodhya in the 
poem, whereas the name Saketa is given to it by the Buddhists and the 
Jains It is said that Lava fixed his seat of Government at Sravasti Our 
poem must have been composed when the old capital Ayodhya Was not 
yet deserted and by Buddha's time the Kosala capital was under King 
Prasenajit of Sravasti (5) The Ramayana speaks of Mithila and 
Visala as two independent principalities, whereas by Buddha's time 
they were united into the single city of Vaisali under an oligarchical 
Government (6) The characters are not historical figures but merely 
personifications of certain occurrences and situations. Sita, In the 
first place, whose abduction by a giant demon and her subsequent 
recovery by her husband Rama, constitute the plot of the entire 
poem, is but the field-furrow to whom divine honors were paid in 

1. Dca Bamayana, Bonn, 1898 » 2DM&, SLV1I, i07 


the songs of the Rik and in the Gnhya ritual She accordingly 
represents Aryan husbandry, which has to be protected by Rama— whom 
I regard as originally identical with Balarama ' halalnt ' ' He pknigh- 
bearer,' though the two were afterwards separated — against the attacks 
of the predatory aborigines These latter appear to be demons and 
giants , -whereas those natives who were well — disposed towards the 
Aryan civilization are represented as monkeys — a comparison which was 
doubtless not exactly intended to be flattering and which rests on the 
striking ugliness of the Indian aborigines as compared with the Aryan 
race " (7) " It is uncertain how far the story of Rama and Sita, as 
contained in its earliest form in the Dasaratha Jataka, may have a 
historical germ, or whether even that earliest version may not also have 
had as its ground work, m addition to such a germ, what Valmiki has 
undoubtedly interwoven into his representation of the story, namely, the 
adoration of a Demi-God, bearing the name of Rama, and regarded as 
the guardian of agriculture, but hindered in his beneficient activity by a 
temporary exile, and also of the field-furrow deified under the name of 

According to Lassen,* " the development of the story of Rama nwy 
be divided into four stages The first construction of the poem did 
not carry the narrative beyond the banishment of Rama to the Hima- 
layas and the circumstances which caused his wife Sita and his brother 
Lakshmana to follow him into exile The second changed the place of 
banishment to the Godavan and described the protection afforded to 
the hermits against the attacks of the aborigines The third embraced 
the account of the first attempts to subdue the inhabitants of the Dekkan 
The fourth modification which resulted from the knowledge gamed by 
the Hindus c f the island of Ceylon included the description of Rama's 
expedition against Lanka,"* Lassen commented on the views of 
Weber and his comments are instructive It may be regarded as true 
that the now existing oldest form of the Rama-legend is presented in a 
Buddhistic narrative, according to which Rama, with his brother, and 
his sister Sita, is banished to the Himavat But this narrative appears 
to me to be a misconception or distortion of the Brahmanical original, 
due to the Buddhists, who represent the sister as following the banished 
prince — a duty which elsewhere is only regarded as incumbent on the 

1. Bee » On the Bamayana ' as translated by Boyd, Id., I 120 fi 
2* Ind. AM. H 505. 
3. 14, IH 102-4 


wife This conjecture would be raised to certainty if it should be dis- 
covered that any verses of the Ramayana were to be found in the Bud- 
dhist narrative Secondly, in the Ramayana, with the exception of one 
single passage, no allusions to the Buddhist occur In the passage re. 
ferred to a Nastika is treated with contempt on account of his reprehen- 
sible principles , but this word, moreover, does not necessarily denote 
a Buddhist, but can just as well refer to a Charvaka, or materialist 
But, besides, the passage is interpolated It is further to be considered 
that the powerful kingdoms in Southern India were ruled by kings of 
Brahmanical sentiments, and that consequently an attack on the part of 
the Buddhists could only proceed from the side of Ceylon, the history 
of which is correctly handed down to us from the time of the second 
Asoka, and only relates war of the Smgalese kings with the rulers of 
the opposite coasts Again, the Brahmans always accurately distinguish 
second and the third Rama , and there is no ground for regarding 
the second as a divine presonification of agriculture As the story of 
the first Rama is to be found in the Aitareya Brahmana, a work which 
makes no reference whatever to incarnations of Vishnu, it will be 
impossible to deny the historical character of the Pithoid (?) Rama, 
although at a. later penod he was included in the circle of the avataras 
On the same ground I consider myself bound to accept as an historical 
personage the Dasarathi Rama. As soon as he was transported 
into the ranks of the gods, he was naturally followed by Sita, whose 
name of itself led to her being turned into a daughter of the Earth— 
into a deified Furrow Again, the assumption that the flight to Helen 
and Trojan war were the prototypes of the abduction of Sita, and of 
the conflict around Lanka, appears very paradoxical It presupposes, 
further, an acquaintance with the Homeric poems, of which there is no 
proof whatever. Among a people one of whose chief weapons was the 
bow, it was natural that stones of heroes who conquered their foes by 
superiority in the use of this weapon should be invented By means of 
this style of comparison, the account of Arjuna's defeat of the nval 
suitors for Draupadi's hand through his superior skill in archery might 
be ascribed to Homeric influence Besides, a comparison of the 
circle of tales current among the two nations would not be quite 
appropriate, as in the Ramayana the abduction of Sita forms an 
important part of the story, while in tbe Homeric songs the rape of 
Helen is indeed introduced as the motive of the war, but is nowhere 
described at length Finally, although I am still convinced that the 

R\M\YANA 17 

nJua-. h i\e den\ ed their zodiacal signs, not from the Greek but fmm 
the Chaldaean astrologers, the astronomical dati occurnng in the 
Ramayana have no force as proofs The reference to the \a\anas and 
Sakas as powerful nations m the northern region only shows, sincth 
speaking, that these nations were known to the Indians as sach, but not 
that thei had alreadv established their dominion in that quarter In 
conformity withim uews on the history of Indian epic poetrv, I regard 
is idmissible the statement of the historian of Kasmir {Ra/afaiangim, 
T 166) that the king of that countrj, Damodara, caused the Rama) ana, 
\\ ith all its episodes, to be read to him How much sooner the existing 
poem wis composed will probablv never admit of determination " 

According to M Williams, "the first orderly completion, of the In o 
poems in their biahmanized form, ma\ have taken place, in the case 
of the Ramayana about the beginning of the third century B C , and in the 
case of the Mahabharata (the original story of which is possibly more 
ancient than that of the Ramayana) still later, — perhaps as late as the 
second century B C The posteriority of the brahmamzed Mahabharata 
may be supported by the more frequent allusions it contains to the 
progress of Buddhistic opinions, and to the intercourse with the Yavanas 
or Greeks, who had no considerable dealings with Hlq Hindus till two 
or three centuries after Alexander's invasion * 

Talboys Wheeler savs that the war between Rama and Ravana is 
but a poetic version of the conflict between Brahmimsm and Buddhism 
in the south 

H H Wilson sa>s that the storv of the Ramayana seems to be 
founded on historical fact and the traditions of the South of India 
uniformly ascribe its civilization to the subjugation or dispersion of its 
forest tribes of barbarians and the settlement of civilized Hindus to the 
conquest of Lanka by Rama ' 

/ C Chatterju refers the incidents and locality of the Ramayana 
to the advance of the Aryans eastwards and to the Caucasia and shores 
of the Caspian, the Black and Mediterranean seas " 

M V Elbe discovers, after elaborate literary and geographical 
research, the real Lanka of the Ramayana " A mysterious peak which 

1 Indian Wisdom, 31-6 See Gauranganath Banerjee's Hellenism m Ancient 
rutita, 288-6 

2 Translation of Vuf 1 Pura^a, III 317 note 

3 "Aryan Ancestors, where did they come from?'— Taper lead at the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal— Hindu, Madras, 14th April, 1916. 



ii visible from the neighbourhood of the Amorakanlak, the source of 
the Nurbudda, and which is surrounded by marsh) land nwi be identi- 
fied with Lanka "* 1 here is much (here for appreciation 

Another theorv is "that the Rama} ana exhibits the progress of 
Arjan plough husbandry among the mountains and the fastnesses of 
Central and Southern India and the perils of the agru ultur il settlers 
from non-ploughing nomadic hunting tribes " a 

It is said in the Rajatarangmi (I 1 16) that king was 
condemned to wear the form of a serpent " until he should have heard 
the whole of the Ramavana monedav" God aw therefore infers 
that inasmuch as king Damodara lived about the beginning of the 14th 
century B C, the passage decides in favour of at least the "reraota 
anliqmta del poema ' s But A\ eber almost derides him bv saj ing that 
" the Rama-v ana is brought into connection w llh the banishment of a 
king, who is presumed to have reigned 2400 vears before the date of 
Kalhana ' * 

Ihe fantastic differences about dates among orientalists are seen 
for instance, in the following summary about Rama in Balfour's Cyclo- 
paedia of India, Volume III " Rama of the solar line of Hindu 
chronolog} is, however, placed by brahmins, 867,102 B C between the 
silver and brazen ages But he has been vanouslj supposed to have 
lived, 2022 B C Jones, 950 Hamilton, and 1100 lodd, and according 
to Bentlj he was one year old in 960, born in 6th April 961 , Rama 
preceded Krishna but as their historians Valmiki and Vyasa, who 
wrote events they witnessed, were contemporaries, it could not have 
been many years " 

Whatever mav have been the fanciful interpretations of western 
savants and modern theorists, the epic has maintained its unity of plot and 
action from time immemorial It is the Adikftvya, the first poem and 
Valmiki was Adikavi, the first poet in Indian Literature As a piece of 
poetic art the Ramayana stands supreme and Valmiki's poefic fancy and 
imagery have been the standard for imitation There is no ideal, there 
is no reality, there is no fancy, there is no sentiment which Valmiki 
has not depicted and there is no expression which can excel or equal 

i First Oriental Conference, Poona, Summaries of Papers, 128 ~~ 

2 See Vaidya's R%ddle of ihe Ramayana, 64, Narayan Aryangar's Essays m 
Indo-Aryau Mythology , Tilak's Arctv home in the Vedas, 348 

3 Vol I Introduction, zcvn 

4 On the RamSyafa, 14, 1 2$g, 

RAMA\ \N \. 19 

his in grace or eloquence Cosmogom and theugom , folk-lure and 
tradition, nntholog* and histon, have all formed a part "in the 
weaving of the mightv web and work of magic draper? evolved hv 
Valmiki" "Notwithstanding the wilderness of e\aggeration and 
hvperbole through which the reader of the Indian Lpics has occasiort- 
■illv to wander," says M Williams 1 "there are m the whole range 
of the world'* literature few more charming poems than the Raniav ana 
lhe classical punt*, Llearness and simphcitv ol its style, the exquisite 
touches of true poetic feeling with which it abounds, its graphic 
descriptions of heroic incidents and of nature's grandest scenes, the deep 
acquaintance it displavs with the conflicting w orkmg and most refined 
emotions of the human heart, all entitle it to rank among the most 
beautiful compositions that ha\e appeared at am penod and in am 
countn It is like a spacious and delightful garden , here and there 
allowed to run wild, but teeming with fruits and flowers, watered 
by perennial streams and e\en its most tangled thickets intersected 
with delightful pathways " 

These excellences of thought and expression ha\e gained for 
Valmiki the highest place in the pantheon of the world's poetic geniuses 
Wherever you roam over the vast continent of India, be it a peasant's 
hut or a lord's parloui, the slorv of Rama is familiar and is listened 
to with pleasure and devotion This is the prediction of Brahma, 

Yavafc sthasj anti girayas santas ca mahitale 
Tavafc Rainavana-katha lokesu pracarisjati — I 240. 

And the name of Rama and the narration of his heroism will be current 
in the world " as long as mountains and rivers stand on the surface of 
the earth" J here is not one devout Hindu who does not believe in 
these words of Valmiki "He who reads and repeats this holv life-giving 
Ramfiyana is liberated from all his sins and exalted with all his posterity 
to the highest heaven " Valmiki reiterated the doctrine of fate and 
hope and thus expressed the means of solace in distress and when that 
poet put the old saying in the lips of despairing Si$a, 

Kalyanl bata galheyam laukiki pratibhati me 
Eti jivantam anando naram vaisaiatadapi 

he had said all that could be said for peace in this mortal world * 

1. Indtan Wisdom, 365 

2. Ed by VLS Pansikar with Tilaka Commentary (Bombav), Ed byRL 
Bhattacharya, Benares), Ed by A G V Schlegal with Latin preface (Bonn) , Ed 


Ramayanakathasara is a bnef narrative of the Ramayana in se\en 
Kandas, each Kanda in a different metre, by Subbaya Rastnn, son of 
Yegnesa Sunn of Pulyala family and daughter's son of Venlnta 
&vetamukha Makhra of Kompela family * There are short poetical 
summaries, Arya Ramayana by Suryakavi* and Sister Balambal 8 

J atvasnngraharamayana of Ramabrahmananda in seven adhyaj is> 
mentions the story of the Ramayana, but adds many incidents not found 
In Valmiki's "work * 

by Gorresio, Paris , Ed* by Durgaprasad (Nirnaya Sanara Press, Bombay) , 
Ed by Gopal Narayana (Bombay) , Ed by Vyasacarya (Kumbakonam) with 
Govindaraja's Commentary Translated into English verse by Griffith (Benares) 
and into English Prose, by M N Dutt, Calcutta, by Makhan Lai Sen (Calcutta, 
with a valuable introduction) and by C R. Snnivasa Iyengar with notes, Madras) 

For versions of the story, see Belvalkar's Int to Uttararamacanta (HOS, 21) 

For critical remarks on composition and contents, see IA, I 120, 172, 29 
III 102, IV 247, XXIX. 8 For Bhavabhutis quotation, see I A, II 123 On 
the author, and different versions, see IA, XXXI 357-2 For an Italian story 
resembling Ramayana, see IA, VII 202, 292. 

Was Rama,} ana copied from Homer ? {I A, II 219, XIII 336,480,111. 
124, 267) As to the quotation of .the verse in the Mahabhashya of Patanjah, see 
I A, IV 247 ff Weber, On the Ramayana translated by D C Boyd (IA, I. 
120,172,239), Ramayana and Jatakas (Mod Rev XVII I 96), Valmikt and Kalt- 
dasa by R V Knshnamacharya (Sahridaya, XVIII) , Life of Vahntkt (JiSB, 
XXIII 494), Ent Beitrag Zur Ramayana Krtttk by Jacobi (ZDMG,XLI), Geo- 
graphy of Rama's exile by Pargiter (TRAS, 1894, 231) , Linguistic Archaisms oj 
the Ramayana by T Michelson (TAOS, 1904) , Valmtki, as he reveals himself in Ins 
pom, by B Barna (ICU, in. 251-90) 

Jacobi, Das Ramayana (Bonn) , Ludwig, Vber Das Ramayana (Prag) , Baum- 
gartner, Das Ramayana (Freiburg) , Hans Wirtz, Die Wcstliche Rcaenston d<s 
Ramayana , H. Luders, Die sage von R*sya**nga, 

The Triumph of Valmtk* (in Bengali) by H P Shasta and translated in 
English by R R. Sen (Luzac & Co., London) , The Middle of the Ramayana 
by C V Vaidya, Bombay, The Ramayana and the Mahaoharata, by the Maharaja 
of Bobbin (m Telugu). 

Vaidya's Ramayana, Mahababharata and Epic India reviewed in Ind Rev IX 
686 , Sn Ramachandra, the Ideal King by T Michelson (Theosophical Publishing 
House, Adyar) For a valuable critique, see the Introduction (Telugu) to 
Gopinatha Ramayana, (Madras). 

1 DC, XX 7909 

2 TC, III 3021 It was composed on Sunday, the 10th day of the dark 
fortnight of the year Yuva 

3 Printed, Madras 

4 TC, I 9SS 

R\MAYA\~\ 21 

Valmlkibhavadlpam* is an interpretation in verse of the spiritual 
significance of the story of Rama The author \nantacarva is the son 
of Kr^namacarya and the head of the famous Partivadibhavankara 
Mutt of Kanci He was born on 24th March 1874 and u> the author of 
several works in philosophy By his extensive tours all over India he 
is spreading knowledge and religion \mong his works is Samsara- 
cakram, a sansknt novel, which will be noticed in a later Chapter 

Vasistha Ramaj ana, also called Jnana Vasistha, is said to have 
been composed bv Valmiki himself as an appendage to the Ramayana 
and originally taught b) Vasistha to Rama It is in sis. chapters, 
Vairagja, Mumukiutva, Utpatti, Sthiti, Upasana and NirvSoa and 
treats mainly of \ oga and Advaita Vedanta by means of illustrative 
stones, intended to explain the best means of attaining true happiness * 
J here it. commentary on it bv Anandabodhendra Sarasvati 8 and 
a short compendium of it (anonvnious) in 10 Prakaranas with a 
commentary by Mahidhara * 

Vasisthottararamayana is not fulb extant In the 12th chapter 
there is the legendary account of the vanquishment of hundred-headed 
Ravana by Sita It is called Sitavijavam * 

Adbhuta-Ramayana or Adbhutottararaniayana, also attributed to 
Valmiki, describes in 27 Cantos as a sequel to the Ramayana the early 
story and real nature of Sita- In it Sit.l is represented as having 
killed a Ravana with hundred heads, whom Rama was unable to 
vanquish 8 

Adhyatma-Ramayana is an extract from the Brahmanda Parana. It 
is divided into seven books, bearing the same name as the Ramayana and 
its object is to show " that Rama was a manifestation of the supreme 
spirit and Sita, identified with Laksmi, a type of nature " It is m the 

I. Printed at Conjeeveram by the author 

2 An abridgment (Laghu) has been translated by K. Narayanaswami Iyer, 
(Theosophical Publishing House, Adyar) This work is a standard book of study 
among the members of the Theosophical society See further, M Williams" 
Indian Wisdom, 368 

3 He was the pupil of GangSdharendra Sarasvaji who was the disciple of 
RSmacandrendra Sarasvaji, who was the disciple of Sarvajna Sarasvaji 

See DC, IV 1292—1302 

4. TC, II 2644, IOC, 232, 783. 

5 TG, I 881, 882 , II. 1303 

6 IOC, No, 3331—33, DC XX. 7689, Ed Bombay, This edition contains 
27 cantos 


form of a dialogue between Uma and va T\> o Sichapters are held lo 
be particularly sacred In the first chapter, Ramahi da\ a, the inner nature 
of R&ma is explained and his identification of Rama with Vishnu as the 
supreme spirit is asserted. 1 he fifth chapter of the seventh book, the 
Ramagita, explains the advantage of giving up all work m order to 
meditate upon and become united with the supreme spirit 1 

Mflla Ramayana" and Ananda Ramayana' describe the importance 
of Hanumaj and is read much b} the followers of on Madhwa 

batyopakhyana narrates, the historj of Rama illustrated with a 
vanetv of stones not found in the Ramayana It is said to have been 
onginally imparted to Markandeya bj Valmiki, and then by him to 
V) asa, bv Vvasa to Sufca and lastly recounted b> Suta to the Kms in 
the forest of Naimisa It mav have been part of a Furana but it has 
not been possible to identifv the source * 

Ramacantra or Ramavana is a long work m prose and verse based 
on the Ramftvana of Hemacarya It differs considerably from the w ork 
of Valmiki, and is an extravagant travesty of it It closes with the 
narration of the death of Laksmana on heanng a false report of the 
slaying of Rama and RS,ma becoming an ascetic and attaining salvation, 
after which his sons Lava and Kusa became initiated into the Jam 
religion Padmavijayagam, the author, was a disciple of Rajavijaya 
Sun, adesciple ofVyayasena Sun and composed the work in 1596, 
dunng the reign of Emperor Akbar • 


The most well-known commentary is the Bhfisanara of Govindaraja, 
of Kau^ika-gotra He was the son of Varadaraja He was a ^ri- 
vaijnava brahmm, a resident of Kanci or Sholinghur He calls himself 
a desciple of Sathagopade&ka The latter is probably the 6th Swami 
of the Ahobilam Mult, who lived about the beginning of the 16th 
century 9 At the end of Yuddhakanda, Govradaraja says he was en- 

i Pnnted in all provinces See Momer William's Indian Wisdom, 368 
Translated into English by Lala Baij Nath, Panini office, Allahabad (See Ind 
Rev , XIII. 334) 

2 Ed Nirnayasagara Press, Bombay Theosophical Publishing House 

3 Ed by Jyestaram Mukundjee, Bombay 

4. Ed Sn Venkateswar Press, Bombay 

5, See Mttra's Rep V 

RlMAYAN \. 23 

coaraged m his composition b\ Bha\anat3r}a Bha\anacfina was the 
"Tent scion of Kandala family of Vadhula gotra and his son Snranga's. 
desciple, Tenah Annav\a (brother of Tenah Ramaknshna) lived in the 
days of kings. Kxsuade\arfi}a and R«Tmade\ardja of Yuianagar 1 We 
may therefore safeh assign this commentary to the middle of the 16lh 
tentun When once on a visit to Tirupab he was directed in his 
dream at the entrance of the temple of Venkatesa to compose a com- 
mentary on the RSmayana The work is learned, discussive and 
uithonlative and comprehends all that a reader may desire for a pro- 
per appreciation of the poem The commentaries on the C unto* have 
separate names Maiumanjlra, Pitdmbara, Ratnamekhala, Muktahara, 
£ingaratilaka, the Mammukuta, and Ratnakirlta * 

Valmikihrdayam 8 is a commentary by Ahobala of Atrej a gotra 
He lived at Conjeeveram He ay as the desciple of ParSnkusa, the 6th 
Swami of Ahobila Mutt who was contemporary of Lmperor Ramaraja 
of Viiianagar of the 16th century He also translated into Sanskrit the 
commentary in Tamil of select verses of the Ramayana by the com- 
mentators on the Dramidopanishad or Tinivaymuli * In his tours in 
the north of India, he installed the images of Ahvars in the temple of 
Jagannftdha " Ahobala's pupil Brahmavidyadh\ann wrote a critical 
commentary on stray verses called Virodhabhanjani He was son of 
Nrsimha and BhavanT of the V5na family ' 

Dharmakutara is a splendid critique on the RSnunana lis object, 
as the name indicates, is to demonstrate to the reader how at every 
step of the poem, the story of the Ramayana illustrates the code of 
morals by reference to the original sources of the VSdas and die 
Dharma Sa^tras T It is a unique work of the kind and was almost ail 
original conception m Sanskrit literature 

Its author is Tryambaka Makhin 8 He was the son of Gangu- 
dhara, the minister of Ekoji, the founder of the Kingdom of Tanjore 
(1674-1687) and brother of Nrsimha His father's father was Tryam- 

1 See Veeresahngam's Lives of Telugu poets, Part II 332 

2 Ed Madras and elsewhere 

3 DC, IV 1272 

4 TC, II 2305 

5 See Ahobilam Inscription*. 

6 DC, IV 1277 Probably it was this Nrsimha that also wrote a com- 
mentary on the RSmSyana, TC, III 3071 

7 The work is thus described Krtiriyam sakala*rutisammat5 smrti- 


8 His brother NSrSyana wrote the Vikramasenacamptt (IC, II 264 ) 


bakaniatva When Shahaji became king (1687-1711), Iryambakavas 
appointed his minister and continued in that position throughout the 
reign After the death of Shahaji and accession of Rarabhoji (1712- 
1727), Iryambaka was in charge of the portfolio of charitable endow- 
ments After receiving a munificent grant of land, he retired for 
meditation to SwamimaUi (near Kumbakonam) where stands the 
ancient temple of Skandn Onh a few chapters have been printed b) 
the Vamvilas Press, Snrangam and it is stall unfinished 1'robablv the 
manuscript is in the Trinjore Libran 

Ramajancunayl is a commentary by Rangacarya, ofKidlmbifamih 
and of A^rej a gotra He was the pupil of Gopala, a descendant of 
Vadihamsa family He probably lived at Arasanipalai near Conjee- 
varam * Ramdyana-bhusanam is a commentary by PrabalamukundasQn, 
son of Smgayarya 9 Subodhmi is a commentary by Abhinava Rama- 
bhadrasrami, a desciple of RaghOttamairama He was an ascetic, 
probably a resident of the Circars 8 Guruv51mikibha\aprakS&k<T is a 
commentary by Hanpandrfca, son of Lak^mlnarayanamatya of the 
Mudigunda family, and of the Kaundmya gotra* Appaj adikSita wrote 
Ramayanatatparyanirnava and Rama} anas&rasangraha B 

Ramayana-tativa-dlpika, famiharlv known as 'Jirthlyam is a 
commentary by Mahesatirlha He \\ as an ascetic and pupil of NSra- 
yanatirtha 8 Ramayana-Dipika is a commentary b} Vidyanatha 
Dikhita 1 So is Sarvarthasara by Venkale&rara, 8 VaradarSja of Udali 
familv of Malabar has left a fragmentary commentary" Aufrecht 
gives the names of the following commentators Isvaradiksifcn, Uma- 
mahesvara, NSgesa, Ramanandatirtha, Lokanatha, Vis\,inafcha, &vara 
Sanyasm, Han Pandi^a 10 

Caturarthi is, an anonymous commentary giving four meanings to 
several important verses Ihe author displays much learning and 

1 DC, IV 1284 VadihamsSmbudacarya was the maternal uncle of Ve<janta 

2 TC, II 1235, 205/ He refers to a commentator Varadaraja 

3 2*6, II 2491, HI 3753 
4. TC, II 2315, 2652 

5 Op.Tl 4884,8336 

6 Printed Madras and Bombay and elsewhere 

7 DC, IV 1274 Described in Burnells Tan Cat p 178. 

8 TC, II 1373 (I9IO-I3) 

9 TC, III, 2722 
10 CC, 1. 522-4* 


ingenuity In his Interpretations * Amrtakataka,* R5ma>anas3radlpika,* 
Garubalacifctaranjani,* and VidvanmanoranjSni,* are anonymous and 
except the first, are only available in fragments 

Ramayanas&rasangraha' is an exposition of stray verses by Vara-. 
daraja of Nodari family and- of Atreya gotra, known also as Chola- 
pandita Brahmadhiraja Ramayanasaracandnka'' is a commentary on 
some select verses by Snnivasaraghavacarya of Snrangam He calls 
himself a desciple of the ascetic Ranganatha. Ramayana Tani&okv* 
VyakhyS is an elaborate exposition in Tamil by Penavachambillai It 
has been rendered into Sanskrit by some unknown author and is 
very interesting stud} Hamsayogm's An>agit2 composed in Kali 3604 
(302 AD) explains important passages There is a commentary on 
it Khandarahasya * 

Ramayana-visama-padartha-vyakhyana by Bhatta DevarSma is a 
running gloss on difficult portions of the RftmSyaaa ** KalpavalUka is 
a similar exposition of several important verses by Bommakanti Nrsim- 
hasastnn, an aged living Pandit of Cocanada He is the son of Peru 
Sastn He interprets the Ramayana as the manifestation of the will of 
Tripurasundarl and Rama as her incarnation u Rasanisyandini is a 
learned original commentary on important verses by Panthyur Krjna 
Sastngal of South Indian Puranic fame *" 

RamSyanarthaprakas'ika is a running discussion on certain minor 
incidents of the story of the Ramayana The author is Venkata, son 
of Laksmana ** RamSyana-mahimadarsa 1 * is a discussion of several 
controversial points m the events and interpretation of &e Ram?^a$3 

I. DC, IV 1274. 

2 DC, IV 1286-8. 

3 DC, IV 1283 
4. TC,l 233-4 
5 7C,III 3951 
6. 7X7, n 2457 

7 TC, II 2100 The manuscript ends with 119th canto o>% Y wfttafrnrta . 

8 Printed by Sri Venkateswar Press, Bombay. 1 \ , 

9 This a being editted by Pandit Sadagopachajya of the Oriental Manus- 
cnpt Library, Madras 

10. KC, 198 

11 The work is being printed by the author at Cocanada, 

12 The manuscript is with his son Mr. Kalyanarama Sastn. On the author, 
see Chapter on Sanskrit drama, post He lived between 1842-191* 

13 DC, IV 1287 

14 TC, II. 351S. 



in five Bimbas or chapters. The author was Purauam HayagrivarfSstr 
the first Sanskrit Pandit of the Presidency College, Madras He w 
the first editor of the MahabbSrata m South India m Telugu characte 
He lived in the sixties of the last century RamayanakathavimarSa | 
Venkatarya is a short narrative of the RSmayana giving the time of tl 
occurrence of the leading events* Ramayanasaradlpika is in frai 
raents * RamSyanasSrasangraha of Venkatacarya, of Kaundinyagot 
of MuppirSla contains a statement in chronological order of the even 
of the RSmayana and gives a computation of dates * RamayanasSra i 
Agmvesa is a record of the leading events of the RSmayana with the 
dates and intervals, composed m verse in Sardula metre and 
well-known.* RamSyanakalanirnaya-sucikS is a similar work, bi 
anonymous, discussing the date of the birth of Rama and oth< 
incidents of his life " There is a similar work called RSmakalanirna). 
bodhini by Kovil Kandadai Venkata Sundaracarya of Cocanada 
The date of the birth of Rama is also discussed in Telugu by Nadatau 
Ananthalwar Aiyangar, the grandson of the famous Mahamahopadhya 
ya Paravastu Venkata Rangacharya of Vizagapatam and the pamphle 
is named RSmSvatarakalanirnaya T 

SatyaparSkrama is an essay elaborating that aspect of truthfulnea 
in Rama's character by K R Visvanatha Sastn, of Ranadukathan, Ram 
nad SaranSgati is an essay treating of that doctrine as expounded in the 
RSmayana by T SrinivSsa Raghavacarya, B A of Comeeveram 

RSmayanatatparyadlpika is said to have been an exposition of Htc 
real meaning and import of the RSmayana by VySsa made at tto 
request of Dharmaraja 8 Ramayanatafvadarpana by NarSyana Yau 
explains the nine truths and significance of the RSmayana m long 
discourses in 15 chapters * 

1. 2X7, rv 1274. 

2. TC, II. 1373. 

3 DC, I 1288-91 

4 TC,U 2060 

5 DC, IV 1291, TC.l 85 

6 Printed, Scape & Co Press, Cocanada. 

7. Printed at the Arsha Press, Vizagapatam, 1905 

8 rC.IT 2079,2148 

9 TC,U 2217 


Section in 


Veda Vyasa the author of Mahabharafcaand the Pwanas was the 
son of Par&sara and Satyavati His name was Kpna and he had the 
appellation Dvaipayna, because soon after birth he was abandoned 
by his unmarried mother in a dvipa (island) He compiled the Vedas 
and was thence known as Vya&a * Satyavati married Bang Ban^anu, 
Sanfcaau's son Vicitravlrya had two wives Ambika and Ambahka. He 
died issueless and to perpetuate his progeny, Vyasa procreated three 
sons, Dhrstarajtra, Pandu and Vidura on these childless widows at 
the behest of his mother Satyavati a Then he betook himself to a life 
of penance, until after this progeny became old and passed away^hd 
" spoke the Bharata in this human world " He composed the Bharata 
of 26,000 verses The learned say that is the extent of the Bharata 
without the Upakhyanas And he compiled a chapter of 150 verses 
setting out the contents of the several Books of the poem This of 
old Vyasa taught to his son Suka and then he gave to others of his 
pupils whom he found apt and promising. Vyasa composed another 
poem of 60 lakhs of verses Of this work 30 lakhs were published 
in the world of Gods , 15 lakhs in the region of the Pitru , 1+ lakhs 
were given to the Gandharvab , and one lakh was published among 
men Nfirada recited it to the Gods , Devala to the Pitxs , Snka to th# 
Gandharvas and other Demons In this land of man VaafempSyaaa 
recited, the pupil of Vyasa, and the best of those learned to tifa» 
Veda.' * When Vyasa was considering how beBt to transmit it to Ms 
flisciples, Brahma appeared to hiifl " Then the great glorious Vyasa) 
addressing Brahma Paramesthi said 'O divine Brahma, by me a poem hath 
aeen composed which is greatly respectedj the [mystery of the Veda 
md what othef subjects have been explained by me , the various ritual 
jf Upamshdas with the Angas , the compilation of the Puranas formed 
jy me and named after the three divisions of time ( past* present and 
future , the determination of the nature bf decay, deafh, fear/dWasej 
existence and non-existence, a description of creeds an$ pf the 
various modes of life , rules for the four castes, and' the'&aDOrtant of 
f# the Puranas an account of asceticism and of the dufies of relwnnns 

I Mah. I 64* 
a Utah. I. ii*. 


student , the dimensions of the snn and moon, the planets, constel- 
lations and stars, together with the duration of the four ages , the Rik, 
Sama and Yajur Vedas , also the Adhyatma , the sciences cakled 
Nyaya, Orthoepy and Treatment of disease, chanty andPasupata, 
birth, celestial and human, for particular purposes , also a description 
of places of pilgrimage and other holy places, of rivers and mountains 
forests, the ocean of heavenly cities and the kalpas , the art of war, 
the different kinds of nations and language , the nature of the manners 
of the people and the all-pen admg spirit-ball, these have been repre- 
sented But after all, no writer of this work is to be found on earth." 

" Brahma said .— - " I esteem thee for thy knowledge of divine 
mysteries, before the whole body of celebrated Munis distinguished for 
the sanctity of then - lives I know thou has revealed the divine word, 
even from its first utterance, in the language of truth Thou hast 
called thy present work a poem, wherefore it shall be a poem There 
shall be no poets whose works may equal the descriptions of this 
poem, even as the three other modes called Asrama are ever unequal 
in merit to the domestic Asrama Let Ganesa be thought of, Munii 
for the purpose of writing the poem " 

Sauti said, " Brahma having thus spoken to Vyasa, retired to hu 
bwn abode Then Vyasa began to call to mind to Ganesa And 
Ganesa, obviator of obstacles, ready to fulfil the desires of his votaries, 
was no sooner thought of, than he repaired to the place where Vyasa 
was seatedt And when he had been saluted, and was seated, Vyasa, 
addressed him thus, — ' O guide of the Ganas, be thou the writer of the 
Bharata which I have formed in my imagination, and which I am about 
to repeat" 

" Ganela upon hearing his address thus answered — 1 will becom* 
the writer of thy work, provided my pen do not for a moment cdase 
writing." And Vyasa said unto that divinity, " wherever there be an/- 
thin£ thou does not comprehend, cease to Continue writing ' Gaaes^ 
having signified his assent; by repeating the word * Om !» proceeded to 
write , and Vyasa began , and, by way of diversion, he knit the knote 
of composition exceeding close, by domg which he dictated this wogl 
according to his engagement.'' 

Vaisampayana repeated it to King Janamejaya at his, serbeeS 
sacrifice and Sauti heard that narration, The Mahabharata, aswe-ia** 


it, was given out by Saufci, as he heard it from Vaisampajaad, to the 
assembled sages during Saunata's sacrifice in the forests of Naimisa 

We have therefore three points at which the Mahabhara$a may 
actually be said to begm Fust, from the very beginning of Ihe text 
as we have it, with the in\ocation of Nara and Narayaaa , following 
the invocation we have the conversation, when Sau$i and the sages, 
of Saunakas' hermitage. Second, from the description of the Sarpa 
Saffra* (serpent sacrifice) of Janamejaya where commences the As^ika- 
parvan Third, from the commencement of the actual narrative of the 
history of the Bharata race, where begins the Amsava$araaa parvan. 
In the course of the narrative as repeated Vaisampayana, it is observed 
that on some occasions, King Janamejaya asks Vaisampayana for an 
elaboration of the story or an elucidation of any earlier event alluded 
with it and Vaisampayana answers Janamejaya These answers could 
not have been part of Vyasar's narration and must be said to be 
of Vaisampayana's authorship, jus>t as the earlier Chapters describing 
the concourse at Saunaka's sacrifice and the serpent sacrifice of Janame- 
jaya must be ascribed to Sau$i, who to us is the publisher of the 
Mahabharata* It is however seen that Saul's narrative is read 
and taken as the Mahabharata There was a difference of 1 opinion even 
when Sau^i made his narration So it was said 

Manvadi Bharaam ke cit Astikadi $a$hapare 
Tafhopancaradyanye viprSs samyag adhiyire 

" Brahmins have studied the Bharata sedulously, some lotti- &f 
Chapter about Manu, others from the Chapter about AstftV'^el 
others, from the Chapter about Upancaravasu "* Sri Madava m hu 
Tatfaryamritaya however gives a traditional explanation of this verse 
" The meaning of the Bharata, in so far as it is a relation of the facts 
and events of which Sri Kxisna and the Pandavas are connected, if 
called Astikadi (historical ) That interpretation by which we find lessons 
on Jpharmaj Bhakti and other ten qualities, Sruta (sacred study) 'and 
righteous practices, character and training, on Brahma Sad Srtr other 

i r * - L ■■*■■■ - - - ■■* - ■ ..■■<■! i n ■■! i t n i ■■--■■■■■ ■ 

I Mdu It I'll. 

2. Mah, I, J2-5& 

% Mah. L 59> 

4. For a critical discussion of the preliminary Chapters, see Notes of & 
Btudy of the Piehminary Chapters of the Idahabharata by V. Venkatachela Iyer* 
High Co»rt .WttbtKUfef* 

30 mahabharata 

Gods is called ManvMi (religious and moral) Thirdly, the interpreta- 
tion by -which every sentence, word or syllable is shown to be the 
significant name, or to be the declaration of the glories of the Almighty 
Ruler of the Universe is called Auparicara (transcendental) " 

The vast extent of the w ork was easily the cause of much mterpola- 
lation on Madhva found it deplorable "In s>ome places* we find 
interpolations , in other cases texts are altogether lost , in some others, 
they have changed the character of the test either by mistake or on 
purpose. Fven those that might be said to be extant are in a state of 
utter confusion , mostly they are lost A millionth part of the 
real text is not available , what could then be said of their meaning hard 
to bd grasped even by the Gods i" If v. e would not be h} percntical, 
-(ve may safely take it that ryUsZ's text can be fairly distinguished, if we 
omit the earlier Chapters related by Sauti ending ■with the Astikaparvan 
tests and the special explanations and narrations of Vaisampayana, in 
answer to particular questions of King Janamejaya as the narration 
progressed in the Court of King Janamejaya * 

Ihe name Mahabharatia has been sigmncantly explained m the 
prefatory Chapter . " The Gods all came together of old and weighed 
the Bharata in the balance against the four Vedas. As the Bhara^a out- 
weighed the four Vedas and all the secrets they contained, from that 
lime forward, it has been known in this world as Mahabharata , for it 
being esteemed superior both in substance and gravity of import, is 
denominated Mahabharata from such substance and eiavitv of lniDort '' 

For the views of a non-Hindu or a sceptic Hindu, we cannot vouch* 
safe To the ordinary Hindu in whom the sense of piety has not yet 
vanished, the Mahabharata is a fifth Veda As Vyasa said " By the aid 
of History and the Puranas, Veda may be expounded, but the Veda is 
afraid of one of little information, lest he should injure it. The learned 
nan who recites to others this Veda of Vyasa reapeth advantage It 
tnay without doubt destroy even the sin of killing the embryo and the 
ike He that readeth this holy Chapter at every change of the moon, 
'eadeth the whole of the Bharata, I ween. The man who with reverence 
laily lisceneth to this sacred work acquireth long life and renown and 
iscendeth to heaven ," and may this blessing be true for ever I *■ 

■■ "•""" " -'■■' ■ m ■» ___ „ ( 

i. C. V Vaidya's Mahabharaja (epitome) is an attempt in this direction* '• 


* Tradition accepts that KiNh.nad\aipa\ana or Veda V\Ssa is 
identical with Badanuana author of the Brahma Sn$ras SkSnda 
Parana expressly says that God incarnate as Vyasa son of Satyavati 
and Paraiara arranged the Vedas and composed the aphorisms Rama- 
nuja m his Sutra Bhasya in Upat^yasambhavadhikarana, bays Sutra- 
karena VedantanyayabhidhSylni Sutraayabhidhaya Vedopabramhaniha 

I T, 8 Narayana Sistri in his Age of Sankara (p 39 note) expresses a 
contrary view Badarayana in his Vedanta Sutras quotes and refutes the 
doctrines of almost all the other schools of Indian Philosophy including those of 
the Lokayatikas, Jainas and Baudhas and he cannot, therefore, be identical with 
Krishna Dvaipayana who was a contemporary of Sri Krishna and the Pandavas 
and who lived in the interval of time between Dvaparayuga and Kahyuga, at 
about 3102 B C Further Badarayana quotes from Patanjali, the renowned 
author of the Mahabhashya on Parum's Vyakarana and he is also accredited as 
having written the Bhashya on Patanjak's Yoga Sutras As Patanjak's date is 
fixed between the 10th and gth Century B C , (Vide ' Age of Patanjali' by the 
late Pandit N. Bhashyacharya) Badarayana can, under no circumstances, be 
placed before the loth Century B C Moreover, Bhagavadgita, which forms a 
portion of the Mahabharata written by Veda Vyasa is quoted as an authority by 
Badarsyana in his Vedanta Sutras under the name of Smnti, but this could hardly 
be the case if the author of both these works — the Bhagavadgita and tha Vedanta 
Sutras— were one and the same Veda Vyasa's patronymic name s Krishna 
Dvaipayana and he is said to be the son of the great sage Parasara by Satyavati 
and his hermitage was near Prayaga ( Allahabad) between the Ganges and the 
Jumna Whereas, Badarayana, as the name itself clearly shows, was the son of 
Badan and his hermitage was at Badankasrama on the Himalayas. It is possible 
that Badarayana's father and preceptor was called Badan after the name of this 
sacred hermitage, which soon became a great seat of learning for the Vedanta 
school of Philosophy The earliest authentic reference to Badarayaoa aati Tfeda 
Vyasa is by Sankara himself, and it is clear from his works that he always made 
a distinction between Krishna Dvaipayana or Veda Vyasa, the author of the 
Bhagavadgita, and Badarayana or Vyasa, the author of the Vedanta Sutras. In 
commenting on Bhagavadgita, Sankara refers to the author in the preface in the 
following terms —Tarn dharmam Bhagavata Yathopadistam Vedavyasas 
Sarvagno Bhagavan GitSkhyais sapjabhis slokasataib upanibabandba (It is this 
Dharma which was taught by the Lord, that the omniscient and adorable Veda 
Vyasa embodied in the seven hundred verses called Gitas > Mat in the oaty^ace 
where he names the author of the Vedanta Sutras, Sankajajsw^asfaBotfsJ^- 
Nanvevam satw satifayatvSt antevatyam atf7axsya,«y%ia$aJ^is9i»5vrttih 
prasajyeta lti aja utjaram Bhagavan* Badarayana Ajrahryabipatfaatl'f (Bat from 
the circumstances of the Lordly power ofihe Released sottfeoot being absolute, 
it follows that h conies to an end, and tfcea.tiiey> wffl '"havfe to return from the 
world of Brahman. To this object*** f*be reverend, • Badarayana Acharya 
replies in the following Sutra. Of thW, there » nowsimraacxordiag to scrip- 
ture} non-return aifcdftrdiag to Scnptum (Vide Saokara's preface to Vedanta 
Sutra, IV* 479$.,' It «' a$q»reat ( frojn these; twn|«ssages that Sankara stakes a 


ca Bhara^a Samhit&m sa^asahasnkam kurva$aMoksadharmeJnSMkande 
abhihi^am So says the author of Sru^aprakfiiikZ in his commentary on 
the Maagalailoka referring to 6ru$i, Sahovaca Vyasah Parasaryah In 
the traditional invocation adopted by readers of the Bhasyas, we have 
Samyangnyayakalapena mahafa Bhara$ena ca , Upabrahmhif a Vedaya 
namo Vyasaya Vi^nave In the benedictory verse commencing the 

clear distinction between the author of the Bhagavadgita and that of the Vedanta 
Sutras, taking the one as the incarnation of the Omniscient Lord himself, and 
the other as one of his own respected Acharyas or teachers Further in Sutra 
III. 3-32 of his Vedanta Darsana, Badarayana himself refers to Krishna Dvaipa- 
yana, as an instance of persons who knew Brahman and yet took on new bodies 
for the purpose of saving the world In commenting upon this Sutra, Sankara 
gays _« Upapanna Jviyam Cin$5 Brahmavi4Smapi Kesamcit itihSsapurSnayor 
debantarotpatti4arsanat T athSthi, apSnjar5Jam5 nana Ve45caryah puragarsih 
VisnumyogaJ: Kah4vaparayos san4hau Krsna 4vaip5yanas sambabhuveu 
smaranfi. (There is indeed room for the inquiry proposed, as we know from Iti- 
hasa and Purana, that some persons although knowing Brahman, yet obtained new 
bodies Tradition informs us that Apantaratamas, an ancient Rishi and teacher 
of the Vedas, was, by the order of Vishnu, born on this earth as Krishna Dvaipa- 
yana at the interval of tune between the Dvapara Yuga and Kali Yuga) If 
Krishna Dvaipayana was the author of these Sutras, nothing would have been 
more natural and easier for Sankara than to refer to the author himself as an 
instance Further it is clear from this passage, that Knshna Dvaipayana, accord- 
ing to Sankara, lived before the Kahyuga and he could not be, therefore, ldenti- 
cal with Badarayana, the author of the Vedanta Sutras and the reputed com- 
mentator of Patanjali's Yoga Sutras Moreover, the Vedanta Sutras are widely 
known as Badarayana Sutras, but no one has yet called them Knshna Dvaipa- 
yana Sutras Sankarananda, one of the successors of Sankara, and one of the 
greatest of Sanskrit scholars, makes it clear in his preface to his commentary on 
the Bhagavadgita, that these two persons could never be identical In that pre- 
face, he refers to the various works ascnbed to Krishna Dvaipayana, but makes 
no mention of the Vedanta Sutras, as one of his works. No doubt some of the 
later Acharyas have made a confusion between these two names, but that is no 
reason why the authors of the Bhagavadgita but the Vedanta Sutras should be 
blindly identified and looked upon as one person " 

" We are in a position to adduce other passages from the works of Sankara- 
charya, which strengthen to a greater or less extent, the conclusion derived from 
the one passage above referred to The twelfth aphorism of the first Pada of 
the second Adhyaya of the Brahma Sutras says " By this those (doctrines) 
which are not received by the learned have also been answered " And Sankara- 
charya, commenting upon this ahborism explains "the learned" to mean 
" Manu, Vyasa and others ' n Now is it likely that Sankaracharya would gh$ 
this explanation, if he thought Vyasa to be the author of the Brahma Sutras } I 
think it is most unlikely, for otherwise the aphorism, amplified according to 
Sankara's explanation, would run something like this, "What has been said above 
furnishes an answer to all those doctrines which such learned men as Manu and 


Pvaitacarya Ja>a$irtha's commentary, VySsa i*> descnbed as the author 
of the Sutras and Mahabharafca .and Puranas * 

Sir Edwin Arnold in his "Indian Idylls " claims for parts of It 
" an ongm antenor to writing, antenor to Puramc theologv, anterior 
to Homer, perhaps old muses " <md accepts, it as one of the priceless, 
treasures of East Dr F A II ASSLLR y ages, eloquent in ifs praise 
" The Mdhdbharata has opened to me, as it were, .i new world, and I 
have been surprised bejond measure at the wisdom, truth, knowledge 
and love of the right which I have found displayed m its pages not onh 
so, but I have found many of the truths whieh mv own heart hears 
taught me in regard to the supreme Being and His creations set forth 
m beautiful, clear language " 

SI Williams gives the names of the eighteen sections or Books 
which constitute the poem, with a brief statement of their contents 

1 Adi-Parvan, introductory Book, ' describes how the two 
brothers, Dhntarashtra and Panda, are brought up by their uncle 
Bhishma, and how Dhritarashtra, who is blind, has one hundred 
sons, commonly called the Kuru princes, by his wife Ghandhan , and 

myself have rejected " I confess that this seems to me redudip ad absurdam. 
Again, the forty-seventh aphorism of the third Pada of the second Adhyaya is as 
follows " And there are Smntis to the same effect ," on which Sankaracharya 
has this commentary " And there -are Smntis of Vyasa and others saying that 
the supreme soul suffers no pain in consequence of any pam suffered by the 
individual soul" Here we go one step beyond the point at which" the previous 
passage carried us For if Sankara thought Vyasa to be the author of the Brahma 
Sutras, the result of the exposition above set out would be that, in Sankara's 
judgment, Vyasa, in this aphorism was speaking of another work of Bis own as "a 
Smflfi, arid citing if as an ■authority Is this probable ? Still another passage -of 
a somewhat similar -description- occurs in^ae commentary of Sankaracharya Oft 
the fourteenth aphorism of the first Pada of the third Adhyaya*. Thisjaphpraim 
is in words the same as the last, and the comment of Sankara runs thus "And 
there are also Smntis of learned persons such as Manu, Vyasa, and "ftthais; 

" Here we have Vyasa, ok the hypothesis above seated, referring 
to himself as an author of a Sninti, and quoting himself as an authority, in 
his own aphorism, and Sankara in his exposition of that aphorism calling him 
farther a leaned person," 

I. fcolebroe-k* refers to this<Tasi quotation* \assays I, 3374 He and Win- 
dischman say they are different personages. So says T K-Telang a *ot*^m 
axhWBWM QtoUBm <ff tt* prakmq jSqi^. Weber U£.^aLflunks the; axe 



how the two wives, of Paadu, Pntha (Kunti) and Madn, have five sons, 
called the Pandavas or Pandu princes. 

2 Sabha-Parvan describes the great SABHA or ' .issembly 
of princes' at Hastinapura, when Yudhishlhira, the eldest of the 
five Pandavas, is persuaded to pay at dice with Sakuni and loses his, 
kingdom The five Pandavas and Draupadi, their wife, are required 
to live for twelve years in the woods 

3 Yana-Parvan narrates the life of the Pandavas in the 
Kamyaka forest This is one of the longest books, and full of episodes 
such as the storv of Nala and that of the KiraUrjuniya 

4 Virata-Parvan describes the thirteenth jear of eMle and 
the adventures of the Pandavas -while living disguised in the service 
of king Virata 

5 Udyoga-Parvan In this the preparations for war on the 
side of both Pandavas and Kauravas are described 

6 Bhishma-Parvan In this both armies join battle on Kuru- 
kshetra, a plain north-west of Delhi The Kauravas are commanded 
by Bhishma, who falls transfixed with arrows by Arjuna 

7 Drona-Parvan In this the Kuru forces are commanded 
by Drona, and numerous battles take place Drona falls in a fight 
with Dhnshtadyumna (son of Drupada) 

8 Karna-Parvan In this the Kurus are led by Karna, Other 
battles are described. Anuna kills Karna 

9. Salya-Parvaa In this Salya is made general of the Kurt 
army. The concluding battles take place, and only three of the 
Kuru warriors, with Duryodhana, are left alive Bhima and Duryodhafta 
then fight with clubs. Duryodhana, chief and eldest of the Kurus, 
is struck down. 

10 Sauphka-Parvan In this three surviving Kurus make a night 
attack on the Camp of the Pandavas and kill all their army, but 
not the five Pandavas 

11 Stri-Parvan describes the lamentations of queen Gandh&j 
and the other wives and women over the bodies of tike slant 


12 Santi-Parvan In this Yudhishthira is crowned in Hasti- 
aapura To calm his spirit, troubled with the slaughter of his 
kindred, Bhishma, still alive, instructs him at great length in the duties 
of kings {Rajadharma 1995-4778), rules for ad\ersily {Apad Dkarma 
4779-6445), rules for attaining final emancipation {Mohha Dharma 
6456 to end) 

13 Anusasana-Parvan In this the instruction in continued 
by Bhishma, who ghes precepts aud wise axioms on all subjects, 
such as the duties of the kings, liberality, fasting, eating &c , mixed 
up -with tales, moral and religious discourses, and metaphysical 
disquisitions At the conclusion of his long sermon Bhishma dies 

14, Asvamedhika-Parvan In this Yudhishthira, having assumed 
the government, performs: an Asvamedha or 'horse sacrifice' In 
token of his supremacy 

15 Asramavasika-Parvan narrates how the old blind king 
Dhntarashtra, with his queen Gandhan and vith Kunti, mother 
of the Pandavas, retires to a hermitage in the woods After two years 
a forest conflagration takes place, and they immolate themselves ax the 
fire to secure heaven and felicity 

16 Mausala-Parvan narrates the death of Krishna and Bala- 
rama, their return to heaven, the submergence of Krishna's dry 
Dvaraka by the sea, and the self-slaughter in a fight with clubs 
of Krishna's family, the Yadavas, through the curse of some BrahniattS. 

17 Mahaprasthamka-Parvan describes the renunciation of their 
kingdom by Yudhishthira and his four brothers, and their departure 
towards Indra's heaven in Mount Menu 

18 Svargarohamka-Pnrvan narrates the ascent aAd admission 
to heaven of the five Pandavas, their wife Draupadi, and kindred 

Supplement or Hanvamsa-Parvan, a later addition, recount- 
ing the genealogy and birth of Krishna and the details of his ^earlv 

The following bPHMARY or THE Sto£t is taken from R C. DtTTT's 
Civilisation in Ancient Sidia 

Santana, the old kind of Hashnapora, died, leaving two sons, 
pfr ff! >n\ft,, who had « taken ft' vow of celibacy, and a younger prince 
who became king. This young prasee died in his tarn, leaving 


two sons, Dhntarashtra, who TV as blind, and Panda who ascended 
the throne Pandu died, leaving fhe sons who are the heroes 
of the epic Dhntarashtra remained virtually the king during 
the minority of the five Pandavas and of his own children, -while 
Dhntarashtra's uncle Bhishma, a renowned warrior, remained the chief 
councillor and friend of the state Yudhisthira, the eldest of the 
Pandavas, never became much of a warrior, but became versed in the 
religious learning of the age, and is the most righteous character in 
the epic Bhima, the second, learnt to use the club, and was renowned 
for his gigantic si7e and giant strength, and is indeed the Ajax of the 
poem The third, Arjumi, excelled all other princes m the skill of 
arms, and aroused the jealous) and hatred of the sons of Dhntarashtra, 
even in their bojhood Vakula, the fourth, learned to tame horses, 
and Sahadeva, the fifth, became proficient in astronomy Duryodhana, 
the eldest son of Dhntarashtra, was proficient in the use of the club, 
and was a mal to Bhima 

At last the day came for a public exhibition of the proficiency 
which the princes had acquired in the use of arms A spacious area was 
enclosed Seats were arranged all round for the accommodation of 
ancient warnors and chieftains, of ladies and courtiers The whole 
population of Kuruland flocked to see the skill of their young princes 
The blind king Dhntarashtra was led to his seat , and foremost among 
the ladies were Gandhan, the queen of Dhntarashtra, and Kunti, the 
mother of the first three Pandavas The last two were Pandu's sons by 
another wife There was shooting of arrows at a butt, and there 
fighting with swords and bucklers and clubs Duryodhana and Bhima 
soon began to fight in nght earnest, and rushed towards each other 
like mad elephants Shouts ascended to ih& sky, and soon the fight 
threatened to have a tragic end At last the infuriated young men 
were parted and peace was restored 

Then the young Arjuna entered the lists in golden mail with his 
wondrous bow His splendid archery surprised his most passionate 
admirers and thrilled the heart of his mother with joy, while shouts of 
admiration rose from the multitude like the roar of the ocean He 
played with his sword, which flashed like lightning, and also With hig 
sharp-edged quoit or chakra, and never missed his mark Lastly, ne 
brought down horses and deer to the ground by the noose, and con- 
cluded by doing obeisance to his worhty preceptor Drona, amidst tto$ 
ringing cheers of the assembled multitude.. 


The dark cloud of jealousy lowered on the brow of Dhntarashtra' 
sons, and soon they brought to the field an unknown wamor, Kama 
■who was a match for Arjuna in archery King's sons could only figh 
with their peers, like the knights of old, and Dhntarashtra therefore 
knighted the unknown warrior, or rather made him a king on the spot 
so that Arjuna might have no excuse for declining the fighfc Tc 
awkward questions which were put to him the haughty Kama rephec 
that mers and warriors knew not of their origin and birth, then 
prowess was their genealogj But the Pandavas declined the fight 
and the haughty Kama retired in silence and in rage Drona non 
demanded the reward of hib tution I ike doughty warriors of old he 
held revenge to be the dearest joy of a warrior, and for his reward he 
asked the help of the Kurus to be revenged on Drupada, king of the 
Panchalas, who had insulted him The demand could not be refused 
Drona marched against Drupada, conquered him, and wrested hali 
his kingdom Drupada swore to be avenged 

Dark clouds now arose on the horizon of Kuruland The time 
had come for Dhntarashtra to name a Yuvaraja, 1 e , or a prince who 
would reign during his old age The claim of Yudhisthira to the 
throne of his father could not be gainsaid, and he was appointed Vuva- 
raja But the proud Duryodhana rebelled against the arrangement, 
and the old monarch had to yield, and sent the five Pandavas in exile 
to Varanawita, said to be near modem Allahabad, and then the very 
frontier of Hindu settlements The vengeance of Duryodhana pursued 
them there and the house where the Pandavas lived was burnt to 
ashes The Pandavas and their mother escaped by an underground 
passage, and for a long time roamed about disguised as Brahmans 

Heralds now went from country to countrv, and proclaimed m all 
lands that the daughter of Drupada, king of the Panchalas, was to 
choose for herself a husband among the most skilful w amors of the 
time As usual on such occasions of Svayamvara, or choice of a 
husband by a princess, all the great kings and princes and warriors of 
the land flocked to the court of Drupada, each hoping to wm the 
lovely bride who had already attained her youth, and was renowned 
for her beaut) She was to give her hand to the most skilful archer, 
and the trial ordained was a pretty severe one* A heavy bow of great 
size was to be wielded, and an arrow was to be shot through a whirl- 
ing chakra or quoit Into the eye of a 1 golden fish, set high on the top 
of a pole Not only princes and warriors, but multitudes of spectators 
flocked from all parts of the country to Kampflya, the capital of the 


Panchalas Fhe princes thronged the beats, and Brahmans filled the 
place with Vedic hymns Then appeared Draupadi with the garland 
in her hand which she was to offer to the victor of the day By her 
appeared her brother Dhnshtad) omna, who proclaimed the feat which 
was to be performed Kings rose and tried to wield the bow, one 
after Another, but in •tain. The skilful and proud Kama stepped 
for to do the feat, But was prevented A Brahman suddenly rose 
and drew the bow, and shot the arrow through the whirling chakra 
into the eve of the golden fish A shout of acclamation arose And 
Draupadi the Kshatriva princess, threw the garland round the neck of 
the bra\e Brahman, who led her awa\ as bride But murmurs of 
discontent arose like the sound of troubled waters from the Kshalnya 
ranks at this victon cf a Brahman, and the humiliation of the warriors , 
and they gathered round the bride's father and threatened violence. 
The Panda\as now threw off their disguise, and the victor of the day 
proclaimed himself to be Arjuna, a tree-born Kshatnya 

Then follows the strange myth that the Pandavas went back to 
their mother and said, a great prize had been won Their mother, not 
knowing what the prize was, told her sons to share it among them 
And as a mother's mandate cannot be disregarded, the five brothers 
wedded Draupadi as their wife The Pandavas now formed an 
alliance with the powerful king of the Panchalas, and forced the 
blmd king Dhntarashtra to divide the Kuru country between his 
sons and the Pandavas The division, however, was unequal ; the 
fertile tract between the Ganges and the Jumna was retained by the 
sons of Dhntarashtra, while the uncleared jungle in the west was 
given to the Pandavas The jungle Khandava Prastha was soon cleared 
by fire, and a new capital called Indraprastha was built, the supposed 
ruins of which are shown to every modern visitor to Delhi * 

Military expeditions were now undertaken by the Pandavas on all 
sides, but these need not detain us, especially as the accounts of these 
distant expeditions are modern interpolations When we find in the 
Mahabharata accounts of expeditions to Ceylon, or to Bengal, we may 
unhesitatingly put them down as later interpolations And now 

ah™!,* f Yu f*t blme * i '; I « i Hasfinapurawhenhewasie. He was with Duryo- 

months ^ ^ He ™ COnfined 1D the lac house fOT 6 ™nth S> S 
months at Ekacakra, one year in the Pancala house and 5 years with DurvodhW 

There ,t was that Delhi was huilt Yudtustbira lived 108 ye£s™« Tl m '?f 

he parsed away „ the begmning of Kali, he must have been born in 32^ C 

and Delhi must haw been first built in 3174 B C 


Yudhishthira was to celebrate the Rajasuya or coronation ceremonr, 
and all tlie pnnces of the land, including his kinsmen of Hastinapura, 
were invited The place of honour was gr\en to Krishna, chief of the 
Yada\as of Gujral bisupalaof Chedi violentl> protested, and Krishna 
killed him on the spot Krishna is only a great chief, and not a deit}, 
in the older portions of the Mahabharata, and his story shows the was colonised from the banks of the Jumna in the tpic Age 
The tumult ha\ing subsided, the consecrated water was sprinkled on 
the new 1 j -created monarch, and Brahinans went awaj loaded with 

But the newly-created king was nut long to enjoy bis kingdom 
With all his righteousness, Yudhishthira had a weakness for gambling 
like the other chiefs of the time, and the unforgiving and jealous 
Duryodhana challenged him to a game Kingdom, wealth, himself and 
his brothers, and even his wife were staked md lost, — and behold now, 
the h\e brothers and Droupadi the slaves of Durjodhana Ihe proud 
Droupadi refused to submit to her position, but Dnhsasan i dragged 
her to tho assemblj -room b\ her heir, and Duryodhana forced her 
down on his knee in the sight of the stupefied assemblj The blood of 
the Pandavas was rising, when the old Dhntarashtra was led to the 
assembly-room and stopped a tumult It was decided that the Pandavas 
had lost their kingdom, but should not be slaves They agreed to go 
in exile for tw elve j ears, after which they should remain concealed for 
a year If the sons of Dhntarashtra failed to discover ihetfii' daJfas tha 
year, they would get back their kingdom 

Thus the Pandavas again went in exile , and after twebe years of 
wanderings in various places, disguised themselves in the thirteenth 
year and took service under the king of Virata Yudhishthira was to 
teach the king gambling , Bhima was the head cook , Arjuna was to 
teaefa dancing *ad masiG to the king's daughter , Nakala and S ahadw a 
were to be master of horse and master of cattle respectively, iad Bran* 
padi was t<5 be 'tile queen's handmaid A difficulty" arCfsS me* jean's 
brother was enamoured of the Jiew handmaid of superb Beauty, and 
insulted her and was resolved to possess her. Bbima interfered and 
killed the lover in secret Cattle-lifting was not ancommon among the 
pnnces of those detys, and the princes of Hastinapura carried away 
some cattle from Virata Afiuna, the dancing master, could stand th» 
no longer , he put on his armour, drp,ve,-out. & ciajfit and recovered 
the cattle, but was diecaWS** 

4© mahabhakata 

And now the Panda-vas sent an en\oy to Hastinapura to claim buck 
their kingdom The claim was refused, and both parties prepared for 
a war, the like of which had never been seen in India All the princes 
of note joined one side or the other, and the battle which was fought 
in the plains of Kurukshetra, North of Delhi, lasted for eighteen days, 
and ended in fearful slaughter and carnage * 

The lung storr of the battle with its endless episodes need not 
detain us Arjuna killed the ancient Bhishma unfairly after that chief 
-was forced to desist from fighting Drona, with his> impenetrable 
" squares " or phalanxes, killed the old mal Drupada, but Drupada's 
«on revenged his father's death and killed Drona unfairly Bhima met 
Duhsasana, who had insulted Droupadi in the gambling-room, cut off 
his head, and in fierce vindictiveness drank his blood Lastlv, there 
was, the crowning contest between Kama and Arjuna, who had hated 
each other through life , and Arjuna killed Kama unfairly when his 
chariot wheels had sunk in the earth, and he could not move or fight 
On the la»t or eighteenth day, Durj odhana fled from Bhima, but was 
» ompelled bj tauntt. and rebukes to turn round and fight, and Bhima 
by a foul blow (because struck below the waist) smashed the knee on 
which Dur> odhana had once dragged Droupadi And the wounded 
warrior was left there to die The bloodshed was not yet over, for 
Drona'b son made a midnight raid into the enemy's camp and killed 
Droupada'b son, and thus an ancient feud was quenched m blood " 

The remainder of the story is soon told. The Pandavas went to 
Hastinapura, and Yudhishthira became king He is said to have 
subdued every king in Aryan India, and at last celebrated the Asva- 
medha ceremony or the great horse-sacrifice. A horse was let loose 
-and wandered at its will for a year, and no king dared to stop it This 
was a sigh of -the submission of all the surrounding kings, aad they 
were then invited td the great horse-sacrifice 

''i j "i "Hi" mi'i i i i it« 

I The paksa m wnicn t&e war began bad only 13 days (#<# VI 3, n-i$ ; 
IA, XVL 8a The great European war also began in a paksa of 13 days! 
L D Swanukannu would however not attach any evil influence for such a short 

3 According to the dates given-in the text — 

Karjika sukla dvSdasi-RevaH (Krs^a's) message 

„ Kj&na pancami (Pu§yam) Mobalisation. 

A ma" vSsya-Jyestha Reaching battle-field 

MSrgfiMra Sukla trayodafi (mrgafira)-' War berins 

■Ersoa-amarasya— — War ends. 

Magna Sukla pancami Death of-Bbisoia- 


Babu Ramgopal Sixgh Choudhrt B L wrote m Tin Wisdom of 
the East thus " 1 he epoch of the Kahvuga 3102 B C is usually 
identified with the era of Yudhisthira, and the date of the Mahabharath 
\\ ar Two pitched battles were fought between the said parties, the 
1st at Beratnagar and the 2nd at Kurukshetra The battle took place 
just on the completion of the 13 years Ba/ibas (evle of the Pandavas 
mto the forests) {Vide Berath Parv Adhjaya 30, Slokas 28 and 29 
Thereafter Sn Krishna started for Hastinapur on the 1st Kartik, Revathi 
Nakshatra, Mitra Daivat Mahoort, to negotiate peace, and if possible 
prevent the impending civil war that caused the rum of Ancient India 
(Udj og Parv, Adhvaj a 82, Slokas 6 to 13 ) On Durj odhan's refusal 
to come to terms and declining to give even 5 villages for the main- 
tenance and support of the five Pandavas, Sn Krishna on his way back 
to Berathnagar asked Kama to commence the war that day week, 
vis , on 15th day (Amavasya) of that month (Udyog Parv, Adhyaya 
141, Sloka 18 ) It appears that for some reason or other the war did 
not commence on that date, for 50 nights after the end of the war 
Maharaja Yudhisthira paid a second visit to Sn Bhishma who breathed 
his last on that day (Anusasan Parv, Adhyaya 167, Slokas 5 to 28) 

Now the Mahabharath War lasted for 18 days , so he died (50 and 
18)68 days after the commencement of the war It is well-known 
that Magh Sudi 8, z e, the 8th day of the bnght side of the moon of 
the month of Magh is the date on which he went to heaven It is 
therefore called Bhishma Astami and terpen (oblations of water) is given 
to him on that day By calculation we find that 68 days backwards 
from Magh Sudi 8th would fall on Aghan Sudi 1 or 16th Aghan So 
the battle commenced on the 16th of Aghan and lasted till the 3rd of 
Pus That this is the date of the commencement of the war will also 
be borne out by the fact that when after spending 50 nights m the city 
on the termination of the second war, Maharaja Yudhisthira went to 
Sn Bhishma for the 2nd time, the latter spoke thus {vide Anusason Parv 
Adhyaya 167 — "Well Yudhisthira, to-day is the bright side of the 
moon, % of this month have already passed and I have already slept 
on the points of the arrows for 58 nights " So there remains no room 
for doubt that the day when Yudhisthira wenUo him, that is to say, 
the day Bhishma died, fell on the 23rd of Magh (Aghan Sudb«y He 
fought for 10 days and passed 58 nights on the bed of amms. ^ so. try 
this calculation also it comes out that the battle began q* Afehfin, Sudi 
1st (16th of Aghan), for counting from that day the ofth^-day would 
fall on Magh Sudi 8th It seems that although Sn KrfsTiifa proposed 


to commence the war on the Dipa\ah day (15th Kartic), the Kurus 
could not make necessan arrangements m that short time and the 
war commenced a month and 8 days after, instead of 8 dajs 

Now I grve dates of the death of the great warriors who fell m 
that battle Sn Bhishma fell on Aghan Sudi 8th, i e , 23rd Aghan , but 
died on the 3rd of Paus Bhag-Dutl was killed on Aghan Sudi 11 
Abhimanuya w as killed on Aghan Sudi 13 Bhunsrava, Jaidarath and 
Ghotolkuch were killed on Aghan Sudi 14 Dronacharya was killed 
on Aghan Sudi 15 Duhsasan and Kama were killed on Paus Badi 2 
Shal) a, Shalloa and Sakuni were killed in the day time on 3rd Pau« 
Badi And on the same date at dusk, Duryodhan's thighs were broken 
and he fell down Dhnistdquman, Shikhandi, and the 5 sons of Droupadi 
w ere killed in the night on the same da}, viz, 3rd paus Duryodhan 
breathed his last on the same day after midnight but before sunrise " 


There are commentaries on the JMahabharata by Nllakantha, 1 
Arjunamis*ra 3 , Sarvagna Narayana 8 , Yegnanftrayana*, Vaisampayana*, 
Vadrraja, ^rlnandana,* and Vimalabodha Aufrecht gives the names 
of the following commentators — Anandapurna, Vidyasagara, Catur- 
bhuja, NandikesVara, Devabodha, Nandanacarya, Paramananda- 
bhattacarja, Ratuagarbha, Ramakrsna, Laksmanabhatta, and Srlni- 
vasacarya Besides two anonymous commentaries, Nigudhapada- 
bodhmi and Bharatatippani, the Onental Manuscripts Library of 
Madras contains Bbaratavyakhya by Kavladra and Laksaslokalan- 
k,"ira of Vadirftja ^ridharachSrya has commented on the Chapter 

Sarvagna Narayana appears to be the earliest commentator whose 
work is at least extant m fragments Vadirftja was a Madhva ascetic 
who lived between 1450 to 1500 and his commentary is an extensive 
work Kavindra lived in the Onya Country about 1600 A D 

Arjunamiira mentions Devabodha, Vimalabodha and Sarvagna 
NarSyaaa and Sandilya Madhava and is mentioned by Nilakantha 
Nllakantha lived at Kflrpara m M aharastra probably in the 16th cen- 

r. TC, III 2955.5 ~ " 

2 KC, 106, IOC, VI 1151. 

3 BTC, 184. 
4- TC, II 2305 

5 CC, I 489 

6 DC.IV.R No 38or 

7 Mitra's Notices, No 3011. 


tury Srlnandana was the son of Laksmanacarj d of Bharadvajd Gulra 
dad was known as Mahabharata Bhatlaraka 

Mahabharata-^Stparya-mrnaya is. an epitome of the Mahabharata 
by Sri Madhvacdrya, the gredt teacher of the Dwaita philosophy 
who flourished in the 12th century AD " Ihere are commentaries, on 
it by Jnanauandabhalta, Varadaraja, Vadiraja, Vittalacan a, and 
VySsatir^ha, and a commentary Sabhyabhinayavah - 

There is a Bharatatatparyanirnaya b\ Varadaraja -who lived about 
1500 AD* Bharatatatva-\acanam is a collection of extracts made 
by Puranam Hayagnva Sastn -which support and illustrate the principles 
of Advaita philosophy s Balabh&ratam and Mahabharata-Sangraham 
are compilations of the main thread of the story* There is an 
abridgement by C V Vaidya 7 Anonymous work called VyasakOta 
is remarkable for its double entendre 8 Bharatayuddha-viva<Ja by 
NdrayartaJasi, kaown as Bharatacarya, determines the length of time 
occupied by the Great \\ ar Bh&ratasavitri is a similar work quoted 
by commentators and is often extracted in the Kumbakonam edition® 

Jaimmi-'Bharatiam is an elaborate work dealing with the exploits 
and character of the Pandavas in versei Only one parvan of this work 
is extant describing the ASvamedha of Yudhisthira. 10 

Brihat Pandava Purana called also the Mahabharata is divided 
into 25 Parvans It was composed at Sripura in &Skavata by Sri 
Subhacandra and revised and rewntten by his desciple Brahma Sripala : 
iubhacandra was the head of Jaina muth founded by Padmanandi of 
finmulasangha He succeeded Vijayakir|< He mentions other works 
of his, Candranathacanta, Padmanabhacanta, Jhakacanta, P3ri\anaiha 
kavya, Candanakatha, NandiSvan etc In the first six Parvans some Jain 
anecdotes are narrated including the life of B&ntmatha and the last four 

I. Macdonell, S£. 290-I. 

2 Ed. Bombay. 

3. GG, I 440 

4. This is found in the Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras* 

5. Ed Masulipatam fC, IIL 3242. 

6 fG, III. 2998, 33385, 3849 Bee also for a similar abnagmeht, Kti, 19? ] 

7. Ed Bombay 

8 Mitra's Notices (1872). 

9. -ST, 195. 352. 

10 Ed Bombay {1863) , Ed with Hindi gloss, Sree Yenkateswar Press 
Bombay Gat of Berlin Library, iir-118 See also Wilson's Mac. Collection, U. 
I , ZDMG, II. 278, Monatsbencateder BerL Acad. 11869), 13-15 


Parvans describe the advent of Nemmatha and the attainment of salvation 
of the Pandavas The date of the composition it. given as bamvat 
1608 or 1552 AD 1 

Panddvapurana in 18 cantos describes the stor) of the Mahabharata 
as current among the Jamas The author VSdicandra was the desciple 
and jounger brother of Prabhacandra Ihe story was first recounted 
by Vardhmana, son of SiddhSrlha, to Brenika, king of Kundma, and 
from him was traditional^ transmitted through Nemmatha, Padmanandi 
etc , to Prabhacandra, who was the author's brother The work was 
■written at Ghanaugha in the Push} a month of 654 (samval) a 

Pevaprabhasun, the Jam monk, is rote Pandavacanta 3 

Harrvamia is a sequel to the Mahabharata and is held in high 
esteem It is also the work of Vyasa and describes the life and ad- 
ventures of Krsna Introductory to his era, it records particulars of 
the creation of the world) and of the patriarchal and regal dynasties* 

Jama Harrvanvfo. is a long poem of some historical value m the 
Puramc form by Jinasena who wrote in Saka 705 8 

1 TC, III 3968, PR, IV 156 

2 TC, II, I785 The words used are Veda-bU i-Sad-anke (g e ) var%i 
The editor of the catalogue suggests 1654 (?) 

3 PR,l 98,111 133 

4. Ed Bombay Translated by M Langlois 
5 IA, XV 141. 

On 3VIahib.hdrata generally ' — 

Ed byP C Roy (Calcutta), Ed by Education Committee (Calcutta) , Ed 
by S. L. Bhadun (Calcutta) , Ed S Vyasacarya (Kumbakonam) There are 
other editions in various scripts everywhere 

For contents of the work, see M, Williams' Indian Epic Poetry art Indian 

K. Narayana Iyer, The Permanent History of Bharata Varsha, Vol I, Tn- 
vandrum, H Jacobi, Index and Concordance , S Soerensen, Index to the names oj 
the Mahabharaia and Concordance , L. Grasberger, Noetes Indtcat, swe quaesttons m 
Nalum Mahabharateum , Story of the Great War (Theosophical Publishing House, 
Adyar) , C V Enshnamacharlu, Mahabharata, analysed (Lahore) , RoUssel 
Legends of the Mahabharata (Santiparvan,) Pans 

Translated into English prose by P C Roy (1894, Calcutta) , Translated by 
R C Dutt (Calcutta), by M N Dutt (Calcutta) Takur Rajendra Singh, 
Great War of Ancient India [Ind Rev XVI 531) , J Dahlman, Genesis Des 
Mahabharata (Berlin) says that the work existed in the present form before the 
5th century B C Holtzman Das Mahabharata, (Kiel), Buhler, Indian Studies 
No. II (.Trans of Imp. Vienna Academy, 1892), Paper by Wmternitz (fRAS, 


Theories and dates 

Much has been said by oriental scholars on the age of the 
Jlahabharata and the general tendency of buch opinions has been 
only to bring down the dale of the composition to a close proximity to 
the beginning of the Christian era Ma\ Muixek traces the connec- 
tion between the Mahabharata and the vedic literature and attributes 
the present form of the poem to the redaction of Brahmanical priest- 
hood * " Ihe war between the Kurus and Pandavas, which forms the 
principal object of our Mahabharata, is unknown m the Veda The 
names of the Kurus and Bharatas are common in the Vedic literature, 
but the names of the Pandavas has never been met with It has been 
observed,* that even in Panim't, grammar the name Pandu or Pandava 
does not occur, ■while the Kurus and Bharatas are frequently mentioned, 

(1897,) 713 , IA, I, xxvu , Mahabharata condoned into English verse by R C. Dutt 
(London), Channing Arnold's Mahabharata (Longman's Green & Co ), M Williams, 
Story of Nala Johnson, Selections from the Mahabharata ( W Heifer & sons Ltd , 
Cambridge), Nalopakhycmam by Jaret, and by Piele (W Heffe & sons Ltd,, 
Cambridge) , F Bopp, Deluvtum with three other texts from the Mahabharata, 
(Berlin), J Murdoch, An English abridgment (Probstham & co, London, Vier 
Philosophische Texte des Mahabharatam, translated into German by P Deussen, 
(1906, Berlin) , Tradutt completttnent pour la lefots en francais par H Fanche, (10 
Vols Pans), As to this I Sir, II 410, Indian Idylls from the Sanskrit of the 
Mahabharata by E Arnold, The Mahabharata {Hindu Epic Poetry) by Goldstucker 
(Calcutta) , Reconstruction of Hie Mahabharata by A Holtzman , Grammahches 
Ausdem Mahabliarata by A Holtzman , The origtital shape of the Mahabharata 
byT G Kale,Ind Rev IX 335) , B V Kamesvara Iyer, On the date of the Bharota 
War fixing a date long before 1422 B C {Ind Rev X. 673), Vaidya, 
Historical Studies m the Gtta (Ind Rev XVII 481) , R G Bhandarkar on the 
Mahabharata (JA, I 350 This paper gives all references to Mahabharata from 
Patanjali onwards There are early inscriptions mentioning Mahabharata names 
(JBBAS, XVIII, 1,4, IX 315)- Pargiter on The Nations of India at the battle 
between Pandavas and Kauraoas and the controversy thereon [TRAS, {1908) 602, 309, 
831, 837, 1138]. On the Ganesa legend m the Mahabharata [JRAS (1898) 631] 

Bhishmd, his life and teachings (Datta Boss& co, Calcutta), Manoranjan 
Ghosh, Date of Sri Krishna {Tnd. Rev XV 39) , Buhler and Kirste, Contributions to 
the history of the Mahabharata (Sita, Wien) , On the old linguistic form of the epics 
byJacom.CZDMG, XLV 407) and by Rapson, \JRAS, (1904), 435] Gauranga- 
nath Banerji, Hellenism in Ancient India, 22$ 

1 Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 44-48. 

2 Weber, IStr, 148, Katyayana, however knows not only Pandu, but 

his descendants Pandavas. 


particularly m rules treating of the formation of patronymics and 
similar words 1 If, then, Asvalayana, the immediate successor of 
Panmi, knows not onlv Pandu, but also his descendants, the Pandavas, 
can be shown to have been a contemporary, or at least an immediate 
successor, of Panini, the Bharala which he is speaking of must have 
been^erJ different from the epic poem .\hich is known to us under 
the name of the Mahabharata, celebrating the war of the Kurus and 
P.mda\as 9 

I The names of the two wives of Pandu, Kunti and Madn, occur in the 
commentary on Pamni (Cf 1 2 49 , iv 1 65 , iv I 176 (text) for Kunti, and 
iv I 1/7, (for Madn) But both these names are geographical appellatives, 
Kunti signifying a woman for the country of the Kuntas, Madn, a Madra-woman. 
Pntha, another name of Kunti, stands in the Gana sivadi As to the proper 
names of the Pandava pnnces, we find Yudhisthira, Pan vi L 134 , vi 3 9 , vin, 
3 95 (text), Arjuna, Pan lit I 119, iv 3 64, v 4 481, vi, a 131, Bhuna, Pan. 
vi L 205 , Nakula, Pan vi 3 75 The name of Sahadeva does not occur , but 
his descendants, the Sahadeva*, are mentioned as belonging to the race of Kuru, 
together With the Nakulas, Pan. iv I 114. In the same Way we find the descen- 
dants of Yudhisthira and Arjuna mentioned as members of the eastern Bharatas, 
Pan u 4. 66 Draupadi's name does not occur in Panini, but Subhadra, the sister 
of Krishna and the wife of Arjuna, is distinctly mentioned, Pan iv 2 56. 
Another passage in the commentary on Panini (iv 3 87) proves even the exis- 
tence of a poem In praise of Subhadra, which, if we remember the former 
mention of a war about Subhadra (iv 2 56 ), seems most likely to have celebrated 
this very conquest of Subhadra by Arjuna In the Mahabharata this story forms 
a separate chapter, the Subhadra-harara-parva (Adiparva, p 288,) which may be 
the very work which Panini, according to his commentator, is alluding to. That 
the chapter in the Mahabharata belongs to the oldest parts of the epic, may 
be seen from its being mentioned in the Anukramaru (1 149)1 "when 
I heard that Subhadra, of the race of Madhu, had been forcibly seized in the 
city of Dvaraka, and earned away by Arjuna, and that the two heroes of the 
^^^^T 1 ^ t0 , ^"Pn-fl". l *», O Sanjaya, had no hope of 
1*Tw f ?k M ^ bhasb y a ' howe ^ does not explain the former Sutra, £■ 2 

Sta^^^V^r""^ f ° r ** -**»» ^y, but noTfor the 
cTol ™J!? Ganta. rted in the Sutra, (iv 3 87 ), is also somewhat suspi- 
cious. That some of the Sutras which now form part of Panim's «n»m» Z 
not proceed from him, « acWldgedbyKaryyata^ iv 7S "CSTSZ 
Vasudeva, who is couadered as peculiarly connected with the XxSLonTZ 
Pandavas, is quoted as Vasudeva, of the race of Vnshm (Pan iv 1 iL, S 
Vasudeva, together with Siva and Aditya (P aa v 3 00 t«n J vjHj 
together with Arjuna fiv 3 gBtnt) Inrte commentary^ Pal fa .^S 
a 3 IX, we have proof of Knshna's being worshipped J d t , , S'l, 
mentioned as a hero His reduce, Dvalka, howe^, d^es n^occu in lan^ 

forth Pamni, special rule J , ft L^lV^^^ 



"In the form in which we now possess the Mahabharata it sho^x 
clear traces that the poets who collected and finished it, breathed an 
intellectual and religious atmosphere, very different from that in which 
the heroes of the poem moved The epic character of the storj has 
throughout been changed and almost obliterated bv the didactic 
tendencies of the latest editors, who were clearlv brahmans, brought 
up m the strict school of the Laws of Manu But the original tradi- 
tions of the Pandavas break through now and then, and we can clearlv 
discern that the races among whom the five principal heroes of the 
Mahabharata were born and fostered, were by no means completeh 
under the influence of brahmmlcal law How is it, for instance the 
Pandava, who if we are to believe the poet, were versed m all the 
sacred literature, grammar, metre, astronomj, and law of the Brah- 
mans, could afterwards have been married to one wife ' This is in plain 
opposition to the Brahmamc law, where it is said, "thev are many wives 
of one man , not many husbands of one wife " Such a contradiction 
can only be accounted for by the admission that, in this case, epic 
tradition in the mouth of the people was too strong to allow this essen- 
tial and curious feature in the life of its heroes to be changed How- 
ever, the Brahmamc editors of the Mahabharata, seeing that they 
could not alter tradition on this point, have at least endeavoured to 
excuse and mitigate it 

"Neither does the fact that Pandu is lawfully married to two wives, 
harmonise with the Brahmamc law That law does not prohibit 
polygamy, but it regards no second marriage as legal, and it- reserves 
the privilege of being burnt together with the husband to the eldest 
and only lawful wife Such passages in the ancient epics are of the 
greatest interest We see m. them the tradition of the people too far 
developed, to allow itself to be remodelled by Brahmamc Diaskeuastes 
There can be little doubt that polygamy, as we find it among the early 
races in their transition from the pastoral to the agricultural life, was 
customary in India We read in Herodotus (v 5 ), that amongst the 

different from those in the Mahabhashya , viz, Bbaratahsangramah, Saubhadrah 
sangramah It was impossible to teach or to use Panau's Sutras without exam- 
ples. These necessarily formed part of the traditional grammatical literature 
long before the great commentary was written, and are, therefore, of a much 
higher his+oncal value than is commonly supposed. The coincidences between 
die examples used in the Prausakhyas and in Pamw show that these examples 
were by no means selected at random, but that they had long formed part of the 
traditional teaching See also Pan. vi 2 38, where the word Mahabharata 
occurs, but not as the title of a poem 


Thracians it was usual, after the death of a man, to find out who had 
been the most beloved of his wives, and to sacrifice her upon his tomb 
Mela (u 2) gives the same as the general custom of the Getae 
Herodotus (i\ 71 ) asserts a similar fact of the Scythians, andPausamas 
(v 2) of the Greeks, while our own Teutonic mythology is full of 
instances of the same feeling And thus the customs of these cognate 
nations explain what at first seemed to be anomalous in the epic 
tradition of the Mahabharata, that at the death of Pandu, it is not 
Kunti, his lawful wife, but Madri, his most beloved wife, m whose arms 
the old king dies, and who succesbfulh claims the privilege of being 
burnt with him and following her husband to another life " 

"The marked difference between the vedic and epic poetry of India 
has been well pointed out by Professor Roth of Tubingen, who for 
many years has devoted much time and attention to the study of the 
Veda According to him, the Mahabharata, even in its first elements 
is later than the time of Buddha * "In the epic poems," he says, "the 
Veda is but imperfectly known , the ceremonial is no longer developing, 
it is complete The vedic legends have been plucked from thier 
nabve soil, and rehgion of Agm, Indra, Mitra and Yaruna has been 
replaced by an altogether different worship The last fact, he say s 
" ought to be the most convincing There is a contradiction running 
throughout the religious life of India, from the time of Ramayana to the 
present day The outer form of the worship is Vedic, and exclusively 
so , but the eye of religious adoration is turned upon quite different 
regions a The secondary formation, the religion of Vishnu and Brahma, 
began with the epic poetry, and remained afterwards as the only Irving' 
one, but without having the power to break through the walls of the 
Vedic ceremonial, and take the place of the old ritual " 

M WmraRNiTS' thus sums up his views —" If however the Maha- 
bharata already undoubtedly possessed in the 4th century A D , the 
later portions, such for example, as the 13th book and ' Hanvamsa,' if 
at that time, the epic had already become a religious and devotional 
book and if a century later the news of the Mahabharata had already 
spread up to farther India and was there read in temples, then we can with 
perfect justification conclude that i t must have received the form which 

R.^th Z rL^?r t SK e , and K GeS f XChtedesVeda Drei Abhandlungen von 
K. Roth, Doctor der Philosophie Stuttgart, 1846 ) 

ur, 2 " , P ™ fess ° rBurn0uf has treated the same subject in his RevwwofProf 
Wilson's Translation of the Vishnu-purana, Journal des Savants, 1840, May, 


it has to-day, at least one or two centuries earlier, that is, in the 2nd or 
3rd century AD On the other hand, however, it might have received 
its earliest shape not only after the rise and spread of Buddhism, 
because it contained so many allusions to it, but also after Alexander's 
invasion of India because, the Yavanas, 1 e , the Indians or Greeks are 
often alluded to and there are moreover references to stone buildings, 
whereas before the time of the Greeks only wooden buildings were 
known in India The Mahabharata in its present form could not be 
earlier than the 4th century B C and later than 4th century A D "* 

Macdonell traces the growth of the Mahabharata " There can be 
little doubt that the original kernel of the epic has as a historical 
background an ancient conflict between the neighbouring tribes of the 
Kurus and Panchalas, who finally coalesced into a single people In 
the Yajurvedas these two tribes already appear united, and in the 
Kathaka King Dhntarashtra Vaichitravirya, one of the chief figures of 
the Mahabharata, is mentioned as a well-known person Hence the 
historical germ of the great epic is to be traced to a very early period 
which cannot well be later than the tenth century B C Old songs 
about the ancient feud and heroes who played a part in it, must have 
been handed down by word of mouth and recited m popular assemblies 
or at great public sacrifices These disconnected battle-songs were, we 
must assume, worked up by some poetic genius into a comparatively 
short epic, describing the tragic fate of the Kura race, who, with justice 
and virtue on their side, perished through the treachery of the 
victorious sons of Pandu with Krishna at then- head To the period of 
this original epic doubtless belong the traces the Mahabharata has 
preserved unchanged of the heroic spirit and the customs of the 
ancient times, so different from the later state of things which the 
Mahabharata as a whole reflects To this period also belongs the 
figure of Brahma as the highest God The evidence of Pali literature 
shows that Brahma already occupied that position in Buddha's tune 
We may, then, perhaps assume that the original form of our epic came 
into being about the 5th century B C The oldest evidence we have 
for the existence of the Mahabharata in some shape or other is to be 
found in Acvalayana's Gnhya Sutra, where a Bharata and Mahabharata 
are mentioned This would also point to about the fifth century B C 
To the next stage, in which the epic, handed down by rhapsodists, 
swelled to a length of about 20,000 dokas, belongs the representation 
of the victorious Pandus m a favourable light, and the introduction on 

I Gtsttchte dtr Indtsche Lttteratur, 395 

50 mahabharata 

a level with Brahma of the two other great gods Civa, and especially 
Vishnu, of whom Krishna appears as an incarnation We gather from 
the account of Megaslhenes that about 300 B C , these two gods Mere 
already prominent, and the people were divided into Civaites and 
Vishnavites Moreover, the Yavanas or Greeks are mentioned in the 
Mahabharata as allies of the Kurus, and even the Cakas (Scythians) and 
Pahlavas (Parthians) are named along with them , Hindu temples are 
also referred to as well as Buddhist relic mounds Thus an extension 
of the original epic must ha\e taken place after 300 B C and by the 
beginning of our era "* 

Hopkins* sums up the result of his discussions — " We may 
tentatively assume as approximate dates of the whole work in 
its different stages Bharata (Kuru) lays, perhaps combined into one, 
but with no evidence of an epic before 400 B C A Mahabharata tale 
with its perhaps justified claim to be considered a branch of the 
Bharatas, its own later heroes, its cult of anti-Buddhistic type , with 
Panda heroes, lays and legends combined by the Puranic diasskeuasts, 
Krishna as a demigod (no evidence of didactic form or of Krishna's 
divine supremacy), 400-200 B C Remaking of the epic with Krishna 
as all-god, instrusion of masses of didactic matter, addition of puranic 
material old and new , multiplication of exploits, 200 B C to 100-20C 
A.D The last books added with the introduction to the first book, the 
swollen Anucasana separated from Canti and recognised as a separate 
book, 200 to 400 A D , and finally 400 A D occasional amplifications, 
the existence of which no one acquainted with Hindu literature would 
be disposed antecedently to doubt, such as the well-known addition 
mentioned by Professor Weber, Lectures on Literature, p 205 , and 
perhaps the episode omitted by Csemendra, Indian Studies, No fa, 
p. 52 

" In the case of these dates there is only reasonable probability 
They are and must be provisional till we know more than we know 
Bat certain are these four facts 

1 That the Pandu epic as we have it, or even without the masses 
of didactic material, was composed or compiled after the Greek in 
vasion , 2 That this epic only secondarily developed its presen 
masses of didactic material , 3 That it did not become a speoall} 
religions propaganda of Knshnaism (in the accepted sense of that sec 

1 Sanskrit Literature, 284-6 

2 The Great Epic of India, 397-4OQ 


of Vaisnavas) till the first century B C , 4 That the epic was. practi- 
cally completed by 200 A D , 5, That there is no " date of the epic " 
which -Mil cover all its parts (though handbook-makers may safely 
assign it m general to the second century B C ) 

" The question whether the epic is in any degree historical seems 
to me answerable though not without doubt, and I cannot refrain from 
e\pres&ing an opinion on the point so important As I have remarked 
above, there is no reflex of Pandu glory in Brahmamc literature before 
the third or fourth century. It is, further, impossible to suppose that 
during the triumph of Buddhism such a poem could have been com* 
posed for the general public for which it was intended. The metre 
of the poem shows that its present form is later than the epic form of 
Patanjali's epic verses, but this indicates simply recasting , so that a 
Pandu Mahabharata may have existed previously, as implied bj Panini, 
But while a Buddhist emperor was alive no such Brahmamc emperor 
as that of the epic could have existed, no such attacks on Buddhism 
as are m the epic could have been made, and the epic of to-day conld 
not have existed before the Greeks were personally familiar In 
other words, granted a history, that history must have been composed 
at least as late as the history was possible Panral's allusions and 
those of Buddhistic writers show that the Pandus were known as 
heroes It is, further, most improbable that the compilers, who made 
the poem represent Pandu virtues and victories/ would have chosen 
them for this position had they been mythical. In their reassertion of 
Brahmanism they wonld have chosen rather the well-known ancient 
Brahmamc heroes of the older tale, Bharati Katha, yet to appeal to the 
people something real and near was necessary Bat while before the 
second century the conditions were lacking which could have pro- 
duced the poem, with the second century they become possible, and 
there was already the Panda tribe with its perhaps justified claim to ba 
considered a branch of the Bharatas, its own later heroes, its colt of 
anti-Buddhistic type. 

" In so far, then, as we may discern a historical germ in the 
midst of poetic extravagance, it would seem that the p^oem represents 
an actual legend of a real tribe, and in so far as that legend persists in 
its adherence to polyandry as an essential part of the legend, a tribe 
which, like so many others in India, had been brahmanized and 
perhaps become allied by marriage to the old Bharata tribe, whose 
legends were thus united with its own." 


C V Vaid\ v 1 fives the date of the extant epic, at 250 B C about 
the time of Asoka and previous to the time of Patanjah, because Don 
Chrj bObtom, the Greek orator, of the 1st century AD refers to the 
existence of an epic of the present dimensions of the Mahabharata and 
Dikshit points out 8 that the cycle of Nakjhatras beginning with Havana 
said in the Mahabharata to have been instituted as a new cycle by 
Vi#v5mifra cannot go beyond 450 B C 

According to Kern, the Kavi translation of Adiparvun dates from 
the beginning of the eleventh century 8 

Among the extravagant fancies of modern orientalists^ which are 
dignified with the respectable appellation of theories) may be mentioned 
the opinion of Prof. Holtzjiann on the nature and origin of the Maha- 
bharata deserves a short review " JThe traditional stock of legends 
were first worked up into a precise shape by some Buddhist poets and 
this version, showing a decided prediliction for the Kaurava parly as the 
representation of Buddhist principles, was afterwards revised in a con- 
trary sense at the time of the Brahminical reaction by the votaries of 
Vishnu, when the Buddhistic features were generally modified into 
Saivite tendencies and prominence was given to the divine nature of 
Krishna as an incarnation It is but nght that the Brahminical pnests 
should have deemed it desirable to subject the traditional memorials of 
Kshatnya chivalry and prestige to their own censorship and adapt 
them to their own canons of religion and civil law." This theory sub- 
verts all truth and tradition. Modifications and innovations especially 
in the religious character of sectarian works are not easily accomplish- 
ed The Buddhistic records offer no support for this theory If such 
a standard work as the Mahabharata were included m the catalogue 
of the Buddhistic literature, Brahminical transformation could never 
have been possible, so as to entirely erase from the huge mass of the 
work all traces of the Buddhistic coloring As an exposition of the 
ethics of the Vedic religion, there is pre-eminently the Mahabharaf a. 

H H. Wilson thus sums up the opinion of his times " According 
to Col. Wilford's Computations (Asiatic JZtsearcAes, Vol IX, Chronolo- 
gical table, p 116) the conclusion of the great war took place in B.C. 
1370 , Buchanan conjectures it to have occurred in the ldth century 
B.C Cole brokb infers from astronomical data that the arrangement of 

I Historical Studhi in the Bhagavat Gita, [Ind Rev (toio), 481] 

2. DUuhit's Mahratt History of Indian Astronomy, III 

3 Over de Oud lavannsche Vertaltng Van't Mahabharata (Amsterdam) 

mahXbharata & 

the Vedas, attributed to Vyasa, took place in the fourteenth century 
BC„ M Beniley brings the date of Yudhisthira, the chief of the 
Pandavas to 575 B C , but the weight of authority is in favour of the 
thirteenth or fourteenth century B C for the war of the Mahabharata 
and the reputed commencement of the Kali age "* 

Weber sa} s " Of the Mahabharata in its extant form, only about 
one-fourth (some 20,000 slokas or so) relates to this> conflict and the 
myths that have been associated with it , and even of this, two-thirds 
■will have to be sifted oat as not original, since in the introduction to 
the work (I. 81) the express intimation is still preserved that it previ- 
ously consisted of 8,800 slokas only But as to the period 'when the 
final redaction of the entire work in its present shape took pl^ce, no 
approach even to direct conjecture is in the meantime possible, but, 
at any rate, it must have been some centuries after the commencement 
of our era " a 

RC DUTT says "The annals of different kingdoms m India allude 
to this ancient war, and some of these annals are not unreliable The 
founder of Buddhism lived in the sixth century B C and we learn from 
the annals of Magadha that thirty-five kings reigned between the Kuru- 
Panchala War and the time of Buddha Allowing twenty years to each 
reign, this would place the war in the thirteenth century B C Again, we 
know from coins that Kanishka ruled in Kashmir in the first century 
A.D and his successor Abhimanyu probably reigned towards the close 
of that century The historian of Kashmira informs us that fifty-two 
kings reigned for 1266 years from the time of the Kuru Panchala war 
to the time of Abhimanyu, and this would place the war In the twelfth 
century B C " Fergussow places the war In the 13th century B C * 

R Shama Sastry accepts the date ascribed to Chandfagupta and 
assigns the war to the 13th. century and says that "Bharata the son of 
Dushyanta, is stated to have performed in the twelfth Atiratra (Atw, 
Sr S X, 5, 8). This gives 372X4=1488 Kali Era or 1613 B. C. as 
the date of Bharata According to the list of kings given in the Vishnu 
Purana, Yudhistira, the hero of the Mahabharata and contemporary of 
Krishna is the 25th descendant from Bharata, and died in 1260 B C. 

I 7«**« PwSta, IV 233 In his Intr to Translation to Rig Ve 4a (I 47> 
he gave the probable date of the epic poem at the 3rd century B C« 
2. Indian Literature, 187-88. 
3 6it>. I 10 
4. Histc ry of Indian, and Eastern Architecture, 36. 


Accordingly the interval between Bharata and Yudhistira is 247 years, 
which, if the list is correct gives about 10 years on an average to each 
of the 25 reigns Pankshit is the grandson of Yudhistira. The interval 
between him and Nanda is according to the Matsya Purana one 
thousand years less by one hundred and fifty Nanda lived m 4th 
century B C "* 

Immemorial tradition sanctified by the religious faith of hundreds 
of generations of people in India assigns the Mahabharata war to the 
end of the Pvapara Yuga, that is, the year 3139 B.C The Puranas 
and the astronomical Si<Jdhantas accept the tradition as incontroverti- 
ble history and as the starting point of Indian chronology The 
Visnu Purana sa> s that " On the same daj that Han departed from the 
earth the powerful dark-bodied Kali (age) descended "* Han Kpna 
lived for 125(105?) years and he was a contemporary of the great 
war* and according to the Mahabharata the race of Sn Kjsna was des- 
troyed thirty-six v ears after the war and the Pandavas departed from 
their kingdom soon after the beginning of Kahyuga * 

Megasthenes, " who probably quoted from Hanvamea, not as it 
e-oats to-dss but at. it was m his time, viz , a real dynastic list as its 
name implies, hat, recorded a statement that between Dionysos and 
Chandragupta there were 153 Kings and a penod of 6042 years and that 
Heracles was younger than Dionysos by fifteen generations Although 

I Gaoam Ayana, the Veik Era, 155 

2. Yasmui Krsno 4ivam ySjas Jasmin eva ta{hahani Prajipannam Kahyu- 
gam V 37 

See also Vayu, II 37-422, BA3*,Xn 1L 26-32, V 37, Matsya, 221, 52 
Mahapras$h3nika Parvaa, I 2,7 Also Wilson's Translation of Vtt*i PurS*h 

3 According to these passages Krsna was born in the year fcimukha, (3ra- 
vana Bahula Navaml-vi44ha-saptami VTsabha Lagna and hved for 125 years, 
7 months and 8 days dying on the first day of Kaliyuga According to Brhas- 
paJtmSna, the birth would be in the year Parjhiva and death in Khara 

According to another view Krjna lived for 105 years only and was born in 
3208 B C in the year Vijaya, Sravaua Kr$na A§tami, Mangalav&ra, Rohinl, 
Vnsabha Lagna. 

Krsna's horoscope has thus been cast Guru in Mesha, RShu in Mijhuna, 
Kuja and Bu4ha in Kataka, Ravi and Sam in Simham, Sukra in KanyS, and Kern 
in phanus and "Lagna Vfshbha. 

On the birth and death of Krsna, see Bhag, X 3, XI. 6, Hanvamia.l $2, 
IV. 24 V 23 > v* 

4. Mah. Mausala Panan, I 1, 3. See Bhag , X. 3, XI. 6 Hartvamfe, 1. 52 , 
Vitnu, V 37, 23 * 


it is not easy to identify Dionysos it is indisputable that Heracles mas 
none else than Han or in Kjjna from Megasthenes' record about him 
'This Heracles like the Thoeban namesake had married many mnes 
and mas worshipped by the Shourasem people whose chief towns mere 
Mathura and Cheisobora'" If then between Chandragupta and Sri 
Kpna, there were 138 (153-15) generations, taking 20 years for each 
generation, there is a penod of 2760 years intervening betm een them, 
which gives us 3072 B C * 

According to the SSrya-Siddhan^a Kalijuga began on midnight, 
of Thursday, 17th February, 3102 B C old style" Aryabhala took 
this date as granted * and computed by the era of 1'udhi.sthira 

In the commentary Bhattadlpika on this verse it is said Bharata 
Yudhisthiradayah, Rajyam caratam Yudhisthiradinam, an^yo gurudivaso 
dvaparavasanagata ltyarthah Tasmin dine Yudhisthiradayo maha- 
prasthanam gata 1^1 prasiddhih * 

Jyotirvidabharana tell us that six different eras will flourish one 
after another in the Kaliyuga, and the first of them that is of Yudhisthira 
lasting for 3044 years beginning from the first 3 ear of Kaliyuga * 
fiankara knew the tradition that Kpna Dvaipayana flourished between 
Kali and Dvapara Yugas * It was composed in Vikrama era year 24 
expressed to be identical with 3068 the year of Kah 

S P L Narasimha Swami says that after the war was over, 
Dhftarajtra continued to rule, with Yudhisthira as his regent, for 
fifteen years and that Yudhisthira was crowned king only in the 16th 
year after the war, and that Yudhisthira ruled for 36 years , so that he 
would place the war 50 years before Kali began, that is, in 3052 B C * 

Kalhana says that in his days the tradition was strong that the 
Bharata war took place at the end of Pvapara-yuga." 

I SeeC V Vydya's Epic India, 418 

2. Sewell's Indian Calendar, & 

3. KSho manavo manuyuga fkha ga{Ss{e ca manuyuga chtia ca, EalpS^er- 
yugap5<|5, Ga ca guradivasat ca bharaf 3{ purvam. — Gtpkapada, 3 

4. See Colebrooke, Mts Es II 248 , Weber, IL. 260. See also Lassen, 1AK 
II 50 , Kern's Preface, 6. 

5 For a fuller account see Chapter on Sanscrit Drama, under KabdSsa 

6 Biahmasup'aBhaiya, on Stym, III.1h.32-. 

7 I A, IV Id* Mah, Asrama Parva, 2-fr, and Afausala Parva, 3-13 

8. Raj I IS. But Kalhana thought he was deceived by the tradition and 
fixed 653 of Kaliyuga as the date of the war. This view is elaborated and 
supported m a pamphlet by Kotikalapudi Narasimha Sarma at the instance of 
the late Maharaja of Bobbin. 


But oriental scholars direct their intuitive faculty of original 
research and theonsation to a refutation of the tradition , to them tradi- 

The following verses from the Rajajarangini, Book I are important — 

48-49 The kings Gonanda the First anil his successors ruled Kashmir during 
twenty-two hundred and sixty-years in the Kahyuga This calculation of the 
duration of these kings' reigns has been thought wrong by some authors who 
were misled by the statement that the Bharata war took place at the end of the 
Dvapara Yuga 

50 If the years of those kings, the duration of whose reigns is known, are 
added up, leaving aside the above 2268 years of Gonanda I and his successors, 
no rest remains from the passed period of the Kahyuga, as will be seen from the 

51. When six hundred and fifty-three years of the Kahyuga bad passed 
away, the Kurus and Pandavas lived on the earth 

52 At present, in the twenty-fourth year of the Laukika era, one thousand 
and seventy years of the Saka era have passed. 

53 On the whole, at this tune two thousand three hundred and thirty 
years have passed since the accession of Gonada the Third 

54. Twelve hundred and sixty-six years are believed to be comprised in the 
sum of the reigns of those fifty-two lost kings 

55 On this point a decision is furnished by the words of the author of the 
Brhat Samhita who with reference to the fact that the Great Bear moves from 
one Naksatra to the other in a hundred years, has thus indicated its course 

56 " When- King Yudhisthira ruled the earth, the Munis (the Great Bear) 
stood in the Naksatra Maghak The date of his reign was 2526 years before the 
Saka era" 

Verse 50, says Stein, "gives Kalhana's reason for accepting the calculation 
of 2258 years for the reigns contained in Taranga I Dr Hultesch, {TA xra, 99) 
has shown that if we add up the figures given by K in Tarangas ii-viii for the 
reigns from the dethronement of Yudhisthira I. to his own time, we get a rough 
total of 1328 years (the odd months and days in the totals of the reigns of the u 
and ui Tarangas being disregarded) If to this total are added the 2268 years 
for the 1 Taranga, and the result deducted from the 4249 years which had 
elapsed of the Kali era at the tune of K 's composition (see verse 52 below), there 
remain 653 years This is exactly the number of years which had elapsed 
according to the statement accepted by K (1 51) between the commencement 
of the Kaliyuga and the date of the Bharata war, 1 e Gonanda I Thus the 
whole period of the Kali era up to the author's fame is accounted for and 'no 
rest remains ' The equation of K , as indicated in this verse, is therefore 
A B 

Years of the Kahyuga elapsed Reigns of kings from Gonanda I 

in 10^3 Saka I070 to Yudhisthira I (1 48) 2268 

& 3I79 Reigns of kings mentioned in 

Tarangas u-vui, up to Saka I070 

4249 I328 

Kali years passed up Gonanda I 653 



tion is superstition and cannot be history In spite of their capacity 
for discovering new pieces of evidence and novel paths of reasoning, 
the traditional literature has been too strong in its assertion that the 
Mahabharata war synchronised with the end of Dvaparayuga They 
therefore resorted to the only other alternative, that is, to postdating 
the beginning of the Kahyuga, and thus to postdate this synchronism 

The first step m this attempt was to damn the date 3102 B C 
acknowledged to be the beginning of Kahyuga, as an astronomer's 
hypothetical point of calculation * first fancied by Aryabhata in 499 
AD 1 This is easily said, for a bold assertion is better than logical 
reasoning One cannot perceive why this astronomer thought of 
fancying the date and how it happened that ancient writings like the 
Puraaas thought of taking this hypothetical date in computing their 
theological history The next step therefore has often been taken that 
these passages in the Furanas are later interpolations, nay, the Puranas 
themselves are fabrications of a late age One is tempted to remind 
the reader of the adage * lies follow lies ' 

We shall now follow the reasoning adopted for fixing the com- 
mencement of the Kahyuga 

In his Brhat-Samhitg, VarShamihira quotes a verse from Vyddha 

" Our observations as to the theoretical basis of Kalhana's early chronology 
may thus be briefly summed up We have seen that the starting-point of his 
and his predecessors' calculations was the supposed date of Gonanda I, obtained 
by connecting a semi-mythical king of Purana tradition with a purely legendary 
event of the great Indian epic and its imaginary chronology. We are next asked* 
without indication of an authority, to accept the figure of 2269 years for the 
aggregate length of rule of a single dynasty, of which, however fifty-two fangs 
had already become ' lost ' to the tradition of the earlier Chronicles Lastly, 
Kalhana presents us, again without naming his authority, with the figure of 2330 
years as the result of an avowedly 'rough' calculation of the aggregate 
duration of reigns from Gonanda III, to his own date "Stein. For a criticism 
ofKalhana'sview, See Hulzsch, I A, xvm. 99 et m and Pandit Ananda Koul, 
MSB, vi 195-219 WS) 

1. See Bentley, Historical View of Hindu Astronomy, 85 

2. See V S Gopala Iyer, Chronology of the Stddhantas, 92. 



" When king Yudhistira ruled the earth, the (seven) seers (Ursa 
Major) were in Makha, the Saka era (is) 2526 (years after the com- 
mencement of his reign " l 

This verse has been relied on by Kalbana as showing that 
the traditional date was an error and that the date of the Mahabhara^a 
war must be moved forwards to the year 651 Kah or 2448 B C It 
must be noted that Kalhana postulated that Kahyuga began in 3102 
B C but premises that the synchronism of the tradition between the war 
and the Kahyuga was erroneous But orientalists would not brook thi« 
too For, vxhy should the war and the necessary civilisation of India be 
put back to an ancient age as 25 centuries ? So the attack was planned 
from the rear The verse gives the name ' Saka kala ' Then began 
the speculation on what v* as the iakakUla meant here 

According to Gopala. Iyer, it was the era of Buddha Nirvana, for 
" Garga lived in the 1st century B C and by that time, the Saka era of 
78 A D could not have been known." The reading laka-kala is a mis- 
take for Sakya hala and the phrase ' Sad-ivika-pancadm' means not 
2526 but ' 26 times 25 ' or 6j0 , the correct interpretation is that 650 
years had elapsed from the time of Yudhisthira to the beginning of 
Sakyakala or the era of Gautama's Nirvana Gautama Buddha died in 
543 B C and the addition of 543 and 650 gives the date of tha 
MahabhSrata War as 1194-3 B C * Apart from the meaning given to 

I As traaslated by Hultzch (J A, XVIII 99), For other similar translations, 
see Trover, I 338, II 7 and Wilson's Essays, 97 Regarding the theory that the 
Saptarsis (Great Bear or Ursa Major) move within each lunar mansion for one 
century, see Brhat Samhtta, XIII 4 , Alberum's India, I 391 , Cunningham's 
Imkcm Eras, II , T. S. Narayanasastn's Age of Sankara, App II. 

a. V S Gopala Iyer's Chronology of Ancient India, 68-77 At 48 he admits 
that his interpretation b new and original See also, Rajatarangim (Teluga, 
Translation by K R. V. Krishna Rao (Cocanada 1903) According to Gopala' 
Iyer, Kahyuga originally comprised only loco years or at the most only! 
1200 years, it commenced at the winter solstice occurring m the latter part 08 
the year 1177 B C "As Megasthenes gives 6451 years for the period between^ 
Ikshwaku and Alexander the Great and as 5,600 years were supposed to hart 
expired at the beginning of the Kahyuga, 6451-5.600, or a deviation of 85} 
years must have been the period represented to Megasthenes as having expire* 
since the commencement of the new era Since Alexander left India in 325 Bug 
the Kaliyuga must have commenced, according to the informants of Megasthenfli 
in the year 851+325 or 1176 B C '* (at page 45) See for a full discussion of this 
IS Narayana Sastn's Age 0/ Sankara, 15 note Tilak (Arctic Heme to M 
Veda.*, 422) approves of Gopala Iyer's news on Kaliyuga. 


the phrase Sa4-dvika-panca-dvi, -which offends against the fundamental 
principles of Sanskrit notation and apart from the uncertainty of the 
date of the death of Buddha, on which opinion is as varied as on any 
other question of chronology, there is the detection of the error m the 
reading of ffi&a into iaija, for if the word &a.kya is substituted for the 
word iaka, the line goes wrong in prosody * 

G Thibadt,* and Sudhakara Dvivbdi assume the ' dakakala i 
herd mentioned to be the same as the Salivahana 6aka which commen- 
ced in 78 A Di 

Sbisa Chandra Vidyarnava later on reviewed his position and 
fixed the 1922 B. C. as the year of the Great war * Dhirbndranath 
Pal gives the date of the War as 15th or 16Ua century B C and says 
the story was immediately written* 

Other scholars took "the anchor of Indian Chronology that is 
the year 315 B C as the date of Chandragupta Maurya's accession* as 
the starting point for computation and by taking the interval of time 
between the Mahabharafa war and the accession of Chandragupta as 
variously stated, 6 to be 1604 to 1115 years, place the date of the 
Mahabharaf a war, (and the beginning of the Kahyuga) between the 
year 1919 B C and 1430 B.Ci and the year 1415 B.C (which is some- 
how arrived at by adding 1015 to 315 B C ), for the vemal equinox 
would be in the Kj^ikas about that date * 

Pargiter who originally put the commencement of the Kahyuga 
at about 1733 B C T later on arrived at the year 1810 B C as the date 
of the Great War This is the reasoning From Soma^hi to Ripunjaya 
there were 22 kings in the Barhadratha dynasty -who reigned for 920 
years The Pradyo^as after Riponjaya were 5 kings who reigned for 

I For a refutation of this theory, sea T S Narayana Sastn's Age of Sun-' 
iara, p 23 notej App II 

2j Int to PMca Stddh<tnttka,hXk 

3, Int. to Edn. of Matsya Pura**, (Sacred Books of the Hindus Series) 
App II xxiv 

4. Int to Sft Krishna, his life and teachings 

5 As to these variations, see T.S. Narayatia Safitn*B Kings of Migaiha 
(Madras, 1918), 147 pp 

6. As to a complete discussion 6f the vernal equinox, See V S. Gopala 
Iyer's Chronology of Ancient India, Vaidya's Mah&bhardta, and T S. Narayana 
Sistri's Age of Sankara, App II 

7 See/545, (1910) 

60 mahabharata 

138 years The Sai8"unagas were 10 kings and reigned for 330 years 
Adding up the above three figures 920+138+330, we gat 1388 years, 
which is the interval between the installation of Mahananda and the 
birth of Parik?it or the Great War Adding 422 BC the year of the 
installation of Mahapadma Nanda (whose date fixed at 100 years 
before Chandragapta) who is postulated to have ascended the throne 
in 322 B C we get the year 1810 B C as the date of the Great War * 

Arguments on astronomical calculations have been based on 
(l) the reference to the Sap$am cycle and (2) the vernal equinox and 
the seasons and these are explained by each theorist as supporting his 
Own date * 

These astronomical arguments are based on the Paras'ara Sid* 
dhan^a, Garga Siddhanta, Vedanga Jyautisa And the period of the 
war has been closely connected with the real determination of the date 
of the commencement of the Uttarayana in Magha Sukla SaptamI or 
the then Rathasaptami and the death of Bhlsma in the same month * 

• • • 

*?Nts3H£ STpjaF^r ura^Nt gfartt 

Bttt the advocates of the orthodox tradition are themselves not 
wanting in their capacity to interpret these astronomical date as 
supporting the origin of the Kali Yuga in 3102 BC and the latest 
reasoning of T S Narayana Sasln will be of interest , 

" Yudhisthira observes the change in the course of the sun, collects 
all the necessary materials for the cremation of Bhishma, and goes to 

1 See Dynasties of the Kali Age. 

2 For a detailed discussion of these, set V. S Gopala Iyer's Chronology of 
Ancient India and T S Narayana Sastn's Age of Sankara, App II 

3 See Man. XIII. 273, 27-28 

4 Mah Anu 167,20-27 

On this, see Tilak*s Orion, 36-7 Lale, Modak, Kelkar and other have tried 
to determine the date of the war from such references and they hold that the 
vernal eqinnox was then in the Kjttikas See also Maxmuller, Pref to Sji VedaJ 
IV xxxi. ^^ 

S See also, Sree Kalyanananda Bharati Swam/s Introduction to the Chrono- 
logy of Sanskrit Literature (Beswada, 1930) . 


him with all his relations on the morning of Magna Sukla Ashtami, and 
Bhishma breathes his last just at noon at about 15 Ghatikas after the 
sunrise on the same day in the constellation of Rohini It is stated by 
the dying Bhishma himself that three-fourths of the month still remained 
unexpired It follows from this that at the time of Bhishma's death 
which took place immediately thereafter 7}£ Tithis out of the total 
number of thirty had already passed away In other words Bhishma 
died just in the middle of Ashtami Now it is also stated that at the 
time of the death of Bhishma, the moon was m the constellation of 
Rohini, and according to the calculations of Brahmasn Varahur 
Sundaresvara Srauti, the Rohini on that day should have ended at 
about 32 Ghatikas after sunrise A perusal of the ei.act moment when 
the constellation of Jyestha commences on Kartika Amavasya of the 
coming year Kalayukti and of the precise moment when the constella- 
tion of Rohini ends on Magha Sukla Ashtami of the same year, which 
we have chosen as a typical year for purposes of comparison, will show 
at a rough glance that the constellation of Rohini could not have lasted 
for more than 32 Ghatikas on that particular Magha Sukla Ashtami, 
when the great Bhishma, of the Mahabharata cast off his body By the 
time of the passing away of Bhishma, who died just at mid-day, as IS 
Ghatikas had expired, the Rohini Nakshattra lasted only for 17 Ghati- 
kas more after mid-day Soon the moon was, more definitely speaking, 
in the 3rd quarter of Rohini at the tune when Bhishma actually passed 
away to Heaven , and even in this 3rd quarter which consists of 15 
Ghatikas on the whole, 13 Ghatikas had already passed away, so that 
there remained only 2 Ghatikas in the 3rd quarter of Rohini when 
Bhishma actually breathed his last The third quarter of Rohini com- 
mences at 46°-40' of the Ecliptic, and ends with 50° So, at the exact 
moment of Bhishma's death, the moon must have been at 46°-40' pita 
13/15 (3°-20') or 46°40'^»« 2°-53 -20" equal to 49°-33'-20' 

" As the distance between the Sun and that Moon at the moment 
was separated by 7 J£ Tithis or 7}£ times 12- or 90° the sun must have 
been at the moment of Bhishma's death at 49°-33'-20» mmus 90° or 31 
&>~Z3,'-2(f or in other words in the 4th quarter Satabhisha As the 
winter solstice or Uttarayana had already commenced with Hatha. 
Saptam, which must have ended at about the mid-night on the previous 
day, there will be a difference of 1U degrees between the actual com- 
mencement of the Uttarayana and the actual moment of Bhishma's 
death, with the result that the Uttarayana in Bhishma's time or soon 
after the close of the Mahabharata War, must have commenced when 


the sun *as in 319°-33'-20" minus l°-30'-O» or in 318°-3'-20 v or in 
other words at about the middle of the fourth Pada of Satabhisha Now 
the Uttarayana commenced in 1917 (as already shown) in the first part 
of the 3rd Pada of Mula in 247°-28' There is a difference of 
318°-3'-20* minus 247o-28'-0" or 75 -35'-20" or 254120" We thus find 
that since the time of Bhishma's death, the date of the Winter Solstice 
or Uttara)ana has been thrown back by 70 *35'-20 f ' or 254120", on 
account of the precession of the equinoxes* 

" What then is the period of time within which so much change in 

the date of the Winter solstice may take place ? If we take the rate of 

precession at 50 26" of angle In a } ear, 254120" will take a period of 

100 54+ 

254120 X g^gg or 5056 g^ years, or in round figures 5056 years, 

as the measure of time needed for the change. In other words, 
Bhishma must have died in the year 5056-1917 AJ)., or in the year 
3139 B C , just 3? years before the commencement of the Kali Yuga 
and the Mahabharata War must have commenced on Tuesday corres» 
ponding to the last day of the month of Kartika on Amavasya m the 
constellation of Jyeshtha of the year Corresponding to 3140 B.C "* 

Mahabharata War is mentioned in grants dated in the Gupta 
9amvat era* Buchanan mentions an inscription in the temple ol 
Madhukesvara at Banavasi in North Canara dated in 168th year of 
Yudhisthira era and two inscriptions at Belgaum m Mysore dated in the 
reign of Yudhisthira himself* The Tirthahalh plates of Mysore State 
record that King Janamejaya granted to the ascetics of the locality for 
worship of the God Sitarama some land constituting a property name 
MuniVfhdaketra m the place called Vtkodara on the west of the 
TungabhadrS in the Plavanga year corresponding to year 89 of Yudhis- 
thira Baka (3014 B.C) In a Siva's temple at Ibalh in Dharwar, 
inscription is dated 3730 years after the great war and in Saka 506* 


1 Age of Sankara. 

2. Fleet, Git, 120, 124, 129, 134, 139. 

3 Mmey through Mysore, Cdnara and Malabar, lit tit, +11. 

rfateJiS? 2I9 " 20 to *****«««*»« (Vo IX) Ell* notices a coppe, 
?« !n nt°f Jaoamejaya Gibbons and Airy calculate the date a9 7thApn 

22 if 5?S ?&) to ^ ** ** Mahabharata *» *> m P<>"<* *ft* ** 


In the inscriptions in Combodia we have " the fragment of an 
inscription of the beginning of the 7th centary which informs us that, 
as early as that tune, both the epics w ere considered sacred on the 
border of distant Laos, and that records that king Somasarma present- 
ed a temple with copies of the Ramayana, the Puranas and the Bharata 
complete and had them recited every day "* 

Latest about the beginning of the Christian era, Perunde\anar 
known as Bharata Padiar, wrote his classical work, the Tamil Maha- 
hharata • 

The Aihoijp Inscription of Pulikesin II,* has not yet been 
correctly read 

In the Indian Antiquary (V 67-71), it was originally published thus — 

f^g ferai%S »»r<did^ srr^r^ fcr 

T^RRS ^ W ^5 7aJ%idlg ^ l 

?mn twd?drti %+wwft lipps; li 

Fraanalckhamula (I 68-72) reads the second line 

Granting that the Sakabhupa^ikala here mentioned is the &aka 
era commencing in 78 A D , and not any other Saka era of 550 B C , 
as propounded by T S Narayanasastn,* the inscription does not 

Ellis relies for this conclusion on the Gawja agraharam grant, translated by 
Colebrookein 1806 (see I A, I 377; and pronounced by him to be spurious. On 
Ellis' correspondence, see Bhandarkar, JBRAS, X. 89 For the Iballi ascrip- 
tion, see JASB, IV 376, V 725, VLS&.JRAS, (NS),I 273, TBRAS, DC. 3J5- 

I IA, XVII 31 M A Barth's review of Inscriptions Sanskrites Der Com- 
bodge, (Pans, 1885) 

2 A Sangam work on Mahabharaja was undertaken in the 8th century 
under the patronage of the Pallava king and a third work was written in the 
13th century in the reign of Kulottunga III. See M Raghava Iyengar's Lectures 
in the Madras University, 1929, on Epigraphy and the South Indian Literature. 

3 7.4, VIII 237 

4 For a discussion, see T S Narayanasastri's Age of Sankara, Part I— D, 
pages 224-8. Macdonell [SL 318) dates this inscription in 634 AJ> and R.C 
Dutt (Ck> III 219) in 637 AD For *aka 556 (=634-5 AD), see I A, VIII 
237 , For faka 507 (=585-6 A.D ) see I A, V 67 and Weber's 1L, 196 For Hiuen 
Tsang's account of Pulakesin II, see I A, VII 290 See also Hemehandra Roy 
Choudhry's Political Hutory of India from Pankshtt, Journal of the Dept of 
Letters Calcutta University, Vol IX 1926 For a review of Weber's paper on 
the influence of the Greeks and Homeric poems on the Mah9bhara$a see IA, 
XVM, 3C« On the era of Yu4htsrtnra, see Bhagvat, JBRAS, XX. 15a 



militate against the view that the MahSbMrata war occurred some- 
where before the beginning of the Kahyuga in 3102 B C 

In his commentary on the Byhajjataka (VII 9), composed in Saka 
888 (=966 A D ) Bhattotpala writes thus 

p ?<jf*R3ifci <«<M>r<*KqT* (1044) irr# II 

This \erse may help to fix the date of fkkakala and of the 
astronomer Sphujidhvaja as posterior to it, but its meaning, particularly 
how the number is armed at, is not ascertainable 

The Epics Compared 

" While the Ramayana generally represents one-sided and exclusive 
Brahmamsm," says M Williams, "the Mahabharata reflects the molti- 
lateral character of Hinduism, its monotheism and polytheism, its 
spirituality and materialism, its strictness and laxity, its priestcraft and 
anti-priestcraft, its hierarchical interference and rationalistic philo- 
sophy, combined. Not that there was any intentional variety m the 
ong-nal design of the work but that almost every shade of opinion 
found expression in a compilation formed by a gradual accretion 
through a long period In unison with its more secular, popular, and 
human character, the Mahabharata has, as a rule, less of mere mythi- 
cal allegory, and more of historical probability mits narratives than 
the Ramayana The reverse, however, sometimes holds good lor 
example, in Ramayana IV, xi, we have a simple division of the world 
into four quarters or regions, whereas m Mahabharata VI 236, &c we 
have the fanciful division (afterwards adopted by the Puranas) into 
seven circular Dvipas or comments, v*„ l Jambu-dvipa, or the Earth, 
2 Haksha-dvxpa 3 SalmaU- dvxpa, 4 Kusa-dvipa, 5 Kraunca-d^pa, 
6 Saka-dvipa, , Pushkara-dvrpa , surrounded respectively by seven 
oceans m concentric belts, viz , 1 the sea of salt water (Lavaca), 2 6i 

SXVTifrV, ° f W1M (SDRA >' 4 of clarified butt« 
f^fu 5 * curdIedml MDADHi), 6 of milk (Dugdha), 7 of fresh 
water (Jala), the mountain Meru or abode of the gods, being in tk 


centre of Jambl Dtipa, which again is dmded into nine Varshas or 
countries separated by eight ranges of mountains, the "\ arsha called 
BH4BATA (India) lying south of the Hima\at range 

" Notwithstanding these wild ideas and absurd figments, the Maha- 
bharata contains many more illustration* of real life and of domestic 
and social habits and manners than the sister Epic Its diction, again, 
is more varied than that of the Ramayana The bulk of the latter poem 
(notwithstanding interpolations and additions) being by one author, is 
written with uniform simplicity of style and metre (See p 335, note 2) , 
and the antiquity of the greater part is proved b\ the absence of any 
studied elaboration of diction The Mahabharata, on the other hand, 
though generally simple and natural in its language, and free from the 
conceits and artificial constructions of later writers, comprehends a 
great diversity of composition, rising sometimes (especially when the 
Indra-vajra metre is employed) to the higher style and using complex 
grammatical forms and from the mixture of ancient legends, occasional 
archaisms and Vedic formations "* 

"In the Mahabharata (Vana-parvan 15872-16601) the Ramopakh-> 
yana is told very nearly as in the Ramayana, bat there is no mention of 
Valmiki as its author, and no allusion to the existence of the great 
sister Epic. Markandeya is made to recount the narrative to Yudhish» 
thira, after the •recovery of Draupadi (who had been earned off by 
Jayadratha, as Sita was by Ravana), m order to show that there were 
other examples m ancient times of virtuous people suffering violence at 
the hand of wicked men It is probable (and even Pro r essor Weber 
admits it to be possible) that the Mahabharata episode was epttomued 
from the Ramayana, and altered here and there to give it an appearance 
of originality There are, however, remarkable differences. The story 
in the Mahabharata) although generally treating Rama as a great human 
hero only, begins with the circumstances which led to the incarnation 
of Vishnu, and gives a detailed account of what is first mentioned in 
the Uttarakanda of the R&mayana the eafly history of Ravana and his 
brother. The birth of Rama, hiB youth, and his father's vdsh to inaugu* 
arate him as heir-apparent are then briefly recounted Dasaratha'a 
sacrifice, Rama's education, his winning of Sita and other contents of 
the Bala-kanda are omitted The events of the Ayodhya-kanda and much 
of the Aranya Kanda are narrated in about forty verses A more 
detailed narrative begins with the appearance before Ravana of the 

I M. WtLLtAUS' Mian Wtsdm, 413-20. 


mutilated Surpanakh i, but manj variations occdr ; for iristance, 
Kabandha is> killed, hat not restored to life, the story of Savan is 
omitted and there is no mention of the dream sent by Brahma to 
comfort Sita 

"There are other references to, and bnef epitomes of park of the 
story of the Ramajana in the Mahabharata, eg, m Vanaparvan 11177- 
11219 » in Drona panan i224-^46 , in Santi parvan 944-955 , in Han- 
vamsa 2324-2359, 867i-SG74, 16232 These and other differences 
have led Professor W eber to suggest the inquiry whether the Maha- 
bharata version may not be more primitive than that of the Ramayana, 
and possibly even the original version, out of which the other •« as 
developed ' Or ought we,' he asks, 'to assume only that the Maha- 
bharata contains the epitome of an earlier recension of our text of the 
Ramayana , or should both te\ts the Ramopakhayana and the Rama- 
yana, be regarded as resting abke upon a common groundwork, but 
each occupj rag an independent standpofnt •" "* 

Weber has thus advanced the theory that the composition of the 
Mahabharata must have preceded that of the Ramayana. So also 
R.C. Dutt • " We must premise even as a picture of life the Ramayana 
is long posterior to the Mahabharata. A\ e miss in the Ramayana the 
fiery valour and the proud self-assertion of the Kshatriyas of the Maha- 
bharata and the subordination of the people to the priestly caste is 
more complete." 

The traditional belief of the orthodox Hindus in the priority of 
the Ramayana is apparently shaken by the acceptance of these the- 
ories But there is ample external and internal evidence to falsify the 
modern theory and corroborate Indian tradition. 

There are dear references to the story of the Ramayana in the 
Mahabharafa. Smgiberapura is considered a place of sanctity and 
pilgrimage because of Rama's visit to it. Not one of the heroes of the 
MahSbharafa is named in the Ramayana whereas the story of Rama is 
very frequently referred to in the other. In the Vanaparvan where 
Ramopakhyana is related, some of the verses closely resemble ih.e 
original, and Vyasa postulates that the story of Rama was too popular 
to need any detail * 

l M. WILLIAMS' Indian Wisdom, 366-7 

a. Vanaparvan, 275-292, 149-75. The FurSnat contain numerous allusions 
to the RSmSyaoa The Agni PurSna has an epitome of the seven Books m seven 
Chapter*. The PS<}ma and SkStada also devote several chapters to the same 


Such, direct references 1 must amply prove the priority of the 
Ramayana But the negativisls try to explain it away bj the plea that 
Oust are later ititerpolations, What do the orthodox Hindus gain In 
purposely interpolating unimportant references and arguing the feigned 
priority of the one epic to the other' If the original of the Mahlbharata 
did not contain any references to the Ramayana, the\ had no business 
in such interpolation The Mahabharata loses not, nor does the 
RSmayana gam, a particle of belief or regard by a consideration of 
chronological priority or posteriority , for it is in the inherent nature of 
the Hindu mmd to disregard all questions of history If the Ramayana 
had really been composed later, how is this fact accounted for — that 
the Mahabharata war, the most important incident as it is in the world's 
history, fails to have the least reference to it in Valmiki's work' 
Valmiki's ignorance of the Great War cannot be the answer Nor can 
the sanctitv of Kurukjetra be less conspicuous than that of (Srngibera- 
pura, so as to lose mention of it in a religious work «i-. the Ramayana 
The argument of interpolation has neither purpose nor probabilit} 

subject The Visnupurapa has ilso a section [IV a) about Rama and in III 3 
describes Valmiki as the VySsa of the 24th DvSpara The BrahmSndapurSna 
has a RSmayana MShajmya and embodies the AdhyStma Ramayana. For full 
account of these references and later Jam and Buddhist modifications, see Int to 
UttararSmacarita by S K Belvalkar, HOS, No 4. 

1 HOPKINS (The Great Epic of India 62) says "The individual allusions prove, 
therefore, nothing in regard to the general priority of Valrniki as the first epic 
poet They prove that the Mahabharata was only not completed before Val- 
ttuki wrote, just as the mention of the Vayu Purana in the Mahabharata shows 
only that there was a Purana of that name not before the Bkarata begmnmg bat 
before its end They show also no antipathy or wish to suppress Valbmi'a 
name influenced the Bharata poets, who therefore, had they simply retold or 
epitomised a poem recognised as Valmiki's would probably have mentioned his 
name in connection with the Rama Upakhyana " Apart from VII 145 

67, the Mahabharata knows the poet Valmiki only in the 12th and 13th books; 
whereas it knows everywhere the Rama tale, a poem called the Ramayasa. aw} 
a saint known not as a poet but as an ascetic called Valmuo. It gives the Rama* 
episode as it gives other ancient tales handed down from Anfafttity ***»•£ 
having been assigned to a specific author The Rama Upakhayana stands to tab 
Ramayana, somewhat as the Nala Upakhayana stands to tfee Natsaat!ta> hi that 
it is an early tale of unknown authorship which a poet made hfe own Long 
before there is any allusion to Valmiki's Ramayana, the base of the great eptc, the 
substance of the Bharata Katha is recognised in Hindu Literature , while the 
latest additions to the great epic refers to Valmiki himself as a man who is to be 
that is, who is already, famous, W&2M •Tfo'Sffit (VIII, 18 49, S Ind Edn ) 
Between these extremes lies &e Ramayaha. ,, For a hat of parallel passages in 
the Ewes, see App. A to ins book. 


The Rama} ana represents its actors as often moving bejond 
earthlj sphere The Mahabhara^a deals -with men and not bears or 
monkejs " In the latter " says W eber himself, " human interest every- 
where predominates and a number of -well-defined personages are 
introduced, to whom the possibility of historical existence cannot be 
denied " No scholar can discern anv improbability in gambling, 
loss of kingdom, exile and war An advanced race of men can place 
no confidence in the story of a ten-headed monster R^yaSynga is 
represented in the Ramayana as a sage ever in solitude and unseen by 
men or women. He was born of a hind and had a horn on his head 
The earlier we peep into the world's history, the world is more simple 
and credulous The Ramftyana must have been composed when India 
was jet in very early stages of theological evolution 

In the Mahabharata Adiparvan a house of combustibles is erected 
by a Mlecha called Purocana at the bidding of Puryodhana Again 
Vidura, trying to reveal the conspiracy of the lac house to his friends 
the Pandavas, talks to them m a Mlecha tongue understood by 
the accompanying populus The war-portion of the same 
epic names not less than half a dozen Mlecha Kings taking part mthe 
war itselt (£>rona Parvaa, 26, 93, 119, 122). On the contrary the Ram&yana 
makes no such references at all and the only few allusions to the 
Yaranas do not prove alien interference in politics The signification 
of ' \avana ' is not the same as that of ' Mlecha ' It is therefore safe 
to deduce that at the tune of the Ramayana foreign influence was not 
felt, at an> rate not enough to give the foreigners a territorial dominion 
in the international policv of Indian States 

The geographical account of Valmiki regarding Southern India 
denies the existence of any civilized kingdoms there On the 
other hand the country south of the Vindhya range is the haunt of 
savage demons like Viradha and Kabandha In the royal invitations 
at Pasaratha's Court no one King of Southern India has a summons, 
nor does Rama m his journey southwards make alliance with a Civilized 
prince. On the other hand the Kings of Southern India have a 
prominent reception at the Ruja&ya sacrifice of Yudhisthira. The 
geographical sketch of Bhara^a-varsa as given m the Bhisma-parva 
shows a very intimate acquaintance with the advanced states of the 
Dekhan Hence since the days of the Ramayana the country appears 
from a political point of view to have made a decided advance. 

The test of archery at the marriage of SI$a had better be compare4 
with that at Praupadi-Swayamvara. The latter indicates an obvious 


advance in the dexterity of the test Likewise is the impro\ement in 
the art of war Rama's army knows not of varied dispositions, whereas 
In the Bhftra^a war the plan of Vyuhas or arrays has alreadv been 
devised, by means of which a small force can -withstand a powerful one 
The ordered supervision of the commandants, the regular signals of 
colored standards, the applausive roars of \ictonous combatants — all 
these never mis»s a detailed delineation in the battles of the Great \\ ar 
The complexity in the development of martial tactics shows a sign of a 
later age 

The encyclopsediac variety of the contents of the Mahabharata 
together with its vastness of knowledge in every line of science or art 
shows a rapid progress from the age of Valmlki Vi.lsa notes law and 
science reduced to a system, whereas no idea of codification is 
discernible in the RSmayana 

The character of SI$a is advantageously compared with that of 
Draupadi Sita is simpler and more cowardlj She exhorts the 
reluctant R&ma to permit her company to the woods Draupadi 
musters her strength to argue the justice of Yudhisthira's authority 
to pawn his wife when once he has enslaved himself Sita belongs to 
an age of ignorance and timiditj , Draupadi of wisdom and courage 
Draupadi's religious convictions are looser than the god-fearing instincts 
of the daughter of Janaka 

The rigour of patriarchal ties and institutions is palpably visible 
in the history of Rama The disintegration of the presby tenan respect 
enjoined bj Hindu canons of conduct has set in by the time of the 
Mahabharata R&ma is a model son, mnocentl} submissive to paternal 
mandate, Bharata, the paragon of a brother, Sugrlva, the standard of 
a friend A sense of sincere duty animates Valmlki's characters and 
the pivot of Rama's victory is the truthfulness of his adherents The 
reverse is the age of the Mahabharata Bbima is ready to revolt against 
Yudhisthira, if only he should consent to a conciliation ,He is 
impatient to throw off the Kaurava princes, despite their promise of 
self-slavery on a failure at dice $alya readily takes the side of the 
Kurus Business and self-seeking overrides the feeling of truthful 
responsibility For victory's sake every crime is readily committed — 
from false evidence and forgery to robbery and murder Duryodhana's 
attempt to poison his own kinsmen or Yudhisthira's abetment at Drona's 
murder are sufficient instances This state of corruption and degeneracv 
clearly points to a later sceptic state of society 


Ravana carries off Si$5 by force and she would not allow her to 
he touched by Hanaman, -when he proposes to take her on his back to 
Rama's abode Even after victory she has. to pass through an ordeal 
of fire for admission to the queenship Similarly in the Kamjaka 
forest Jaxadratha abducts Draupadl bv force and is easily received 
again without an\ test of good conduct b> her husbands Apparently 
Rama's contemporaries had a stricter notion of morality and wifely 
duty and stronger was the faith in the interposition of Providence The 
relaxation, in such religious and ethical beliefs proves an advance in 
the age of the Mahabharata 

It has been said, "The heroes of the Ramayana are somewhat 
tame and common place personages, very respectful to priests, very 
anxious to conform to the rules of decorum and etiquette • • " This 
is a negativist's argument But that very tameness of heroes and pnestly 
domination is a sign of antiquity, for when people learn to reason and 
argue, priests can no longer claim predominance 

Regarding the oompartive merits of the two great epics, says 
Aurobtndo Ghose, 1 " Valmlki's mind seems nowhere to be familiarised 
with the stern intellectual gospel of Nihkama Dharma, that morality 
of disinterested passionless activity, promulgated by Krishna of 
Dwaraka and formulated by the Krishna of the Island, which is one 
great keynote of the Mahabharata Had he known it, I doubt whether 
the strong leaven of sentimentalism and feminity in his nature would not 
have rejected it, such temperaments, when they admire strength, admire 
it manifested and forceful rather than self-contained VSlmiki's 
characters act from emotional or imaginative enthusiasm, not from 
intellectual conviction , an enthusiasm of immorality tyrannises over 
Ravana lake all manly moral temperaments, he instinctively insisted 
on an old established code of morals being universally observed as the 
only basis of ethical stability, avoided casuistic developments and 
distasted innovators in metaphysical thought as by their persistent and 
searching questions dangerous to the established bases of morality, 
especially to its wholesome ordinariness and everydayness Valmlki, 
therefore, the father of our secular poetry, stands for that early and 
finely moral civilisation which was the true heroic age of the Hindu 
spirit Vy&sa, following Valmlki, stood still farther on into the era of 
aristocratic turbulence and disorder If there is any kernel of truth m 
the legends about him, he must have contributed powerfully to the 

I Age of Kalidasa, Tagore & Co , Madras. 


establishment of those imperial forms of go\ernment and society which 
Valmiki had idealised It is that he celebrated and appro\ed the 
policy of a great aristocratic statesman who aimed at the subjection 
of his order to the rule of a central imperial power which should typifj 
its best tendencies and control or expel its worst But while Yalmlki 
was a soul out of harmony w ith its surroundings and looking back to 
an ideal past, Vyasa was a man of his time profoundly in sympathy with 
it, full of its tendencies, hopeful of its results and looking forward to an 
ideal future The one was a conservative imperialist advocating return 
to a better but dead model, the other a liberal imperialist looking 
forward to a better but unborn model Vvasa accordingly does not 
revolt from the aristocratic code of morality , it harmonises w ith his 
own proud and strong spirit, he accepts it as a basis for conduct, but 
purified and transfigured by the illuminating idea of the Nijkama 
Dharma But above all intellectuality is his grand note, he is 
profoundly interested in ideas, in metaphysics in ethical problems , he 
subjects morality to casuistic tests from which the more delicate moral 
tone of Valmlki's spirit shrank , he boldly erects above ordinary ethics 
a higher principle of conduct having its springs in intellect and strong 
character , he treats government and society from the standpoint of a 
practical and discerning statesmanlike mmd, idealising solely for the 
sake of standard He touches m fact all subjects, and whatever he 
touches, he makes fruitful and interesting by originality, penetration 
and a sane and bold vision In all this he is the son of the civilisation 
he has mirrored to us, a civilisation in which both morality and. 
material developments are powerfully mteUectuahsed Nothing is 
more remarkable in all the characters of the MahabhSrata than this 
puissant intellectualism , every action of them seems to be impelled by 
an immense driving force of mmd solidifying in character and therefore 
conceived and outlined as in stone This orgiastic force of ihe 
intellect is at least as noticeable as the impulse of moral or immoral 
enthusiasm behind each great action of the RSmSyana Throughout 
the poem the victorious and manifold mental activity of the age is 
prominent and gives its character to its civilisation. There is far more 
of thought in action than in the Ramayana, far less pf thought m 
repose , the one pictures a time of gigantic ferment and disturbance , 
the other, as far as humanity is concerned, an age of equipoise, order 
and tranquillity " 




" The Puranas constitute an important department of Sanskrit 
literature in their connection with the later phases of Brahmamsm, as 
exhibited in the doctrines of emanation, incarnation, and triple mani- 
festation (TRrvitRTi) and are, in real fact, the proper Veda of popular 
Hinduism, having been designed to convey the e\otenc doctrines of the 
Veda to the lower castes and to women On this account, indeed, 
they are sometimes called a nfth Veda Their name Plrana signifies 
' old traditional storv, ' and the eighteen ancient narratives to which 
the name is applied are said to have been compiled by the ancient 
»age Vyasa (also called Knshna-dvaipayana and JBudaifyana), the 
arranger of the Vedas and llahabharata and the supposed founder of 
the Vedanta philosophy Thev are composed chiefly in. the simple 
Sloka metre (with occasional passages in prose), and are, like the 
Mahabharata, verv encvclopaedical m their range of subjects fhey 
must not, however, be confounded with theltihasas, which are properly 
the histories of heroic men, not Gods, though these men were 
afterwards deified The Puranas are properly the history of the gods 
themselves interwoven with every varietv of legendary tradition on 
other subjects Viewing them as a whole, the theology they teach is 
anything but simple, consistent, or uniform While nominallv 
tntheiMic — to suit the three developments of Hinduism, the religion 
of the Puranas is practicallj polytheistic and yet essentially pan- 
theistic Underlying their whole teaching may be discerned the 
one grand doctrine which is generallj found at the root of Hindu 
Theology, whether Vedic or Puramc — pure uncompromising pan- 
theism But interwoven with the radically pantheistic and Vedantic 
texture of these compositions, tinged as it is with other philosophical 
ideas (especially the Sankhyan doctrine of Praknti), and diversified as 
it is with endless fanciful mythologies, theogonies, cosmogonies, and 
mythical genealogies we have a whole body of teaching on nearly 
even- subject of knowledge The Puranas pretend to give the history 
of the whole universe from the most remote ages, and claim to be the 
inspired revealers of scientific as well as theological truth They 
dogmatize on physical science, geography, the form of the earth, 
astronomy, chronology , and even in the case of one or two Puranas, 
anatomy, medicine, grammar, and the use of military weapons All 
this cycle of very questionable omniscience is conveyed in the form 


of leading dialogues (connecting numerous subordinate dialogues), 
in some of which a well-known and supposed dmneh inspired sage, 
like ParaSara, is the principle speaker, and answers (he inquiries put to 
him hs his disciples , while m others, Loma-harshana (or Roma- 
harshana), the pupil of Vyasa, is the narrator being called Suta, that 
is, 'Bard' or ' Encomia it, ' as one of an order of men to whom the 
reciting of the Itihasas and Puranas were especially interested " 1 his 
passage taken from the Indian Wisdom of M. William? may be taken to 
be a fair description of the Puranas 

The origin of the eighteen Puranas is thus stated in the Wnu 
Purana 1 Accomplished in the purport of the Puranas t Yvasa compiled 
a Puranik Samhita, consisting of historical and legendary traditions, 
prajers and hjmns and sacred chronology He bad a distinguished 
desciple Su$a, also termed Romaharjana, to him the great Mum 
communicated the Puranas Suta had six scholars, Sumati, Agnivarcas, 
Maifrera Samsapayana, Akj|avra^a and Savarm The three last 
composed thfee fundamental Samhi$as and Romaharjana himself 

J B1 r i ■■ i m *■■■ ■«■■ « ■ i ■■ i ■ i n ■ ii i ■ nun ■ n i — — ■" "" ■' ' ' ■ ■■' ' " ' ' ..— ■■■» 

I Visnu Pur5;aa, III vi and Wilson's Translation, III 63-66 See JAbB, 
L 84. and Burnoufs Bhagavata purana, preface For similar accounts! 

1 The Atharva Veda (IS J I6) says, "ItihSsa, PurSoa, GStha, and others Ste " 

il Satapatha Brahmana (XIV vi-10-6) says 1 " The Rig-Veda, Yajur-Veda ( 

SSma-Veda, Atharva- Veda, Ijihasa, PurSna, Upanshads, Sutras, slokafr, 

their explanations &c 

lil, Taittiriya Aranyaka (ii*9) says, "The Veda, Itihafca, ?urana» Oatha 

If Chandogya Upamshad (Vu) says "He said, 'O Btalted one, 1 tfed 
acquainted with the Rig-Veda, Yajur-Veda, SSma-Veda, and the fourth, 
Atharva-Veda, and the fifth, I$ihSlsa (history) and purSna ' 
V Manu Samhi{5 (III 232) Bays, "In Sradh ceremonies, the Sastras called 
the Vedas, the Samhitas, the Stories, the histories, the puranas and the 
Khilas should be recited to others " 
The BhSgavaJa (X 111, 496) says, Artini, Katyapa, Savarni, Ak^savaraa, 
SamsapSyana, and Hanja are the six Pauranikas (learned itt the purSnas), 
They learnt the purSna from my father who was the pupil ofVySSS. After 
studying the original (Purana) Samhija, they each wrote a separate (PurSna) 
Samhijg etc 

Sridharaswamm (in commenting on slbka XH-vu> 6) says, "At first VySsa 
wrote sir Samhijas and taught them to my father, Romaharsana. From him 
Aruw and others learnt each one Samhita* I am tbssr pupil , from me Rurba 
has learnt them " 

Agmpur3na says, ".The Suta Lomaharsana received the parSna from VySsa. 
Sumati, Agmvarca, Maijreya, SamsapSyana, Krta-wata, and SSvarni became his 
pupils SamsapSyana and others wrote the purSua «amhi$&$ 


compiled a fourth, called Romaharsaraka , the substance of which four 
Samhitas is collected into this (Visnu Purana) The first of all the 
Puranas is entitled the Brahma Those who are acquainted with the 
Purands enumerate eighteen It will thus appear that an original 
Samhita of V>asa was expanded b\ his desciples into eighteen separate 
works at his direction In Visnu Purana, (VI, in, 16) it is said V)asa, 
learned m the Vedas, wrote a purana samhita with Akhyana, Upakh- 
yana, Gatha, and Kalpasuddhi The commentator explains these four 
Mibjecte — "W bat is seen with one's own eyes is called Akhyana by the 
learned men, w hat is heard from different persons is called UpSkh- 
>ana, songs about the ancestors are called Gafha , and the treatment 
of the sraddha ceremony is called Kalpasuddhi " Amarasimha gives, 
the word Pancalaksana, characterized by five topics, as a fajnonym of 
Purana These topics are (1) the creation of universe (Sarga) , (h) Its 
destruction and recreation (Pra$i-Sarga) , (m) the genealogy of gods 
and patriarchs (Vamsa) , (a) the reigns and periods of the Manus 
(Manvan^ara) and (v) the history of the solar and lunar race of kings 

The fact that Very few Puranas now extant answer to the title 
PancalaksaBa, says M Williams, " add that abstract given in the Matsya- 
purana of the contents of all the others does not always agree with the 
extant worksj either in the subjects described or number of verses 
enumerated, proves that like the Ramayana and Mahabharata, they 
were preceded by more ancient works 1 In all probability there Were 
Mula Ramayana and Mula Mahabharata."* 

The Puranas aim at exalting one of the three members of the 
Tft-mfirti, Brahmaj Vijnu, or Siva, those which relate to Brahma 
being sometimes called Rajasa Puranas (from his own peculiar Guna 
Rajas) , those which exalt Vi&nu being designated Satfcvik (from his 
Guna Saf tva) ; and those which prefer Siva being styled Tamasa (from 
his Guna Tamas) 

I For instance, Matsya purana gives the following description of 
Brahma Vaivarta Purana —The Purana, which is recited before NSrada by 
SSvarm, and which contains the glory of Krsna, the accounts ©fRddhanJara 
Kalpa, and the story of Brahma in eighteen thousand slokas is called Brahma 
Vaivarta. But the present Brahma-Vaivarja Purana does not mention its 
recitation by Savar v i before NSrada and does not contain the stones of Brahma 
VarSha and Radhanjara Kalpa 

2 Indian Wisdom, 492*3- 


The Puranas have been thus classified — 

A Rajasa, or those vthich relate to Brahma, are 

1 Brahma, 2 Brahmanda, 3 Brahma- Yaivar$a 4 Jlarkaadeva, 

5 Bhavisya, 6. V&mana 

B Siiftvila, or those which e\alt \, are 

1 Vijnu, 2. Bhagavata, 3 NaradJya, 4 Garuda, 3 Padma, 

6 Varaha These sis are usually called Vaisnava Puranas 

C Tamasa, or those which glorify Siva, are 

1 Siva, 2 Linga, 3 Skanda, 4 Agni, o Matsya, 6 Kurma 
These six are usually styled Saiva Puranas 

There are eigteen Upa-Puranas or Secondary Puranas.,' sub- 
ordinate to the eighteen Maha or principal Puranas — 1 Sanajkumara , 
2 Narabimha or Nf simha , 3 Naradiya or Brhnn-naVadlya , 4 fcjiva, 
5 Durvasasa 6 Kapila , 7 Manava , 8 Auianasa , 9 Varuna , 
10 Kahka, li Samba, 12 Nandi, 13 Saura, 14, Para&ura, 
15 Adifya 16 Maheivara, 17 Bhagavata (thought to be a mis- 
reading for Bhargava) , 18 Vftsistha Another list given by Professor 
H H Wilson vanes a little thus — 1 Sana^kumara , 2 Narasimha , 
3. Narada , 4 Siva*-Dharma , 5 Durvasasa , 6 Bhavi^j a , 7 Kapila , 
8 Manava, 9, Ausanasa, 10 Brahmanda, 11 Varuna, 12 Kahka 
13 MaheSvara, 14 Samba, 15 Saura, 16 Para&ira, 17 Bhagavata, 
18 Karma 

It is a matter of controversy whether by Bhagavata Purana is. meant 
the Sri Bhagavata or the Devi Bhagavata, that is, a Vaiinava or a 
Saiva composition By the advocates of Devi Bh5ga\ata, it is said 
that Sri Bhagavata was composed by Bopadeva, son of Kefeva poet of 
the Court of Hemadn, Raja of Devagiri (1^60-71 AD) 1 On the 
names of the eighteen Purfinas there are a fen variations Kurma 
omits the Agra and substitutes Vayu, Agm omits feiva and inserts Vayu, 
Varaha omits Garuda and Brahmanda and has Vayu and Narasimha 
instead Markandeya, Visnu and Bhagavata omit Vayu Mai$reya 
like Agm gives up fifiva Mulastamba Parana gives an account of 

I For this discussion, see Wilson Preface to Vishnu Purana, txxn. and 
Burnout's Int to Bhagavata Purana I seti *ni, xcvll and bit to the Telugu 
Edition (Madras) see LyaD, As Res VIII 967, Lassen, Ind Ant IV 599. Bel- 
walkar, System of Sam. Grammar, 104, Bhandarkar, EHD, 89 There is a 
Jaimimya Bhagavata (QML, R Noi Itji)* 


Yisvakarma, the divme architect, his human descendants the artisan 
class and of their customs, rite's and ceremonies in 2J Adhyavas * 

Prof Wilson assigns the composition of these works, to a period 
later than the 6th centurv AD " The} offer " he says " characteristic 
peculianties of a more modern description, in the paramount import- 
ance which they assign to individual divinities, m the variety and pur- 
port of the ntes addressed to them and in the invention of new legends 
illustrative of the power and graciousness of those divinities and of the 
efficacy of implicit devotion to them " The Professor further discovers 
allusions to circumstances, which make the assignment of a compara* 
ti/ely recent date indisputable As a culminating remark, he adds 
"thev were pious frauds> for temporan purposes "" 

The deductions which occasioned the learned scholar's remarks 
are bdsed on internal evidence, the authont} of which modern research 
question* on all sides Sectarianism consists in the exclusive and not 
merely preferential worship of any divinity The Puranas as a whole 
do not prohibit the worship of an} god, but the sectarianism goes to 
the extent of recommending a particular deity m preference to all 
others Passages are not rare in the Puranas, where all the deities are 
described as occupying an equal scale in the Hindu pantheon Again 
the Professor seems to have given greater weight to the internal testi- 
mony from those passages, which he thinks have a modern appear- 
ance, than to that which results from those parts which the Puranas 
must have contained from their first composition, in order to entitle 
them to a sacred character and to that reverence with which these 
works have been regarded bj the Hindus But the fixing of a possible 
date when the Puranas received their present form is a question of 

t. TC, III 4002 ~ ™~ 

On the mem of the Chronology of the Puranas, see introduction 
On the PurSnas, generally, see Introduction to Wilson's Translation of 
VjRiu Parana Bose, Sri Krishna, his life and teachings, R C Dutt, Cm II v 
Holteman Uas Mahabharata, IV 29-58 Pargtter, The Purantc Text of the Dyna- 
ties of the Kali age , T. S Narayana Sastn, the Age of Saniara (Ind Rev. X 585) 
Macdonei, SL, K. C Kangilal, Philosophy of the Puranas, K Narayana 
swamx Iyer The Puranas in the hght of modern science, (Adyar, Madras) (Thi« 
1L*T a W °« If Whlch much of the ™y*oiogy of the Purjnas » 
TSlffT^fZ lnte ^ reted ) Par an*n andBharati's Sri Krishna 
I^SttJSL?' * 933> ' tt **■**«>. ** ^ishna Par. 
2 Preface to Translation of Vifnu PurSta. 


little or no consequence, when it is admitted that there is abundant 
positive and circumstantial evidence of the prevalence of the doctrines 
which thev teach, the currency of the legends which thev narrate and 
the integrity of the institutions which thev describe, at least three 
centuries before the Christian era They cannot, therefore, be pious 
fraads in subserv lence to sectarian imposture What more conclusive 
evidence of their antiquit} can he required than their containing a 
correct description of the doctrines and institutions of the Hmdu 
religion, which were prevalent in India centuries before the Chis- 
Uan era ? For it is more probable that the present Puranas are the 
same w orks as were then eslant, than that eighteen persons should 
have each conceived 1300 years afterwards the design of writing a 
Purana and should have been able to compile or compose soaccuratelv 
18 different vv orks which correspond so exactly m most of their minute 
particulars Within the short compass of this work, it is not possible to 
discuss the Professor's views m greater detail Suffice it to saj, that 
Vans Kennedy has, in his letters, vshich are printed as appendix to the 
Vth volume of \\ ilson's Translation of the Vishnu Purana, demonstrated 
that Wilson's remarks are completelv erroneous and ' his reasoning is 
altogether ineffectual to prove that the Puranas are modem compi- 
lations The reader, if he has any real interest in ancient Indian 
Literature, is referred to the masterly criticism of Vans Kennedy and 
he will immensely benefit by its study 

There is a Purana Sarvasva, anonymous, giving a bnef sketch 
of all the Puranas in the library of the Calcutta Sanskrit College* The 
same library also contains a Purana SSchi being a list of the contents 
of all Upapuranas and the Mahabharata * Bhuvana Kosa is a collection 
of passages from the Puranas bearing on the geography of the world* 
So is BhOgolanironaya by Ramaknshna Yajvani* 

1 Cal No si 

2 Ibid No 52 

3 Ibid No 106 
4. /ftuf'Noi rt#«- 


Tantras * 

T antras represent a later phase of the Puramc religion Tantnka 
doctnnes are inculcated in the Puranas As distinct books they are of 
later age but ne\er of an age later than the Christian era Sakti is 
the dctne energising -ft ill of a god, personified as his wife The 
tantras are numerous and to Saktas, or worshippers of j-Jakti they take 
the place of the Puranas The)' embrace much that is said in the 
Puranas and contain formulas of magic and witchcraft and charms 
for a\ertmg and producing evils Among Tantras, are Rudra Yamala 
Kahka, Mahamrvftna, Kularna\a etc 

Tantnc literature is usually designated as Vaidika and non-vaidika 
indicating whether they recognise the supreme authority of the Vedas 
or not In the latter class all the Buddhist and Jain tantras are 
included while the Vaidika tantras are again S f aiva, & f akteya, Yamala, 
etc The last of this class are practically encyclopaedias of knowledge 
in all branches of human exertion as developed till the time of their 
composition These wonderful and interesting works once existed in 
the library of Ka\Indracharya Sarasvati of Benares* A few of his 
manuscripts are found scattered all over India and Yamalashtaka, the 
3tst of the Yamala Tantras which are altogether 32, found in the Tanjore 
Palace Library, professes to give the name of the authors, extent and 
contents of all works before the seventh or eighth century The vedic 
nttt are analysed and classified according to the subject or the govern- 
iag deity Details of the four Upa-vedas and of 32 Yamala Tantras 
throw an astonishing light on the extent of perished literature proclaim- 
ing man's utter incapacity against the cruel hand of Time Arthaveda 
for an example extends over 30000 slokas and treats of all branches 
of state politics, industrial development and mineralogy, that is every- 
thing of m (ha J ' } 

woo D koL t Tc z^oS^r- Indm mdm ' m -> andwori ® * 

2 ^tbeEamdracharya'shstpubMeduiGaekwadSanskntsenes. 



1 The term K&vj a literally and in us widest sense connotes all 
that is the tvoil of a poet In that sense Kavya is the subject of Classical 
Sanskrit Literature The science of poetics, embracing in it dramaturgy, 
music and dancing, i& a concomitant of Kavya or Poetn In the w ords 
of Mammata, Kavya is thus described 

" Kavya is thai which touches the inmost cords of the human mind 
and diffuses itself into the crevices of the heart, working up a lasting 
sense of delight It is an e\pression in the beautiful form and melodious 
linguage of the best thoughts and noblest emotions, which is the 
spectacle of life, awakening the finest souls " 

KSvjais iravva or dtiya, literallj audible or visible , these are 
respectively Poems or Plays In its narrower sense the term K3vja is 
used as an equivalent to poem (prose or verse) and the term Rapaka 
denotes a play The different kinds of Riipakas and then* characteris- 
tics will be described in a later chapter 

$rav}a Kavya is of two kinds, verse or prose Thus sajs VisVa- 
nfyha st-tt w-WtM dOTfiW f§W I 

Rhetoricians distinguish between the body and embellishments of 
poetry The theories of poetical embellishment will be noticed in the 
Chapter on Poetics Dandm in his KavySdarSa says, " The ' body ' 
consists of a series of words calculated to aptly convey a desired 
meaning This (body) is adequately divided into just three sorts 
metrical, prose, and mixed The metrical consists of four feet, and this 
again falls into two classes Vjtta and Jati " These are described m 
the Chapter on Metrics Gadya or prose romance is treated m a later 

2 Poetry m verse follows 'generally the manner of Rama*, ana 
Some call Kavyas, artifical epics. They are either long or short, called 
respectively MahSkavyas and Laghnkavyas or Khanda Kawas Raghu- 
vam^a and Naisadha are instances of the former and Meghadu|a and 


80 K&VYA 

Bik^atana of the latter Vis\anatha m his Sahi^ adarpana (VI 31S-325) 
descnbes the characteristics of a Mahakaua thus — 

"ra^r 3ri?r% Tift sfiforagrrfafT II 
« ffi q w « n *$n f55irr 3^%sfr err I 
sjSRtRr^dHrH'+i^r w f c ^r II 
siffrft #sfa ^srr hsttowft I 

sn^r wl^Rrefaf 3*gft% qw err II 

psflpnapj M§Wtt«Wi'44tf* II 
JiT^^'Tr =TTfrT^Nt ?pft 3rgT$PJT ?? I 

srRifWtPT anft stf ^jw ?w II 

^t^T 3T TOT fTf^F^cl^r 3T I 

tow w%far*w *pfam <j II 

Dandm in his Kavyadarfe p 14-19) says • 
^Wfld -«<d,<kw«tM«M [ II 

^w^lft^'i^i^^mwid i ^ ll 

««M$jiJHH«l ifiWH+T^tft 11 


^M *<rqH<^lR 3TPtcT tX^ft II 

" Composition-m-Canlos is a long poem (Mah&kavja) and its 
definition is being given [now] Its opening is a benediction, a 
situation, or a naming of the principal theme , it springs from a 
historical incident or is otherwise based upon some fact , it turns 
upon the fruition of the fourfold ends and its hero is clever and noble , 
by description of cities, oceans, mountains, seasons, and rising of the 
moon or the sun through sporbngs m garden or water, and festivities 
of drinking and love i through sentiments of love in separation and 
through marriages, by description of the birth and rise of princes, and 
likewise through state-counsel, embassy, advance, battle, and the hero's 
triumph , embellished » not too condensed, and pervaded all through 
with poetic sentiments and emotions with cantos none too lengthy 
and having agreeable metres and well-formed joints> and m each case 
with an ending in a different metre* furnished , such a poem possessing 
good flgures-of-speech wins the people's heart and endures longer 
than (even) a Kalpa "* 

Shortly stated, a Maha-K3vya is a writing of considerable length, 
varjing description and elaborate construction) embracing a narrative* 
theological or historical and is divided into Sargas or Cantos for 
convenience of narration A poem that falls short of the several 
particulars that are required to make up a Maha-Kaw a is called a 
]Laghu-Ka\ya or a Minor Poem Among these Minor Poems man} are 
lyrical or didactic! and these are treated in a later chapter In the 
following chapters the history of poetry is traded by a chronological 
mention of writers of Kavja and Rflpaka Poems by women, biographi* 
cal poems and anthologies have been treated in separate chapters. 

I As translated by S. K BelwaHcar. 



3 Rama> ana, the Adi-kSv} a, is the first poem It is a Mahakavj a 
angering in e\ery detail to the description given by rhetoricians, 
The Mahakav) as are modelled upon Ramayana, but the interval betw een 
the composition of Rama} ana and the earliest available poem is so great 
that it is not possible to e\plam the \oid or paucity of such worLs for 
long centunes even bv imagination When we find that poetry was, 
practiced and appreciated m all ages in India as an art, the loss of 
those w orks which must have been mam is indeed deplorable In his, 
Ivavjamtaamsa Rajasekhara mentions ancient sages who have written 
works on poetr} and poetics, but be}ond the mention of names <md 
stra} quotations these works are not now available 

arro. tw% tfrniftFTRRE Wift&r «fa*5 q^rf^wsrfe^I "raft 

$ftw< ffif I (Kavyamlmamsa, I 1 ) 

\aska speaks of Upama or Simile and its varieties and he quotes 
(UI 13) Gargya's definition of Upama Panini came after Yfiska and 
he wrote his aphorisms which are the grammar of Classical Sanskrit 
Panini, as we shall see, was himself a great poet and many of his! 
verses, probably from his poem JdanbtmaTi-haiaiiam?- delight us by 
their merit Vararuci or Kaf } ayana came after him and is said to have 
written a poem Kanthabharanam Patanjali is more profuse in his 
references to plays, romances and poems These grammarians who 
had before them a current literature of Sanskrit poetry long preceded 
the Christian era In the chapter on REpaka or drama, we shall see 

I EifOa-LilSfoka in bis commentary on Bhoja's Asta4hy5yi called 
Er§<alflSvmo4a, quotes from PSmni's jambavajlharana and in his PurusakSra 
the first verses of the 2nd, 17 & 18th Sargas of the same work. 


that far earlier than the beginning of the Christian era, Sanskrit 
Literature on drama and poems was perfect and abundant 

4 Panini was the son of Dakil, 1 and lived at SSlatura " Accord- 
mg to Ka^hasantsSgara, 8 Panini, Vvadi, Kafyajana and Indrada^ta 
studied together under Upadhyaya Upavarsa and being dull, he practised 
penance and received from God Siva ihapiafya/idra sufras According 
to Pancatantra, he was killed b) a lion * Panmi's age is verv uncertain 
and scholars have varied from thousands of years before the Christian 
era to J50 B C " 

"Quite on a line with the statement about the 400 vears is another 
traditional statement, reported bj^ Hiuen Isang m his slorv about 
Panini under his account of oala^ura* which has been held 7 
to place 500 years after the death of Buddha, not simpl; an alleged 
contemporary of Kanishka himself W e are told that, 500 vears after 
the death of Buddha, a great Arhat from Kashmir arrived at Salatura, 
and saw a Brahman teacher chastising a young pupil He explained 
to the teacher that the boy was Panini, reborn And he told to the 

1 Patanjah's Mahabhatya, I 75, calls him Dak§ipu$ra, and so too a verse 
in praise of Bhavabhuji in SaduktikarnSmrfa quoted infra 

2 He is called Salaturiya, (see Ganarajnamahodadhi, 81-2 and BhSmaha- 
labkara, Ch VI) Saiatura is identified by Cunningham with the present Lahaur 
m the Yusufzai Valley near Attock in N W Fr Province 

3 Taranga IV 

4 RfET »IPWrer ^<^l"ll ^ 8WK Tf^ — Tantra, II. 8I-& 

5 Satyavraja S6m5lranu m his introduction to YSska's Niruk{a says 
that P&nuu lived in 2400 B C Goldstucker [Pantni, his place in Sanskrit Literature 
f 243) and Belvalkar (System of Sanskrit grammar), give 700 BC Bhandarkar 
and Pischel (ZDMG, XXXIX 95) place him earlier than 500 B C Max Muller 
(JL8L) makes Pacini, contemporary ofKajyayana and gives the date 350 BC 
Macdonell {SL 431) gives 350 BC Dahlman gives 3rd century B.C Peterson 
[Rep (1882-3), 39] fixed the beginning of the Christian era B Liebich, (Panini, 
Leipzig, 1891) says in all probability he came after Buddha and before the 
Christian era and that he was nearer the earlier than the later limit (see Review 
by Grterson, I A, XXII, 222) Jayaswal [Dates ofPamnt and Katy&yana, IA,XLVU 
H2, 138,] says PSmni lived before Chandragupta and places him 75 BC. and 
Kajyayana below 248 to 200 B.C For his references to Afghan geography, see 
I A, I 21, for his technical terms, I A, VI 107, and for bis reference to Buddhist 
Sramanas, IA, L 82 For a long account of F&nini's school see Belvalkar's 
Systems of Sanskrit Grammar, I2flf. 

6 Julien, Memotres, I I27ff , Beal, Records, I, H5f , Watters, On Yuan 

Chwang, 1 222 

7 e g , to quote what is probably the latest mstanee, by Watters, On Yuan 

Chwang, I. 222. 


leather the story of 500 bats, which, xn a subsequent birth had as the 
result of their merit become the 300 wise men whom "m these latter 
times " (Juhen), " lately " (Beal), " in recent times " (Watters) r kmg 
Kamshka and the reverend Parsva had con\oked in the " Council " 
held in Kashmir, at which there was drawn up the Vibhasha-Sastra. 
The great Arhat asserted that he himself had been one of the 500 
bats And, having narrated all this, he proved his divine power by 
instantly disappearing Having been one of the 500 bats, this 
great Arhat was necessarily also one of the 500 members of the 
" Council " of Kamshka And the storv certainly places the greai 
Arhat, at the lime when he was telling it, in the 500th year after the 
death of Buddha, But the plain indication that he was a somewhal 
miraculous being entitles us to at any rate credit him w ith a certain 
amount of longevity, e\en to the occasional Buddhist extent of 120 

S Tradition identifies PSmni, the grammarian, with Pamni, the poel 
and author of the poem Jambavatija} am In the Saduk$i-Karnamr$a 
Sridharadasa refers to the poet as Dakslpu^ra,* and Rajasekhard u 
more explicit * Aofrecht refers to this verse and says " we may lister 
to what the sage, bent double over grammar and who had foresworr 
all worldl) joys has to say and sing'* K?emendra in his Suv r $$a$ilak< 
sajs that Paoini excelled in Upajati metre Namisldhu m his 
commentary on Rudrata's Kavyalankara (BE. 8) quotes a line from 
"Panini's Mahakavya Patalavijaya." This poem Jambava^Tjayam oi 
PatalavijaUm is said to be still extant in a corner of Malabar and mj 
inquiries show that the manuscript may soon be recovered. Jambavat 
was the daughter of Jambavan, Rk^araja of Patala Kpsna conquerec 
kirn, got the Sjamanfakamam and won the hand of Jambava$I. Th< 
Blory of Jambavattf's marriage with Kj$>na is described in the MahS 

1 Fleet's Traditional date of Kantshko, URAS (1906), 9?9&). 

3 sfa qifoft 3^ fa wraths I 

3?r^ «ri'sH u i sfNu citr 
4- pr, 1.5 


bharata, Bbagavata and Yisnu Purana * The same storj ib descnbed 
in a poem called Jambavati-Parinaj am h\ Ekamranatha, 9 and in a 
drama 0ambavatlkalvana) by Knshnaril} a of Yrja\ anagar s 

Of the verses quoted in the anthologies as Panmi's, there are 
mdny and the\ are of exquisite beauty * In Kpnalilasuka's commen- 
tary oa Bhoja's grammatical treatise, Sarasvatl-Kanthabharana, Paiuru's 
verses are quoLed freely as illustrations" It looks therefore as if 
Panim, who composed his aphorisms for classical Sanskrit, illustrated h« 
aphorisms by a poem of his own composition Ravamukuta in his 
commentary on AmarakoSa quotes fragments from Pamni's poems 

I Mali Sabha, 57, Bliag X 56, Fi*»i,lV 13 For JSmbava$I's agnipravefia, 
see Mah Mausala, VII 74 > 

3 He composed his poem at the instance of King Ankusa of R2na family. 
The poem in manuscript is available {DC, XX 7732) where extracts are 
given, and breaks off in the 5th canto 

3 See Chapter on SANSKRIT Dra.\£A post 

4. For verses of Pamm, see Aufrecht, ZDMG, XIV 581, XXVII, 46 
XXXVI 365, (where verses are translated into English), Pischell, ZDMG, 
XXXIX 95, Peterson, 7RAS (1891), 3 , Rep, IV lxxvi, Int toSiM 54, Bhan- 
darkar, Rep (I883-4), xvii, xxxu, 62 479 » Thomas (Int to Kav $1) gives a 
complete list of the verses in the anthologies Bhandarkar (JBRAS, XVI, 344) 
does not accept the identity 

5 As instances of PSmni's imagery and expression we have ,— 

q*rr*nrer fnfiKfe? ?prr 

5R^: <c%f&Rrar Raiir 


6 Vararuci also called Katy&yana was the son of Soinadatta 
of Sankjti gotra He -was born at KauSambl on the Jumn& He 
studied along with Panini and Vyadi under Upavarsa m Pataliputra 
and married his daughter UpakoSa * He composed the Vartika on 
Panini and the slokas called Bhajas Patanjah m his Mahabhashya 
(1 23) mentions a poem b\ him (IV id ) According to the Avanfo- 
bundarl-Kathasara (IV 17) \araruci%\as born m the reign of King 
Mahapadma, son of King Mahanandi, who ruled at Visala Accord- 
ing to the Puranas, King Mahanandi son of Xandivardhana, ruled 
for 43 j ears from 1678 to 1635 B C Mahapadma his son (born 
of a Sudra woman) known as, Nancla, ruled over Magadha for 88 years 
from 1635 to 1547 B C a According to the Hindu tradition therefoie 
Katyayana must have lived sometime betw. een the 16th and 17th Centun 
B C To Panim's sutra (VIII u 50) Katyayana adds a vartika to 
explain the term Ninana and says it means ' to blow out ' Patanjah 
e\plains this by various illustrations such as ' the lamp is blown out by 
the wind etc ' \ir\ana is a well known Buddhistic term, meaning 
absolute es-emption from the cycle of transmigration, state of entire 
freedom from all forms of existence etc If Katyayana and Patanjah 
had lived after the advent of Buddhism, the> would not have failed to 
mention the technical use of the term It is therefore inferred that 
they must have flourished before the days of Buddha On the date 
of the Nirvana of Buddha, there is great divergence of opinion, and 
according to Chinese chronology it is 944 or 973 B C * If Patanjah 
lived before that date and Katyayana before Patanjah with an interval 
of time sufficient for the language to develop and change to an extent 
that needed Pafcanjah's explanations, the Puranic date for Katyayana 
does not appear improbable * 

1 This is the account given in Somadeva's KathSsantsagara, {Tar I-V) 
This account is supported by Bhoja In Chapter 27, DutSdhySya of Srng5ra- 
prakSfa, Bhoja enumerates various mediators between lovers and among them he 
mentions as an illustration Upavarsa, Guru of Vararuci, as arranging the marriage 
of his own daughter UpakoSa with Vararuci According to the Avanjisundan- 
kathSsara (chapter IV) Vararuci was the son of a virgin KStyayanl, daughter of 
a brahin KalSpi, who became pregnant by contact with Agm and suspected 
of unchastity she was abandoned and Vararuci was horn to her on the banks of 
the Godavan, when Agm removed her The poem refers to the association 
with VySdi, Indradatta and Upavarsa For the story of Vararuci see IA, XI I46 

2 For Puranic dates, see Introduction and T S Narayana Sastn's Age of 
Sanlara, App I, 25 

3 Beal's Catena of Chtnese Scriptures, 116 note , Max Muller's ASL, 267 

4. Weber (1L. 222) says " with regard to the date of Katyayana, the state- 


Vararuci is mentioned m the well-known \er»e* as one of the nine 
gems of the Court of King Vikramadit} a In the absence of certaintj 
on the date of that King Vikramadit%a it is not possible to sav an\- 
thing definite about the poet Vararuci of his Court It is probable he 
was different from KSfrva-vana Katjajana knew of a work dealing with 
the wars of gods and demons, DanaSuram Patafljali mentions a Vara- 
rm-am Kavvam,* and the anthologies quote verses* under the name of 
Vararuci Jalhana in his Suktimuktavah quotes, a \erae as Rajasekhara's* 
which gives the name of the work called Kanthabharanam It is con- 
jectured that it was a poem with acrostic* and alliteration as Vararuci is 
known to be fond of them* Vararuci's Bhana Lbha\abhisanka shows 
the beauty of his poetry and the antiquitj of the composition and m the 
colophon to the available manuscript he is described as mum A 
manuscript of Vallabhadeva's SubiasitSvah seen in the O Mss 
Library, Madras, says that the verse printed (1740) as Vararuci's, 


ment of Hiuan Thsang, to the effect that 300 years after Buddha's death, 1 e , in 
B C 240, " le docteur Kia-to-yan-na " lived at Tamasavana in the Punjab, is by 
Bohtlmgk referred to this Katyayana , but when we remember that the same 
traveller assigns to Panini's secord existence a date so late as 500 years after 
Buddha, such a leference of course becomes highly precarious Besides, the 
statement is in itself an extremely indefinite one, the "docteur" in question not 
being described as a grammarian at all, but simply as a descendant of theKaJya 
family Even admitting however, that the reference really is to him, it would 
still be in conflict with the tradition— m itself, it is true, of no particular 
authority— of the KaJhSsantsSgara, which not only represents KafySyana as the 
contemporary of PSnim, but identifies him with Vararuci, a minister of King 
Nanda, the father of Chandragupja, according to which, of course, he must have 
flourished about B C 350 As regards the age of the Mahabhashya, we have 
seen that the assertion of the Rajatarafigiru as to its introduction into Kashmir 
m the reign of Abhimanyu the successor of Kamshka, i.e , between A D 
40 and 65, is, for the reasons above assigned, m the meantime discredited " 
Macdonell {SL 432) gives 3rd century BC, Belvalkar [SSG 29)500—850 BC. 
and Bhandarkar and R Mukerji {IA, LVI 21) 350 B C Goldstucker gives to 
PSnini 700 B C and says there was a long interval of time between Pfinun 
and KStySyana who followed P5mm See Jayaswal, Dates of Pamnt and 
Katyayana (I A, XLVII 112, 138) 

1 On this verse, see under Kalidasa 

2 IV m 191 Goldstucker's Panmt, 146 note, Weber, ISt, XIII 450. 

3 Peterson's Subhasitavali {Int 108-110), Aufrecht, ZDMG, XXXVI 524, 
Pischel, ZDMG, XXXIX 98 ^ 

5 See IA, X. 366. 


is from Carumati of Vararuci and Bhojadeva quotes the following \erse 
in his SpfigaraprakaSa from Carumati as spoken b\ a pair of ICinnaras 
before the hero on an amorous embassy 

The editors of A\antisundarlkatha say that Criruma$l was an 
akh}a)ika(m prose) and Pa^afijali mentions the e\istenre of Akhydjilas 
in hib da\s The name Carumati indicates it might be so 

There is a collection of eight \erseb called Marya-4akam, lauda- 
tory of Durga in the terrific pose and the pictures dehnated in the 
\erses are ven graphic 

According to a tradition in Malabar Vararuci married girls in all 
IS castes and consequentlj he was treated as a svapach or a chandala 
Bhoja has quoted a verse (SJj Prakasa XI) probably from the prologue 
of a drama which confirms the latter part of the tradition, 

ISRlFcrf^Hi^ffrR HfflT tfrtt'eWd'flta^ II 

Bhantt was a Maukhan king and teacher of Banabhatta Prabhakara, a 
contemporary ofKumarila, if not his pupil, interpreted Mimamsabhasya 
aniagomstic to Kumanla 

7 Pataajali came after Katva} ana * There is no indication 
of any poetic composition by Patanjah But he makes numerous 
references to poems, romances and plays m his Mahabha&ya Kiel- 
horn has collected the poetic citations from the Mahabhasya and says 
that they show that the Kavya prospered in Patanjah's times " Many 
of these verses exhibit metres characteristic of the artificial poetry, 
such as, Malati, Pranutaksbara, Praharshim and Vasantatilaka These 
verses as well as man} others in the heroic Anushtabha-Sloka agree, 
in point of contents as well as the mode of expressions, not with epic 
works but with the Court Kavyas "* 

1 For Patafijah's date, Bohthngk gives 250 B C , MaxMuller (ASL), 200 
BC , Weber (1L, 224, I A, II 206) 140 to 60 BC , Goldstucker (Panini, 234) 
140-120 B C , N Bhashyacarya, (Age of Patatijetli) loth century B C , Peterson 
(IA, XII 3S3) 2nd century A D and Bhandarkar [IA, I 299, LII 21) 144-142 B C 
° n R aia ygh ste i?JJ 141,157./^, I SW9.II 17, 69, 94.206-10. 238,362, III 
14,285, IV 247, XIV 40, XV 80-4, MSB LII 269 On a Maurja pasWge, 
see XVI 156-172 On his mention of Sivabhagavata, see IA, XLI 272 , 

2 IA.XV? 336 See MahSbhasya (Kielbom's Edn) I 426, 435, II. UQ, 
HI 143, 338. On Kielborn's Edn , sle IA, XVIII. 138. W ' ' V 


8 Theory of Renaissance —Max Muller propounded the 
theorv of Renaissance His main thesis is " that in the middle of 6th 
century A D the reign of a King Vikramadit) a of Ujjam, with whom 
tradition connected the names of Kahdasa and other distmguis>hed 
authors, was the golden age of Indian Court Poetr} This Renaissance 
theory is based on Fergusson's ingenious chronological hypothesis that 
the supposed King Vikrama of Uyain, having expelled theSc>thians 
from India, in commemoration of his victory founded the Vikrama I ra 
in 544 AD, dating its commencement back 600 j ears to 36 BC 
Fergusson arrives at the following conclusions (i) that the Yikramadi$ya 
who conquered the feakas at the battle of Karur was Harsha of Ujjam, 
(u) that he died about 550 A D , (lii) that before 1000 A.D , when the 
struggle with the Buddhists was over and a new year was opening for 
Hindu religion the Hindus sought to establish some new method of 
marking time to supercede the Buddhibt Saka Era of Kanishka, 1 
(iv) that the Guptas and Kings of Valabhi having then passed away, 
in looking for some name for an event of sufficient importance to mark 
the commencement of Ne«\ Era, the} hit on the name of Vikramadifya 
as the most illustrious known to them and his victory at Karur, the 
most important event of his reign, (v) and that, since the date of victory 
in 544 A D , was too recent to be adopted ) they antedated the epoch 
by ten cycles of sixty years thus arriving at 56 B C , and not content 
with this they devised another era which they called Harsha Era from 
the other part of his name the epoch of which was fixed at 456 BC» 
by placing it ten even centuries before the date of the battle of Karur " 
On the basis of these deductions Mai iluller asserted that the Indians 
in consequence of the incursions of the fcakas and other foreigner* 
ceased from literary activity during the first two centuries A.D. and 
Sanskrit poetry having been donnent for five centuries was revived 
and flourished in the reign of a King Vikramadifcva of Ujjain in the 
6th century AD* 

"The eplgraphical researches of Mr. Fleet," says Macdonell,* 
haVe destroyed Fergusson's hypothesis h rom these researches it results 
that the Vikrma era of 57 B C, far from having been founded m 544 
A D had already been m use for more than a century previously 
under the name of Malava Era (which came to be called the Vikrama 
Era about 800 AD). It further appears that no S&kas (Scythians) 

1 IRAS (l88o)> " On the Saka and Gupta Eras " 

2 India, What can it teach us / 281, 284 , Weber, 1L, 203 note, 

3 SZ.,323. 


could ha\e been driven out of western India in the middle of the 
si\th cenlurv, because that country had already been conquered bj the 
Guptas more than a hundred j ears before Lastly, it turns out that 
though other foreign conquerors, the Hunas, were actually expelled 
from western India in the first half of the srrth century, they w ere driven 
out, not b} a "Wkramadifrva, but bj a king named lasodharmdn 
Vishmtvardhana " 

The inscriptions that have been discovered at Krle, 1 and 
Mandassor* by Fleet have completely belied frergusson's hypo- 
thesis and with it the theory of Renaissance Thej have been fully 
examined by Buhler and his essa> has been rendered m I«nglis,h 
bv V S Ghate of Poona 8 Buhler himself augmented the list of 
Fleet's IS inscriptions bj the inclusion of many other documents such 
as the Meherauli Pillar inscriptions of Emperor Chandra and the 
poeticallv coloured genealogy of the Maukhans on the Asirgddh 
Seal Ihese inscriptions show, says Buhler, that the use of Kavya style 
m the inscriptions, especially in the longer ones was in vogue dunng 
the period from 350-550 A D and from this very circumstance it 
follows that Court poetrv was zealouly cultivated in India After 
dealing with the merits of inscriptions Buhler proceeds thus to refute 
the theory of Renaissance 

"His first proposition, Indians did not show any htm my aclwily 
during the first and second an tunes of our <.ta, in of the inroads of 

JL I ■ ii .ii.i — ■ — —— ■ - -'I— ii '■■ '"' — ■ - i . n 

1 IA, (1876), 153 , see on this Mat Muller (c c 286 note), Fleet's commen- 
tary in I A, XII 152, III 393 

2 Corpus Inset iptionarum Indtcarum, III 65-69, Ini 55, *ll«=IMl ^f^fr 

sift wcNtja't I foM'«i<sfM»s85isn ^r &ara»ra*r II 

"When by the tribal constitution of the Malavas, four centuries of years, 
increased by ninety-three, had elapsed , to that season the low thunder of the 
tfauttenng of clouds is to be welcomed " 

Fleet translated this as "when 493 years had elapsed by the reckoning from 
the tribal constitution of the Malavas " {Gupta Inscriptions, 79-87) or " in accord- 
ance With the reckoning followed by the Malava tnbe" [JRAS, (1913) 995 , (1914), 
745 . (W5) *381> Thomas [JRAS {1914), 4*3. ">I°, (I°I5)> 533] says it means 
continued existence See also Jayaswal [Mod Rev 1913, May to September) 
R C Dutt (Ctv II 5I) and V S Gopala Iyer, Chronology of Ancient India, 153 
JMy, VIII 275 In IA, (1913), 161, Bhandarkar notes the use of the word 

3 IA, SUI 29, 137 etc See further on these inscriptions, Apte, Age of 
Kalidasa,4, Nandargikar, Int to Raghuvamsa, 48-60, V. Smith, EH 327 , 
Fleet, IBRAS, XVIII 71 

MAHl-KlVYA 91 

{Ik. di^n/it/oragmaits, is contradicted bv the clear proof provided bj the 
Prasasti of the Sudariana Uke and the Nasik-inscnption No IS I 
think, I must further add that the extinction of the intellectual life of 
the Indian during the first two centunes> bv the Scvthians and other 
foreigners is improbable for other reasons also In the first place, 
never had the foreigners brought under their swaj in the long run more 
than fifth part of India To the east of the district of Mathura, no 
sure indications of their rale have been found, and the reports of the 
Creeks ascribe to the Indo Scvthian kingdom no further extent in the 
east or south In India proper, their Kingdom could permanently 
possess only the Panjab, besides the high vallej s of the Himalaya, the 
extreme west of the North W est ern Provinces, the Eastern Rajputana, 
the Central Indian Agency with Gwalior and Malwa, Gujarat with 
Kathiawar, as well as Smdh No doubt, temporarily these limits are 
further extended in several cases, as the inscriptions from the reign of 
Nahapana prove for the western border of the Deccan, and several 
traces of war might present themselves in further removed districts 
The rulers of such a kingdom could indeed have exerted a considerable 
influence on the east of India, but they would never have been able to 
suppress the literary and scientific life of the Indians Secondly, 
however, — and this is the most important point — the very will to show a 
hostile attitude towards the Indian culture, was w anting in the foreign 
kings of the time, as the sayings and authentic documents inform usi 
They themselves, as well as then* comrades of the same race, were far 
inferior to the Indian, in point of civilisation and culture and the natural 
result was that they could not escape the influence of the Indian cwih- 
sation, but were themselves Hinduised Their willingness to appropriate 
the culture of their subjects is shown by the very fact that the 
descendants or successors of the foreign conquerors immediately began 
to bear Indian names, even in the second generation Havishka's 
successor is indeed a Shahi, but he is named Vasudeva Nahapana's 
daughter is named Dakshamitra and his son-in-law the son of Diaika, 
a Saka, is named Ushavadata or Usabhadata, 1 e, Rishabhadatta 
The son of Chashtana is Jayadaman The leaning of these kings to 
the Indian systems of religion is equally indisputable Acco jdw» U>_ 
the Buddhist tradition, Kamshka is one of the greates^aJ^Ms fc?C 
Buddhism and even a Buddhist himself The latter fact is^ncraea'snowtt 
to be improbable by the inscriptions on his coins On/the dther hand, 
there is no doiibt that he built a Stupa and a Viharajin Yuraehapora, 
Peshawar So also it is proved from the inscriptions th$t BuyisTika had 


founded a Vihara in Mathura * Ushavadata and his consort, according 
to the Xasik and Karle inscriptions, 9 made grants to Buddhists and 
Brahmanas without distinction, and the former, just like a pious Indian, 
carried out numerous works of public utility, for the sake of merit rhe 
Mathura inscriptions further show that under Kanishka and his 
successors, bj the hide of Buddhism, man} other systems of religion 
also, like Jainism, w ere not onh tolerated, but enjoyed a high prosperity 
J hese inscriptions as well as numerous archaeological finds also prove 
that the national Indian architecture and sculptures in Mathura were 
on a high level, and one of the newest discoveries of D Fuhrer 
permits us to conclude that even the dramatic art was cultivated in the 
cit} of gods Ihe inscription No lb, out of the collection prepared 
by me for the ne\t number of the Jpigraphia Indica, says that 'the 
sons of the actors of Mathura (Mathuranam Sailalakanam), who w ere 
known as Chandaka brothers, dedicated a stone-slab, for the redemption 
of their parents, at the holv place of the adorable Naga-pnnce, 
Dadhikarna ' If Malhura had its companj of actors, then it would not 
have been in want of dramas All these circumstances make it 
impossible m my opinion to look upon the times of the Indian popular 
migration as a period of wild barbarism The conditions appear to be 
m no way essentialb different from those of the times when there were 
national rulers The Indians of the north-west and the west had indeed 
to obey foreign suzerains and to pay them tributes and taxes , in return 
for which, however, thej had the triumph of e\ertmg sway on their 
subjugators, through their high culture and of assimilating the same 
with themselves. The conditions necessary for literary activity must 
have been in e\istence, when Ushavadata noted his great deeds m a 
mixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit itself 8 He would certainly have lent 
his ear and opened his purse to bards and Kavis who would glorify 
him These considerations appear to be of importance, for the stale- 
ments in the Girnar Pras"as$i heighten then sigmficancei 

" A second proposition which Professor Max Mullet in addition to 
Other scholars advocates,— $<* the period of the bloom of artificial poetry is 
to Itplaad in the middle of the sixth century of the Christ,— is contradicted 
b> the testimony of the Allahabad Prasasti of Hanshena, of other 
compositions of the Gupta period and of the Mandasor Prasasti These 

1 Cunningham, Arch Surv Rep VoL III, plate XIV, No li 

2 Arch Surv Rep West Ind , IV 99a* 

3 Arch Surv Sep West Ind , LC. No 5 1 3. ff 


leave no doubt about the fact that there w ere not one but several such 
periods of the bloom of the Kavya, of which one fell before the time 
of Samudragupta, and they also make it probable that Kahdasa wrote 
before 472 A D The same conclusion is favoured b\ the fact that 
Dr Fergusson's bold chronological combinations, on which is based 
the theory of the Indian Renaissance in the sixth century, have been 
shown to be insupportable b) the researches of Mr (Dr) Fleer The 
authentic documents going down to the vear 333 A D know absoluteh 
nothing about the Yikramadilya of Ujjain whose existence is inferred 
or set up by new interpretations of the different legends, and who is 
reported to have driven, away the Scythians from India and to have 
founded the Vikrama era in the year "44 A D, dating it as far 
backwards as 600} ears On the contrary they prove the following 
facts concerning western India Samudragupla-ParakaramLa, according 
to (Mr) Fleet's inscription No 11, had extended the kingdom of his 
father, at any rate as far as Eran in the Central-Provinces His son 
Chandragnpta II Vikramaditya, according to No III, conquered Malwa, 
before or in the year 400 and also possessed Mathura Chandragupta's 
son, Kumaragupta-MahendrSditja, held fast these possessions, 
because, according to No XVIII, he was the suzerain of the rulers of 
Dasapara-Mandasor, in the year 437 His son, Skandagupta- 
Kramaditya or Vikramadit} a, according to No XIV, ruled over Gujarat 
and Kathiawar, about 455-457 or 456-458 In his time, the Hunas came 
forth, against whom he made a successful stand, according to No. XIII 
Later on, however, whether it was in his own reign which lasted 
at least till the year 467 or 468, or under his successors Paragupta and 
Narasimhagupta,* the most western possessions were lost and went 
over to the foreign race In No XXXVI and XXXVII, there appear 
the kings, Toramana and Mihirakula" as rulers of Eran and Gwalior, 
and in No XXXVII, the latter is said to have reigned for fifteen years 

"The end of the rule of Mihirakula in these districts, is made known 
to us through Nos XXXIH, XXXIV and XXXV, according to which, 
he was defeated by a king Yasodharman- Vtshnuvardhana, before the year 533 
AD These inscriptions represent Yasodharman as a very powerful 
ruler who had brought under his sway not only Western India from 

1 See Dr Hoernle, JBAS, 158, 89, and Mr Fleet, IA, XIX, p 224, 

2 See also Mr Fleet's articles on Mihirakula, IA, XV , p 245ff and 
on Toramana, IA, XVIII p 225 With Dr Hoernle (I c p 96, Note 2) I hold 
that Vishnuvaf dhana is a second name Of Yasodharman, as is shown by the 
grammatical cdflStmctlon 


Dasapura-Mandasor down to the ocean, bat also large parts ia the east 
and north In his possessions Malwa v as naturally included, whose 
capital Ujjam lies onl} something like 70 English miles, to the south 
of Dasapura In No XXXV, and m tw o considerably earl) inscrip- 
tions Xos XVII, and XVIII, the Malava era is used, which is identical 
•with the so-called Vikrama era beginning with 56-57 B C These 
exceedingly important discoveries which we owe to Mr Fleet's zeal m 
collecting and his ingenuity, prove the absolute untenableness of the 
Fergussoman hypothesis Because thej show (1) that the era of 56-57 
BC was not founded in the sixth century, but was m use under the 
name of the Malava era for more than a century ,* (2) that at that time, 
no Sakas could have been dm en from Western India Inasmuch as 
the countrj had been conquered bv the Guptas more than a hundred 
years ago, (3) that, on the contrary, other foreign conquerors the 
Hunas, were dm en out 8 of western India in the first half of the sixth 
century, not, however, by a Vikramaditya, but by Yasodharman-Vishnu- 
vardhana, and (4) that therefore, there is no room at all in the sixth 
century for a powerful Vikramaditya of Ujjain, whose e\ploits called 
forth such an upheaval in India." 

9 These inscriptions* are dated either in Gup|a-Samvat or m the 
Malava Samvat or merely in Samvat There is a wide difference of 
opinion, which will be referred to in the Introduction, on the meaning 
and the beginning of these Eras In some of these inscriptions the 
names of the Gupta Kings Samudra Gup|a, Candra Gup^a, Kumara 

1 Fee also U, Vol XV, p 1945 and XIX, p 56, in which latter place 
Prof Xielhorn has given the right explanation of difficult expression Mala- 
vanam or Malava-Ganasthitya 

2 As is quite clear, the Malava era has suffered the same fate as the Saka 
era and came to be known by another name, as its origin was forgotten The 
change of name appears to have come in about 800 A D. The latest known 
Malava date is the year 795 which appears in the Kanaswa inscription, IA, Vol 
XIX, 55ff Apart from the two doubtful documents, the oldest known Vikrama 
date is found m Dr Hultzch's Dholpur inscription and corresponds to 16 April 
842, as Prof Kielhorn has shown, I A, Vol. XIX, p. 35 ' 

3 If it occurs to any one to conjecture that the Hunas had caused an 
interruption in the literary activity of India, I bring to his notice the fact that both 
the inscriptions of the age of Toramana and Mihirakula contain no mean 
composition and that their authors glorify the foreign kings as highly as if they 
had been the national rulers 

4. For texts of many of these, see Pracraalekhamaia (KavyamSla Series) 
and D R Diskalkar's Selections from Sanskrit Inscriptions (Rajkot). 


Gupta, Bhanu Gupta and Skanda Gupta, are menh. >ned, and the \ ears 
are in the reigns of these kings Whether the Gupta Dynast* ruled 
before or after the Christian Ira, as the opinions differ, tl^e inscrip- 
tions disclose a Uteran composition in prose and in \erse of great 
merit and show that "the use of Kavya stvle in inscriptions especialh 
m the longer ones, was in vogue and from this verv circumstance it 
follows that court-poetry was zealoush cultivated in India" So sa}s 
Buhler, but he would date this period as 350-550 k D though accord- 
ing to the Puranas fen Gupta drnash ruled between ^28 and S3 B C 

10 Yatsabhatti — The Prasas$i in the Sun Temple in Mandasor* 
was composed by \ atsabhatti in Malava Sanuat 529, which according 
to Buhler equals 471-4 AD The 44 verses in this Pra£as$i or pane- 
gyric begin and end with Mangalas or blessings in prose and in the 
intermediate verses there are exquisite descriptions of the sovereign 
Kumara Gupta and his vassals Yi&vavarman and Bandhuvarman, of 
the temple then built and of the winter season, m a vanen of metres, 
and it is said that the diction shows many marks •which characterise, 
according to Dandm, the poets of the Eastern School The who'e 
piece incarnates fluid poetrj and the description of the winter is 
enchanting* On this appreciation, Buhler ma\ not agree, but his 
remarks are interesting 

I I A, XLII 32, I37, I46, 175, 244 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, No 18 
Here the words JJR53RT TTPTM is used See also I A, XV I94 On Kum5ra- 
gupta see 1A, XL 170, and his possible name CandraprSkSsa sae Ibid XL. I74, 

13 • , , 


" In the second half of the fourth centurj in Vatsabhatti's Prasasti 

of the sun-temple of Dasapura-Mandasor ?ve see traces of the e\istence 

of the school of the Gaudas, the poets of eastern India This *ork 

should be called rather the exercise of a scholar who busied himself 

with tne study of the Kawa literature, than a product of an actual 

poet We can see therein that its author had studied the Kavyas and 

Rhetorics, but that, in spite of all the troubles he took lo produce a 

real Kawa, he possessed little of inborn talent Small offences against 

good taste, such as the use of expletives and taulologous words, are 

more frequenlb met with In one place, the author is led to forget 

one of the most elementary rules of Grammar, b> the exigencies of the 

metre , m another place, in his zeal to form long compounds, he is 

tempted to disregard the rule, ahvajs observed by good writers, 

according to which, the week pause can never come at the end of a 

half-verse In a third place, he jumbles together two ideas m a 

manner the least permissible , and his attempt to bring out a new com- 

parison between the clouds and the houses leads in no v\ay to a happy 


•'These defect-, in Vatsabhatti's Prasasti make it the more important 
for the historian of literature, inasmuch as they bear testimony to the 
feci that everything worthy of attention in the Prasasti, is gathered 
from the literature of his lime and compiled into a whole Thus on 

and also the following verse 

^ jpwfc»fl« rt Jft^flW wwtSw II 

Regarding verse [d) Kielhorn notices close similarity with a verse m KSh- 
dSsa's RjusamhSra. 


the one hand, we are assured of the fact that about the } ear* 472 A D , 
there was a rich Kavya literature in eiistence , and on the other hand 
greater weight is gained bv the points, of accordance w ith the w urks 
handed down to us, which the Prasasti presents It has been already 
pointed out about that verse 10 of the Prasasti only repeals, for the 
most part, the comparison contained m \erse 6" of "Ueghaduta, with 
some points added ma very forced way, while the remaining point*- 
contained in that verse of Kahdasa, find themselves repeated in ver&e 11 
of the Prasasti Further it is to be noted that Yatsabhatti, like Kahdasa, 
shows a special predilection for the word Subhaga, and that while 
describing the king Bandhuvarman, plays upon his name just in the same 
way as Kahdasa does with the names of Raghut-, whom he describes 
in the beginning of Sarga XVIII of Raghuvamsa, These facts make 
the conjecture more probable, that Vatsabhatti knew and made use 
of the works of Kahdasa The same view is advocated by Prof 
Keilhorn in a publication * just appearing, which reached me after this 
treatise was nearly finished He reads verse 51 of the Prasasti (otherwise) 
and shows that the verse suffiuenlh agrees with Ritusamhara V 2-3, in 
both words and thoughts, as there are onlv two new points added. 
Although I am not in a position w ithoul examining a good impression 
of the inscription, to give a definite opinion regarding the proposed, 
and no doubt very interesting alteration of the text, still the truth of 
his assertion that verse 51 of the Prasasti is an imitation of Ritusam- 
hara, V 2^i, appears to me quite undeniable If we may believe in 
the tradition which ascribes Ritusamhara to the author of Meghaduta, 
then the point overlooked by me, which Prof Kielhorn has made out, 
strengthens the probability of the supposition that Kahdasa lived 
before 47i A 1) , which is verv significant In that case, however, it 
will have to be assumed that Vatsabhatti knew the Ritusamhara also." 

11 fiarisena's panegyric of Samudra Gupta* inscribed on the 
Allahabad Pillar is undated, and according to Buhler must have been 
composed between 375-390 AD It has 8 verses with a long prose 
passage and a verse in conclusion Harisena calls it a Kavya Partly 
in prose and partly in verse it may be called a Champu He calls bis 
patron the Prince of Poets, In describing his greatness, he says in 
the 8th verse "His is the poetic style which is worthy of study and his 

i - ■ * * i 

1 'The Mandasor-inscnption of the Malava year $1Q (-47a AD) and 
Kahdasa's Ritusamhara ' Gottmgen I890, p. 351 ff 

2, meet Gupta Inscriptions, No. 32. D. B» DiskalSar (Sctedtoiis frsm Sonant 
Inscriptions) gives date about 360 A.D. 


is the poetic verse which multiplies the spiritual treasures of poets ' n 
On this composition Buhler savs, " It naturallv follows that, during the 
reign of ^ainudragupta, the Kav \ a literature v\ as in full bloom, and that 
the conditions tit his court were absolulelv similar to those which 
are reported to have prevailed in later times at the courts of Kanauj, 
Kashmir, Ujjam, Dhara and Kaljani, and which are found to e\ist even 
to this da\, here and there m India The cultivators of Sanskrit 
Poelrv, who were called by the name of Kavi or Budha or Vidvat, 
were not born or self-taught poets, but were professional learned men 
or pandits who studied in Sastras, 1 e , at the least, Vyakarana, Kosa, 
Alamkara and Chandas, and who wrote according to the hard and fast 
rules of poetics, as is shown bv the form of Hanshena's little composi- 
tion The Sanskrit Kavya, which owed its origin to the court-patro- 
nage, and which can e\ist onlv bv means of the same, was assiduously 
cultivated at the courts The King supported and raised to honour 
such poets, and even he himself, and with him his high officers, too, 
emulated with their proteges Perhaps he had ev en a Kaviraja, or a 
poet-laureate, appointed At am rate the title as such w as m use in 
the da>s of hamudragupta — the title which in later times occurs very 
often in Sanskrit literature, and which, even at present, is given by 
Indian pnnces, associated as it is with many benefits His. court could 
not thus have been the onlj one which patrunized the exertions of the 
Pandits in the domain of poetrv " 

The inscription on Dhama-Visnu's Boar statue at Eran,* dated in 
the year one of King Toramana is also partly In prose and p.trtly in 
venae of high flight Yasula's panegyric of King Yafjodharinan, 8 though 
Undated inscribed on a pillar oFMandasor is spoken of as &hk&h 

Among earlier inscriptions Buhler selects two, and describes thei* 
literary merit, the Kasik inscription* dated in the 19th year of gurl 
Pulamayi, and Girnar inscription, 5 of the reign of Mahaksatrapa 
Rudradaman For these inscriptions Buhler gives dales between 

3 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions No 30 

3 26W,No 33 DJ8 Diskalkar op>at gives date about 532 A D 
4> According to the PurSuas this king reigned 409-377 B C. as Pulomayi 11 
of the Andhra dynasty 

5 Bl, VIII 4?, The date is <&&& $ ftsrafcfcfo It is said to be dated 
In Saka n or ISO A.D This lMtaption refers to Maurya Kings Chanirazupf a 


150-170 AD In ihe Giraar inscription the poet praises Rudradainan's 
skill in poes\ and e\] tresses (he \iews of the author on the charac- 
teristics of good composition 1 IheNasik inscription shovs great 
affinitt with Gad\a ka\} as 

12 Kalldasa i-. a name which is. the ni.igic wand of India in the 
w nrld's poetic literature But as untold tune had past, all that sur- 
rounded the life and times of that great poet have been forgotten and 
bejond the name e\ en thing connected with him, his age and nativm, 
is onlj a mailer oi \ague conjecture In this, reaped Kahdasa maj be 
compared with Homer, while howmer the tradition is that "Living 
Homer sought his daily bread " Kahdasa wis in affluence and beloved 
of Kings While "stAen uties claim (he birth of Homer dead," the 
birth of Kalldasa is claimed b\ different parts of India," and bj Cexlun 
J radition generally does not lie and it is possible that KSluISsa \\ ns 
personal!} known in the se\eral places where he is taken solelj as 
their own In spite of the pre\dlence of a \<ist body of poetic liter- 
ature .is indicated in the carh writings it is surprising and not easily 
accountable that no complete \vx>rk of poetrj has come down to us as 
prior to Kahdasa be^ ond dispute Kahdasa therefore leads the long 
list of classical Sanskrit poets like Knghsh Caedmon If Caedmon 
sang of philosophv and cosmogony, Kahdasa retold mythical tales 
of love, and theologj If Caedmon appeared almost at the dawn 
of the Anglo-Saxon literature, Kalldasa flourished when the Sanskrit 
literature was in perfection. As is common in all cases when the troth » 
forgotten, tales spring up which ma\ or ma\ not ha\o a tinge of reality 
and to such tales the life of Kalldasa is not an exception * Manr 
lories c f his reacU wit, pleasant life and delightful associations with 
soccasions of vicissitudes are found told in various books, for instance, in 
Ballala's Bhoja-Prabandha. A tradition is current that though a boor in 
birth he was by chance wedded to an obstinate princess and when m her 

i Haraprasadsastn, Kalldasa, his home [[BOS (1916} 15, /i. xhrlL 264 , fg 
». 393] says his birth place was Dasapura in Malwa According to AC 
Chatterjee (Kalidasa hts poetry and mind, 148) it is Ujjain , according to Bhau 
Daji (1 c ) It must be Kashmir , and according to Majumdar, Home of Kahdasa, 
IA, X£.VII 264 it was Vi4arbha The following verSe in Avanjisuntfarikatlia 
of Dandin supports Majumdar's view — 

ri% s$ tfo? *ifoxi^ tifaa^ H 

3. See Gnerson,, Tr&ttiens afarf Kdtdasa {JAMB, xlvn April). 

too maha-kav\a 

firxl coinpan\, she put hiin the question srf^T $fc*H; 3TW to ascertain 
if he was a man of letters He displayed his, ignorance and being 
ashamed or abandoned, he left her, and de\oled himself to the service 
and worship and contemplation of Goddess Kali In time Kah appeared 
before him in Divine Form, blessed him with literacy and poesy and 
made him her own It is said that thn> brought him the name of Kah- 
dasa, his real name being forgotten and for all his life Goddess Kali 
was his guardian and protector at his invocation Having thus become 
a poet he sought his princess who received him with pleasure and in 
remembrance of the three words of her question he composed hib three 
Poems Kumarasambhava, Meghaduta, and RaghuvamSa beginning with 
those words 

13 Kahdasa's date— Hii'i'OiVTE Fat. cas considers Kalidasa a 
contemporary of the posthumous son of Agmvama, the last Ling men- 
tioned in the Raghuvamsa and assigns to him a date about the 8th 
century BC l 

Lassen assumes that Kahdasa was a poet of the Court of Samudra- 
gupta, chiefly on account of the title "Fnend of Poets," applied to 
that king m inscriptions,* and places him m the commencement of the 
3rd centurj A D 

Wiword discovers a Vikramaditya in the 5th century A,D ,* on 

l Collective works of Kaltdasa, Pans , Bhau Dan's Essay on Kalidasa 
{Literary Remains, Calcutta) 7 , Saturday Review, January, i860, JBRAS, (1861) 
25 S.P Pandit {Introduction to Roghievamsa, 27-28) refutes this theory "If 
Kalidasa were to be a contemporary of a reigning king his omission to give any 
history of his own ruler is unaccountable Besides Raghuvamsa cannot be said 
to be a complete poem Traditio 1 sa>s that the sequel to the history of Solar 
kings has been yet unreco /ered The simple fact that Kahdasa's account closes 
there cannot conclusively prove the end of the dynasty itself The Vishnu 
Parana mentions a list of thirty-seven kings after Agnimitra " 

2. IA, II 451, 1158-1160, ISt, II 148, 4IS-417. M Williams (Tndhm 
Wisd«m, 494) accepts this date S P Pandit (op cit 66) says that this argument 
is not conclusive, as many other fangs like Siladitya of Malwa and Harjavar- 
dhana of Kanouj have similar titles See also Hall (Introduction to Vasavadatta, 
15) , Nandargikar (Int to Raghuvamsa, 66), and Bhau Daji, op at 7. Weber 
(lialavtka and Agnimitra, Berlin) gives date between 2nd and 4th century A D. 
T S Narayanasastn (Age of Sankusa, app I 114) gives to Samudragupta the 
dates 321-270 B.C according to the Puranas On inscriptions of 8amudragupta, 
see paras 8 to 10 supra. 

3 AR, IX, 142, 156 See Wilford's Essay on Vtkramadtfya and Salruahana 
(AS, TX 117) and Nandargikar (op at 66) S P. Pandit (op at 67) and 
Nandargikar (op at 66) think that there are many VikramSdifyas and this re* 
ference in the Satrunjayamahajmya is not conclusive on the date of Kahdasa. 

MAH5.-KA.VYA 101 

the authority of the 8a$runjayamahatmj a* which sa\s that after 466 
j ears of the era are elapsed there would appear the great and 
famous Vikramadi$) a, and his era W llford understand* to he the 
Samvat era which began in 36 B C In his opinion ] Privcfh and 
H H Witson concur 

R C Dutt places Kahdasa between "00 and 556 AD 3 

Bhau Dajj identifies Alatrgupta with Kalidasa and places him in 
the reign of King Harsa \ ikramadi^ja of Kasmir m the middle of the 
6th century AD" 

His data have been thus summarised bj Apte* (i) The fact of 
Malrigupta being King of Kashmir is in accordance w ith the tradition 
that King Vikrama bestowed half of the kingdom on Kahdasa 
(li) There is no objection on the ground of the names Matngupta 
and Kahdasa being different, because names are often titles, and 
Matngupta may be taken as Kahgupta or Kalidasa (in) The 
author of Rajatarangmi mentions other poets, e\en Bhavabhuti, 
but does not mention Kahdasa (iv) Kalidasa was in all likelihood 
a native of Kashmir or a neighbouring province, because his illus- 
trations are chiefly deroed from the natural history of those pro- 
vinces (v) Meghaduta is simply <i faithful picture of Kahdasa's feel- 
ings caused by separation from his dear wife and home a fact related 

1. The Satrunjaya gahatmya was a Jam work by Dhanetfvarasun The 
work was composed as it says under the patronage of King Sfladijya at Valabhi, 
who lived 477 years after Vikramarka, who is placed 470 years after the Vlra- 
mrvSna , Vira or VardhamSna relates the legends connected with the mountain 
sacred to Rsabha, the first Jina The narrator does not confine stnctly to Jam 
mythology, but includes the stories of the RSmayaria and Bharaja. The 
language is noble, powerful and compares worthily with that of Bhatti K2vya 
The date of the Vlrarurv5na is very uncertain V Smith {EH, 46) makes Vira 
and Buddha contemporaries with one another and with BimbisSra and AjSf a<atru 
and dates Buddha's death at 487 B C (See I A, II 139, *93» 3*3 , IX, 158; 30, 
245, XII! 279, XX 360, XXI 57, XXIII 169 Merutuftga dates Pusyanafra 
in the period 323-53 after MahSvira (Weber, Sacred Ltitratxre of He Jams, 133). 
For a full review of the date of MahSvIra alias Vardbamana, see S. EL. Venka- 
teswara [TRAS, (1917) 1223 > T S Narayana Sastn (Age ofBankam, 134 note) 
places VardhamSna between 1862-1782 B C see M C Gaims, life of Mahwotra 
(Allahabad) , Jacobi, Introduction to BBS, XXn and XLV; RockhiH, Life of 
Buddha, 104 

9 Cw I 25 

3 Literary Remains, 18 et seq , JBXAS, YE. 19, 207 (Bhau Dan calls him 
the author of Sejubandha) 

4 Date of KahiaSa, (Central Press, Bombay), 8 

102 MAHA,- KX.VYA 

also of Matngupta. (\i) The 252nd verse of Rajatarangmi atlnbuted 
to Matngupta contains exacth the same sense as is found m nearly the 
same words in the ll.Hh \erse ofMeghaduta When Malngupta wa* 
installed king, with hi& ejes filled with tears through gratitude he 
wrote to Vikrama " Thou givest not one sign, thou squanderest no 
praises , thou dost not even announce thy intention of giving, and 
nevertheless thou sendest beautiful fruit" (vu) After the death of 
Vikrama, when Pravarasena came to the throne of Kashmir, Matngupta 
retired to Benares, and there is a poem in Prakrit, called Setukajva, 
which tradition savs was composed bv Kahdasa at the request of Pra- 
varasena rhia. poem is piai&ed b\ Pratapendra and Dandm and Rama- 
shrama as that of lvahdasa Tradition also sajs that Pravarasena 
Lonitructed a well-known bridge of boats across the Vitasta, rind that it 
was in connection with this bndge-poem, Bana, a conlemp iran of 
Hiouen Thsang, says in his Harsacanta — 

mm <k tr *PPre$r %&n ll 

(vin) jtfatngupta being thus identified with Kahdasi, the Kilter mus( be 
placed in the 6th century A D with Pravarasena and Vikr.una Bhnu 
1) iji savs that Hiouen Thsang was the guest of Pravarasena * 

14 MR William Jones relies on a verse," which records the 
tradition that nine poets, 'nine gems' nourished at the Court of 
kind Vikramaditya and calls him a poet of the Court of a 
King who founded the era of Vikrama," or the Samvat era, in 

1 Max Muller shows the inconsistency of this, and suggests that it was not 
Pravarasena but Bal iditya who was most likely the host of the Chinese traveller 
As Apte rightly remarked, (op at 11), Raghavabhatta in his commentary 
on the fiakunjala quotes from MSfagupta and KShdasa, as diffeient poets 
and gives the name of a work by Ma{rgupta, as a commentary on Bharata. 
KsemendramhisAuchijyavicaracarca, also quotes similarly from these poets, 
as distinct See Peterson's Paper on Anch 21 and paper on Palanjalt, 21 and 
Int to Swift 89 Here Peterson suggests that MStxgupta was identical with 
MS$rgupJ5carya, a writer on Alankara. For a criticism of Bhau Daji's view, see 
also S P Pandit [op at 68-75), Max Muller (India, 133, 3I4) and Nandargikar 
{op at 68-76) 

^Iffl W«£ftlS?r ^Hrt Wrf WTftf 5R3l%fo ffoffgf || 
This verse is found in Jyotimdabbaraija, a treatise on astrology, attributed 
toKahdasa (See 1BRAS, VI 25, A.R, VIII 242.x 402) The extracts necessary 
for reference are translated by Bhau Daji {0 c 10) Verse 21 of Chapter XXII says 


56 6 0*111 commemoration of his \iclor\ o\er the f5akas or the 

tint the work was completed m the month of Kartika of the year 3068 of Kali, that 
IS34BC Bhau Daji and others saj that this is a hteiarv foiger>, [Kern (Br 
Sn x 12, 17), Wilson Int to Vit» t Puraft, vm) Weber (SL, 228) , Max Muller 
India, 327) , Apte, {op ctt 43] He adds " In framing a rule for finding out the 
avmSmsa, we are told in the work that from the number of jean, after §aka (the 
era of §21iv2hana, 78 AD) 445 jeais should be subtracted and the remainder 
chvided by 60 This alone pioves that the treatise was written at best se\en cen- 
turies after Vikrama Samvat Also as Jishnu, the father of Brahmagupta who 
gives the date of his work is 628 A D is stated to have gracul the Couit of 
\1k1amad1tyam addition to the nine gems, it is clear that the author of the 
Jyotirvidabharana is sufficiently modern to have confounded Harsha Vikrama- 
ditya of Ujjain in the 6th centu t with the founder of the Simvat era " 

There is a commentary on this work bj Bh uarajna He was the son of 
BShl5 and Mandana, a disciple of Mahimapiabhasun of Paurnamiya gaccha It 
was written at gnpattana (Snnagar) in Saka 1633 (171 1 AD) See the Prasasti 
in the Ulwar catalogue, page 182 , TC, III 3556 

I K G SankaRa Iyer {JMy VIII 279) sums up the view that the so- 
called Samvat era was not connected with the name of Vikramaditya till hie in the 
10th century In 343 and 371 A D the era was called Krta , ^RPJ =*fgf fcjf 

^^^^I^TxOTIs Sf^raftf (Gupta Ins 75), fol ^5f #3&? 3f5Il3% 
(Ibid 253) In 404 and 424 A D , it was called both "Kntaa" and 'the era 
traditionally handed down by the Malava tnbe " ^n+HtfWir+'llcl 75T# frRJ- 

fffi I <£5K*rB*rf^ rrrff *W*lcNdg> " lIb,d * 7 ' I58) The earhest inscription 
of the era being called Vikrama is dated 842 A D (I A, XX 406) and that being 
connected with a king Vikramaditya is dated 971 A D (JB&AS, XXII, 166) and 
earliest liteiary date is 973 A D in Amijagati's SubhSsitaratnasandoha [IA, XX. 
406) Fleet collects these dates and says {Im Gas JX. 4) that the era "was 
founded by Karushka in the sense that the opening years of it were the years 
of his reign, that it was set going as an era by his successor, who connnued it 
and that it was accepted and perpetrated as an era by the Malava people and so 
was transmitted to posterity by them" R-D BanerJEE [TRAS, (1917)273-289] 
tries to prove that in the first century B C , Malava was ruled by Nahapana and 
not by any king entitled Vikramaditya See para 8 note supra 

Gopala IYER [Ind Rev (1910) 505] considers that the era commemorated 
the consobdation of the tnbes of Malwa into the great nation by King Chastana, 
the founder of the Kshatrapa dynasty in Malwa and Gujarat HOERNLB [JRAS, 
(1909) 100] says that Yafiodharman changed the name of the Malwa era into 
Vikrama era V SMITH [EH) and BHANDARKAR [Ind Rev (1909) 405] say that 
Chandra-supta I of the Gupta dynasty first assumedithe title of Vikramaditya and 
changed the name C V Vaidya. [Ind Rev (I909) 9°3l relies on Hala's 
SaptaSati (V 64) of the 1st century A D praising liberality of Vikramaditya He 
draws attention to a tradition rejected by Kalhana II 5) that Pratap5d,tya was 
a relative of Vikram5dijya SakSn and asserts its truth, so that he considers 
that there were two Vikramadrfyas connected with Kashmir, the prior of them 


Sr\ thians x 

15 T. b. Naka\an\ SAbrm shovvs that Sri Har<sa Vikram*. 
di$>a of Xvasmir defeated the Sakas or the Persians and in comme- 
moration of his victon founded the Harsa era, in the year 457 B C 
and assigns Kahdasa to hi-' Court ' 

Ai'TE inclines to ibe \iew of Sir William Jones He considers that 
As\aghosa's Buddhacan^a vas modelled on Kahdasa's Raghuvamea, 
and as As\aglw>a was a contemporary of Kanaka, the highest limit 
for Kahdasa is placed at 78 AD, on the other side, is mentioned 

connected with Prajapadij} a, being separated from the latter connected with 
M2$rgupja by several centuries He says " Though the era is mentioned in old 
documents as the tra of the Malwa people or princes, this does not negative the 
idea of its being started by a particular fang , secondly, the idea that any subse- 
quent king utilised this era to commemorate his name is absurd and improbable " 
thirdly, that the identity of Vikramadijya of the 1st century BC is proved 
beyond doubt by the mention of his name in Hala's Sapjafati , fourthly, that he 
was m ancient tradition recorded by Kalhana himself, regarded as Sakan and that 
he must have fought the batt[e of Karur as mentioned by Alberuni , fifthly, that 
the Sakas whom he overthrew most probably have been the Saka Satraps of 
Mathura and Taxila, whose disappearance in the 1st century B C has not been 
otherwise accounted for, sixthly, that the Takht-i-Bahi's inscription must be 
interpreted as giving the figure 103 in the era of 57 B C as Guduphares is con- 
nected by general tradition with the Apostle of St Thomas", and lastly, that this 
era could not have been founded by Kamshka " In his paper on Pandyas and 
the date of Kahdasa he refers to the mention of Uragapura in Raghu, IV, 49 and 
VI 59-60 and says because Uragapura (Uraiyar) was abandoned by Kankala 
as a Pandya capital in the 1st century A.D , Kahdasa must have known the 
capital in a flourishing condition, Kahdasa must have lived earliest 

1 Somadeva in his KathSsanJsf gara (XVIII 1) says that VikramSditya 
destroyed the Iflecchas For a similar account, see Kalhana's Raj, III 125-8 

See the discussion by Hultsch, IA, 261 and Stem's notes in his edition of Raj, n 
6 41*1 RR»WI fog. etc 

2 Srt Bar Ait, tlie dramatist (Madras), Age of Sankara, (Madras)iPart I, Oh h 
24 and Introduction to Hat&vnba-Tatdagdhya (Madras, 1917) The Sakas vanquished 
by the tang ate saidlo be the Persian hordes that Invaded India from the provinoe of 
Same, under their monarch Gyrus the Great m 850 B Narayana Sastri calls this 
VikcamSdjjya the patron of Bhasa so that ESlidasa is according to him his younger 


144 BC, as that of Patanjah, who refers to Pimamitra , .Agnnntrrt 
was the son of Pusymitra and the hero uf the MPllavikSgrumitra * 

16 KB Pathak disco\ers \ lkrama in king bkandaguptr 1 , the 
conqueror of the Huns, who flourished about 430 \D and n.dkes 
Kalidasa a contemporary of Kings Kumaragupta and Skandagupfca, 
the latter being Vikramadit} a II of the Gupta d\ nasty * 

1 Apte's Date of Kalidasa (Bombay) This essay contains an elaborate review 
of the several opinions held on KSli4 5 sa Apfce says " Pnsyamitra, the Sucga lung, 
pub the last Maurya King to death and came to tne thtone of Magadha in 188 B 
His eon Agmmisra is mentioned in this play as the king of Vidisha Ualavika is the 
sister of Madhavaseua and consin of Yajnasena, the king of Berars A quarrel arose 
between Madhavasena and Yajnasena about the succession to the throne, and the latter 
for a time took possession of the seals of the kingdom Madhavasena thus humbled by 
misfortune, and aware of the danger whioh threatened him, secretly inarched off with 
JIalavika and his counsellor Sumati He was taken prisoner, however, on the frontier, 
by a general of Yajnasena, Chough Malavika, escaped How the prime minister of the 
Maurya king, who was a brother in law of Yajnasena, was kept in custody by Fusya- 
sutra and his son Agmmisra When Agnurutra demanded the release of Madhavasena, 
Yagnasena proposed an exohange of prisoners This provoked Agwmitra to a severe 
retaliation. He sent an army against the king of Vidarbha and subdued him, and the 
kingdom of Vidarbha was divided between the two cousins From these historical 
incidents it is olear that Kalidasa cannot be put as v>e have seen, before the first king 
of the Sunga dynasty Very little is known about these kings from the Puranas and it 
is probable that thuse events must be quite fresh m the memory of our poet, as the 
history of the Peahawas is in the memory of the Marathas of to-dty " 

Arguments based on principles of law, mediome and geography are also added On 
similar points, see S P Pandit (op out 82) Nandargikar (op ctt 201) on a very similar 
argument places Kalidasa somewhere between 300 and 100 B O Duffs ludtan 
Chronology gives date 178 BO for Pusyamitra and 140 B O for Pataojah On 
Pusyamipa, see V Smith (op cit 201,218), Weber {op ctt 224 note) , Goldatncket 
(Pantnt, 228 288) , lA, I, 299, II 57, 69, 94, 206, 288, 862, XV 80, XVI 156, 173); 
JBBAS, XVI 181, 199 Bhandarkar's Marly History of Deccan, 189, 1A, (1872) 229 

3 Introduction to Meghaduta (Poena) and IA, XLI 265 Fathak refers to Huns 
mentioned m Baghu, IV 66 63 He says that Hunas crossed the Osus (or Vanksbu) 
about A D 425 and defeated the Sussauian king Pheroz m 484, but their empire was 
entirely destroyed by Khusru Anushirvan, grandson of Pheroz, between 668 and 567 
A D The defeat of the Huns by Bkandagupja is recorded m Junagad Book Inscription 
dated m Qupta Samvat 186 (or A D 455 456) V Smith's statement that Skandagupta 
mod about 480 A D. (EH, 810^ ssems to be oontradioted by the inscriptions (T1, XV 
142) which show Kum&tagupta as reignmg in Gupta Samvat 154 (478 ' D ) and 
Bu44hagupta as reigning m Gupta Samvat 157 (476 AD) T S, Narayana Sastn 
assigns to Skandagupja BO 192 to 167 (Age of Sankara. App I 125] Apte 
(op att" 24) and Nandargikar (op at 88) considers that the Hunas referred 
to in this verse are the Indo-S<sythlaiis who established a vast empire on the threshold of 
anoient India and on the borders of Bacteria from the middle of the 3rd century B C 
to the close of the 1st or 2nd century A.D Jayaswal (1A., XL 265) thinks that the 

106 MAHX.-E3.VYA 

R HoMUfLE accepts this Har>-a Vikrarnadit} a of Kasrnir and 
goes farther m identifying him with \as"odharman, King ofC India, 
<it> the conqueror of Rasmir and the Huns about 490-550 AD 1 and 
saMs that the memor} of this great achievement survives in the Indian 
tradition which changed the name of the Malaga era into that of the 
Vikrama era 

Huna occupation of Kashmir was after Hihirakula's defeat in A D 580 and places 
KalidSsa therefore about 540 or 550 AD On the Huna argument, see also Pathak 
[JBRAS, MX 35) and Chakravarti [JRAS, (1904) 158, (1908) 188], Blooh 
IZDUQ, (1003) 671] , Seh-ieber {Das Datum Cxudragomm's w\d Kalidasa' a, 
Brcslau) , Hoeinle [JRAS, (1903) 89, 144) , Kennedy {JRAS (1908), 879) Telang's 
lnt to Mudraraishas>a, Cunningham's paper on white Hunas in the Tr of the 9th Oon 
gress of the Orientalists and G Huth {Die Ztct des Kalidasa, Berlin) Pathak 
{JBRAS, XIX 85) also brings the tune of Kalidasa being contemporary of King Kumira 
ilasa of Ceylon in support of his date and concludes that Kalidasa must be placed in the 
arst half of tha 6th century or about 5 J2 AD (As to thi s, see the life of Kumarad«* 
post) Tanna Lai [Ditcs oj SI nndagupta and his suocessors, Hindustan Review, 
(Jan. 1918) JRAS, (1919) 260] gives to Skandagupts 455 467 A D Pathak also relies 
on the allusion to Dingnaga. in MeghadQta and assigns him to tho 5th century A D 
[V Smith, op ott 829, JASB, (1905) 227] For a similar opinion, see Maodonel, 
{SL, 824), 804), Keitb [JJ34S, (1909), 438 9] and B Majumdar [JRAS, (1009) 

1 3BAS, (1903), 549 , (1901) 639 , (1909) , 89 ; Hoernle's arguments ore summed 
up by J J Modi {Asiatw Papsrs, II 843-6) Hoernle relies ou lasonptiona on two 
Sana stambhas (colnmns of victory in war), recorded in Oil, 11 147 8 (Inscriptions 
tfos 33 and 34) wherein the subjugation of king Mimrakula and other Huna kings is 
expressly stated He also refers to the tradition of the " Nine Gems " and infers that 
KSlidasa and Yarabamihira flourished at Yasodhorman's Court For this, see also 
Pathak {JBBAS, XIX 39), V Smith {EH, 319) oites the authority of Hiyuen Tsang 
\BtaVs Records, I 165 72 , Walters, 1, l 288) and says that Yasjdharman's boast 
was unfounded and gives the real credit of the defeat of the Huns to Narasimhagupta 
Btfaditya (486-685 AD) M Chakravarti [JRAS, (1908), 188", (1904), 159] assigns 
the victory over the Hunsto Skandagupja For a summary of Ohakravarti'ts views and 
criticism thereon, see J J Modi (At\atw Papers, I 347) Haraprasada Sastn adds 
additional arguments to this view — 

(i) KSlidasa's limit of geography 18 Persia and he does not desoribo the western 
Empire of Borne Persia was powerful in the 6th century A D and the reference to 
Persia (Ragh IV 60) shows that it was powerful at that time 

(u) The description of Skand% in the Meghaduta (1. 27) is of a statue of Skanda on 
horeebaok on Devagbi Hill on tho road from Ujjam to Mandasor supposed to be ereoteel 
by king Skandagupta 

(hi) Yafodharman made the Himalayas for the first time accessible and Kahdase 
describes the Himalayas 

These arguments about Yafodharman &o of Haraprasad Sastn are quoted anc 
refuted m detail by B G Sankara Iyer {JUy, VIH 282) and D Baneqi {Ibid, X 77 


17 Fergussok started a theorv that the \ikrdmadif\a of the 
bamvat era was Har^a Vifcramaditva of Ujjain ^ho defeated the 
Mlechas, at Karur m 344 AD and to give an air of antiq u m io an era 
of his own started in commemoration of his victon, it was thrown back 
for 600 years, that is 10 cvcle& of GO Aear», so that the Sunn at era was 
imagined to have begun in 56 B C This is known as the Renaisance 
theory made much of by Max Muller l 

Max Muller took up the idea of Fergusson and was reach with 
other arguments in its support He refers to the commentarv of 
Jlallmatha on a \erse in the Meghasabdes"a alluding to the poets 
Dingnaga and Nicula as contemporaries of Kalidasa and in fixing the 
dale of Dingnaga as the pupil of AsZnga gives the date of K5hdasa 
as the 6th century AD S 

1 See para 3 supra 

Uegha, I 14 

" From (his place, abounding in wet canes, rise into the sky with thy face to the 
north, avoiding on the way oontaot with the massive trunks of the quarter elephants, 
thy movements being watohed by the silly wives of the Siddhas with their uplifted 
faoes, full of surprise, as if the wind were carrying away the crest of the mountain " 

" From this place where stands thy champion Niohola, ascend, Muse, the 
heaven of invention, holding up thy head, and avoiding in the course of thy effort lie 
salient faults indicated by Dingnaga with his hands, while thy flight is admired by 
good poets and fair women filled with surprise and looking upwards as if the genius 
of the almighty Dinguaga, were eolipsed by these " Pathak's Meghaduta, 77 

Ganapati Sastti (Int to Pr»Jim5n2taka, TSS, No 42 xi; refers to a passage 
Dak§in5varja's oommontary fef^FT ?f<T ^^rp^ ^i!«K^l«Ji«t«ll< 3R5iT- 
#SWJ ffcf ^^cHfifc-fr 1^ H and says that Kalidasa was guilty of plagia- 
rism from BhSsa 

&pte(op ait 7), says that MallinStlia's commentary is at best based on tradition 
and oannot at best be placed with the tradition of Kalidasa, as a poet of king Vikrama- 
ditya's Court in 56 B Seshagin Sastn {11, 1 840) says Nicula wrote a commen- 
tary on lexioon Nanarthafebdaiajnavall written by one Kalidasa at the Court of King 
Bhoja (See DO, 111 1171-1174) and this must be a different author of a very late age, 
as this lexioon is not referred to by the author of the Medim, who is particular in 
enumerating all the names of authors and works on lexicography 

There seems to be much merit m the tradition of an allusion to Dingnaga u this 
ferse and the recent discovery of a work called BaetavSla by F W Thomas makes the 
quotation more interesting, fcefertihg to the above work of which a Tibetan translation 


18 P V Kane thinks thctt KSmandaki in the Nitisara appears 
to criticise the advantages of hunting as depicted bv Kalidasa and that 
Yarahamihira took his list of poisoned kings from Kamandakl On 

now exists (Tanlur ildo, STU 312, XVIII 21) ascribed generally to Aryadeva, a 
predecessor of Dingnaga, Thomas conjectures that the commentary on it might be the 
work of DingnSga He says [JRAS (19JSj 118], *' It might have seemed to Kalidasa 
to deserve the epithet s\Mla, ' coarse,' O' unsubtle the standing epithet whioh philoso- 
phers affix to what they regard as merely prima facie views And pro tanto, we should 
have an argument in favour of Slallmatna's suggestion of a slighting allusion to that 
philosopher in the ver-e quoted snpra It is ceitainly noticeable coincidence that 
Dingnaga shouH be a reputed author of a wor* so called and there is a further coinoi 
deuce with the fact that the fifth of the six Karikas comprising the test appears to 
the subtle (sukshma) minded, who ate 1 3 foiege belief m coarse (sthala) things But 
unfortunately the Chinese tradition appears to fluctuate regarding the authorship which 
is soinetlttVB ascribed in fact to Aryadeva I have advanced the suggestion that 
Aryadeva was author of the test, Dingndgi, who often functfons as a commentator, of 
the commentary If so the fact has certainly some significance The Sand treatise, 
an extremely compendious demonstration of the vignana or else the iunyaiu doctrine 
(the latter term is not mentioned) may well have been a familiar as controversial 
Weapon and so have provoked a slighting mention bv Kalidasa." 

Dmgnaga is a celebrated author on Pramana Sastra See Weber (op at 209 note) } 
Watanabs " On the life of Dingnaga (Japanese Oriental Philosophy (1904) No 5, 
Oowell, Prejaw to Ktisumanjah, vn, Hall {op cut 9), JBRAS, XVIII 229, 
XVII 51 , Taranatha, History of Buddkwn, 118 8 P Pandit (op wt 76 82) , 
Gold8chmidt, ZDMQ, XXVI 808 , Liebion, Das Datum des Kalidasa (Strassburg) 
301, 1A, XIjI 244 fltsffig refers to Dingnaga as later than Vasuhandhu and 
places him between 475 and 52S and Vasubandhu was a contemporary of Candra. 
gupta II and hia literary career occupies the first three quarters of the fith century. 
See Meghasandesa vnnarii, page 16 Peterson's Int to Sub 46, 

Pathak(14,XLI 244) and V 8mith (JSS 829) and K Sankara Iyer ( JMy VHI 
85) peace Dingnaga in the 5th century A D These -opinions of DingnSga's date.are based 
on the Tibetan tradition IJASB, (1206) 927] that DingnSga was a disoiple of Vasu* 
handhu According to Chinese tradition, Vasubandhu and his elder brother Asanga lived 
900 year3 after the death of Buddha This starting point, namely Buddha' s death, is so 
Uncertain, that the fabrio constructed on suoh basis must necessarily be unreliable and 
inconclusive For instance, Buddha's Nirvana is placed by Northern Buddhists 
in 2423 B O , Ami Akban at 1246 B C , Southern Buddhists 548 BO, Bhys Davids 
412 B , Kern, 888 B , Max Mailer, 477 B C , Meet [JBAS, (1908) 179, 669] 488 
B O , Oldenburg and Barth (I,«* Bev VIII 561) , Gopala Iyer ttitdl Bev 1908, 884) 
487 B C , Eirtikar (Ind Rev 1903, 101) 500 B 0„ V Smith (Asoka SB. 473) finds 
some coincidences and fixes the date 487 B O 

On Vasubandhu's date, see ParamarSha's Life of VasubaDdhu , Maodonnel tSL, 
890) S O Vidyabhushan [JASB (1905) 227] , N Peri Bull de I Ecoia ft, 

r^M^^EVL" 990, M-k ^,(1911), 170, (1912) ,344], Hoernfc 
14, (1911) 264] , B Narasimhaoharya, (find 812) DB Bhandackar (14 1912 1)' 
aaraprasad Sasta (ZhA 15) , Watters (I 210) , Takkkasu [JBAS t (1905), 44] «tf 
2Afe of Vasubandhu ' " * 


thi^ reasoning- he sa^ s that K&mandakft being older thai Bha\abhuti, 
Kalidasa miut be earlier than 6th centurj AD 1 

19 Kern and Bh \Nrr> \rka.r accept the tradih..n of the "Nine 
Gems" that Varahamihira and Kalidasa were contemporaries and while 
fixing the date of Varahamihird,'s w ork from a statement of Amoraja as 
387 A,D , they say that his friend Kalidasa mu*t ba\e li\ed about the 
latter part of the 6th century AD* 

Tod says "while Hindu literature survives, the name ofBhoja 
Paramara and the nine gems of his Court cannot pensh though it is 
difficult to say Tnho of the three princes of his name is particular^- 
alluded to op at as they all appear to ha\e been patrons of Science ' 

1, (14, XL 236 note) This conclusion would show that Varahamihira and 
Kalidasa wars not oontemporaues But A F Hoerole {IA, XLI 156) controverts this 
View Carlo Formiohl in his paper on Kamandaki's Nifcisara before the 12th Congress 
of Orientalists of Borne argues that KSLmandati was either a contemporary of or earner 
than Varahamihira who flourished, as he said, between SOS and S87 A I) 3aeobi how- 
ever in his paper on Indian Philosophy (Siizungsberichte, XXXV) places Karaandaki 
earlier than the 4th century 'Weber (ISt, III 145) and [1L, 271 note) inclines to the 
same view and says {op at 825) that the Kavi Translation of the work probably belongs 
at the earliest to about the same date as the translation of the Mahabb.Sra$a See also 
Int to the book edited in Trivandrum Sanskrit Series No 14, with the commentary of 
Sankararya and Bibl Ind (1849 61) The lists poisoned kings in Kamandaki was 
taken from Koutalya's Arbhss'iSrra acid hence VarShamihira need nob be indebted to 

2 Kem {Preface to BrtliatsamMta , 20) Bbandarkar {Early Btstory of the 
Decently 12 , JBBAS, XIV 24) Bhau Daji {op tnt 45) Arnoraja wrote a commentary 
on the Khanda Khadya of Brahmagupt>, who lived in 628 AD On these astronomer?, 
gee Bhau Daji's {op at 222-163) Oolebroke {Essays, II 434) assigned YaiShamihini 
to the end of the 6th oentury A D See also Fleet, OH, HI App 143, JA08, VI 
Art 8 , and JBAS, N 8 I 407, 892 This opinion, says B P Pancut (op tit 69), also 
rests on the unreliable authority of the memorial verse on "Nine Gems" On this 
question see also Apte {op cut 2) M Duff (Ind Chr ) gives date 587 AD See also 
Vhe Pandit, NS XIV 13 Kem also relies on an inscription in the Buddhist Temple 
at Gaya which aooording to Cunningham shows that that temple was built by 
Amaradeva, one of the nme gems of Vikraraa Kern also says that Jishnu, the father of 
Brahmagnpta, was a contemporary of Kalidasa and m 638, Brahmagupta was 80 years 
of age and Varahamihira's date, 587 A D , confirms this tradition See Max Muller, 
op eri 827 , Apte, op cii 2 

Bhandarkar [Ind, Btv (1909) 405] says that Chandragupta II, Vikramadijya, put 
an end to the Sika dynasty ruling over Uyain and also the Kushana dynasty and be 
was probably the famous Vikramadijya Sikari, the patron of the learned poets and 
fixes his dates 388 412 A D. 

8 AtmaUof Bajasthan, I 92, Tod gives for the three kings of that time 
Samvat 631 721, 1100, that IB, 576, 665 and 1014 A D, respectively See also Bhau 
Daji (op e*t 8) 


Be^tlet relies on the authority of the Bhojaprabandha and makes 
Kahddsa a poet of the Court of King Bhoja of Dhar in the 11th 
centun AD 1 

20. Of direct references to Kalidasa the Aihole inscription of 
Pulakesin II is the earliest and it is dated 634 AD 9 1 he famous 
Mandassor inscription contains an exquisite paneginc bv Vatsabhatti 
and several \erses in it h.i\e i \en close resemblance to some m 
Kalidasa's Meghasandesa -md Rtus tinhlra 8 This Panegern. %as 
composed in 472 AD 4 

21 The theorj of the "\ine Gems" of Vikrama's Court mqj not 
be accepted as real hision J\o^ir\idnbharana m.i\ be a forgen of a 
late date or the \er&e ihnt embodies the story ms\ be an interpolation 
But the fact remains that the tradition was current as eailj as the 
7th or 8th century A D Subandhn alludes to it and the allusion 
cannot be easily explained min" The tradition has become so 
saturated with the Indian sentiment, tint it is impossible for an} 
orientalist to shake off the impression The feeling has become so 
intuitive that whenever any researcher, sceptic as he is towards anything 
save bare historical evidence, discovers a King, as the patron of 
Kalidasa, be he Samudragupta, Kumiragup^i or Candragupta, 
Yaiodharman, Harsa, Sudrala, of the centuries before or after the 
era of Grace, the theorist always seeks to trace an association of his 
name with the appellation of Vikramadij} a If in fact the tradition is 
false or unreliable, why should this anxiety be evinced everywhere 
to connect the name with a Vikramaditya at all? 

1 Astatic Beuarohes, Ym 348 BhauDaji (op ett 6 and JBSAS, VI 28 note) 
and S E Pandit (op eit 63) and Nandargikar (op at 68) say that Bhoja Prabandha 
1b a medley ana is of little valae as history On this wort, see under Bhoja post, 

IA, YIH 237 

8 On this similarity, see Apte (op ott 14) Kielhorn [Oot IT (1890), 257 , IA, 
XIX 285] S P Pandit (op. nt 127) and Leibioh (Annual Hop of the Sck Ges far 
Vaterlandnohe Kultur Breslaw, 1908, 6-7) rely on the identity of the verses in 
Htusamhara (V 2 8) and fix KahdSsa's date before 478 A D See Jaeobi (70J, m 
127) Hoemle C/JB4S, (1909), tfl] ontioises this view "' ' 

4 Pleat's CU, III 65 69 , see para 10 supra 

Wtfft tfff&S fffiErfcr ijfa ffrwlfift || Vasavadatta 
HomqIb and Haraprasad Sasta take this verse to refer to Oandragupta Vikramaditya 
(See IA, XTiI 1, IS) who died aooordrag to them about 418 A J) , but they ignore the 
effect of the word navaka, whioh ounonsly alludes by the pun on it to the nine gems. 

MAHA.-K5.VYA 111 

22 Among the several data thai ha\e fonned the basis of discus- 
sion, it ma} not be possible to make Ught of at least a few The idea thar 
the hero of the Mala\ikagmmitra was the king \gmmitra of the Sanga 
d\ nasty and the allusion to the successive names of Gupta Kings or 
the reference to the names of pingnaga in his w orks, are all express 
pieces, i if material evidence, which must oomraind a serious consider- 
ation in the determination of dates But -when an argument as to age 
is to be invoked fin internal evidence, it necessanl> follows that the 
conclusion < in hold good onl} m respect of the particular work that 
shows the evident e, and it is i mistake to follow an a prion reasoning 
and to assert that the conclusion is good as the standard for all 
works, fathered on the name of Jvtlidasa 

Of external evidence, 1here is nothing safe to go by Vikramudit\a 
or the ' Sun of Valour ' is more an appellation than a name and the 
title has come to be a formal attribute to an} ruler in India irrespective 
of distinction * The literature of the inscriptions abound in such 
instances Of Vikramaditya, was he a reality and if he is, where is his 
identify ? Of the Makas, were they the Persians or the Indo-Scythians "•> 
Of the Huns, w ere they the mirauders of the countries, before or after 
the Christian era' Of Dingnlga, when did he flourish ' It is dependent 
upon Asanga, that on Vasub'indhu and that on Buddha, which still 
hangs in the air Of AsVaghosa, was he a contemporary of Kaniska 
and when did Kaniska rule over Indian dominions ' Of Agmmitra, 
was he the ion of Pusyami^ra and if he was referred to in the 
Mahabhasya of Patanjah, when did Patanjah flourish? Of Greek 
astronomy, did K.lhdasa copy from Axyabhata and when was the Greek 
astronomy brought into India ? These are questions that are } et to lie 
answered with unanimity and until then such external evidence can 
only beget a diversity of conclusion. 

1. Kielhorn (J A., XX 409) as summed up by Fleet, [U, XXX 4), says 
" The word Yikrama, from which the idea of the King Viirama or Vikram54ijy» 
was evoked most probably oame to be connected with the era by the poets, beoaase 
the year of reckoning originally began in the autumn and the autumn was the season 
of commencing campaigns and was in short the VikramakSla or war time " 

On VikramSditya, see Seshagin Saata, IA., I 814 , Lassen, 1AU, II 800, Weber, 
ISt, II 410, Wtlford, A.B, IX , Prmoep, Btsayt, II, 249, JBRAS, VI 27, 
Y. Smith, EB, 332 note, 431 , A Chater|ee, Kaltdaaa, Sis Poetry and Mind, 90 

Kshetreiiaohandra Ohattopadbyaya [All TJn 8todus,U 80 it *■ <?) elaborately dis- 
cusses the date of KaildSs* and says VtknwnS&itya, who was KSlidaia's patron was son 
of Gardabhilla Ha refers to passages from E31ak3carya KathSnaka, from which ex- 
tracts are given by Rapson in Oambridge History of India (S82 5). 


23 la this state of uncertaintj the student of research is, bewil- 
dered and if the arguments advanced bv various scholars are all accepted 
it w ould be impossible to foist all the works that go by the name of 
Kalidasa on one Kalidasa As. earlj as 8th and 9th century A D the 
existence of three Kahdasas in the past age appears to have been 
no f iced Davendra author of Kavikalpalata refers to it 1 and Raja- 
sekhara 9 and Abhmanda 8 seem to sav so 

24 T S Naravana Sastn m his introduction to Haidimba 
Yaidagdhva, an epitome of Bhasa's Madhvamawavoga, classifies the 
works under several Kahdasas thus 

i Kauuvsa (I) alias Matrglpia of the court of King Har-,a 
"\ lkramadi^a of Ujjam who lived in the 6th Century B C He was the 
author of the three plav s and the Mahakawa Setubandha * 

H Ivatidasv (II), alias MEDH4RLDRA of the Court of King Vikra- 
marka of ilalwa the founder of the Malava era in 57 B C He wrote 
the three poems. Kumarasambhava, Raghuvamia and Meghaduta and a 
treatise on astronomj jvotirvidabharana B 

1 See GO, I 99 , Kavyamaia, I 8 ~~ 

>Zf(k sft'dftft ^[foKOTspft f^JJ || — StiTcpmuitiivah 
It nuv be that this verse has been misunderstood, for ^iRKI^^ means generally 
his three poems and Rajisskhara might have punned upon the word ^jff ]%E[ and 
g?5 mean that it is frf^r or ptin 

*?7lfrJ 3>Wfa ^rfe^Rf^T sftcfT SfWrfcHT I Ramacartta 

i In his commentary on this posm King RamadSLsa of Jayapura who lued in the 
days of King Akbar says 

Setnbandha or RSvanavadha m 16 Ssvasas desonbes the story of Rama, the build- 
ing of the Seta and the defeat of RSvana It is perhaps the best poem in Prakrit 
literature and nisv certainly have been the production of KaiidSsa. There ara oommen 
tanas by RamadSsa, written at the instance of Emperor Akbar in 1595 A D and by 
Kalangtha, Sri Krjna Madhavayajvan Ed Bombay with Ramadasa's commentary 
Eil Gottingen and translated by Gcldsohmidt (Strassburg) See Stein Konow'a Int fei 

Kalt&asa, 41 Danira calls it an ocean of jewels of beautiful sentences " Bana praises 
Prav»r«ena.and his poem Setn "VidySnatha oalls the poem MahSprabandha and quotes 
an arya from it. * H 

6 This bears date 3068 Kali or 34 B In the SesadhySya the poet says - 

«M°<h4 STltHhS^W^ 511? 0% ST5 ftVolfJ^cll^ | 

AlAHA-KAYY \. 113 

m Kaiidasa (HI), alias KorijiT a de&cipla of "tffika feaakar nf 
Kamakoti Peetam (1397-430 AD) rfe wrote Hai&amaara, Smgara- 
$ilaka, S> amaladandaka, Na\ aratnamala and manj minor poems and 
oru^abodha (on prosody) 

\Thesetluee ai e said to represent t>il«^*ll<fl mentioned h R'ija^tkhai a~\ 
iv Parimala Kai idas v (IV), alias Padiiagcpta, contemporary of 
King Munja of Dhara and author of Na\asahasankacanta 

v Kvlidasa (V) known as Yuiakakam, author of the poem 

vi Nv\A Kalidasv (VI), author of Champu Bhaga\a$a 
vu Kalidasa A.JkBARi\A (VII) contempon of King Akbar, com- 
posed a number of Samasyas * 

viii Kalidasa (VIII), author of Lambodara Prahasana 
is Abhinava Kalidasa, alias aIadhaa \, author of Sanksepasan- 

25 Raghuvamsa in 19 cantos," narrates the histon of the race 
of Raghu and in five cantos, 10 to 15, the storv of Rama's, life is 
recounted Then follows an account of the successors of Rama until 
^gnivarna The last canto presents to us the coronation of his posthumous 
prince then m embryo and the \erse it> enchanting * It is said that 
his object might have been to connect some one of the dynasties of 
kings existing in his time w ith the race descended from the bun and 
others think that Kalidasa was a contemporary of Agnivarna, with 

-- — ... ... — ,., .. ... ... — . 

1 He is quoted by Han m his 8ubhasitabar2vah See Thomas, Kav li 

2 Translated by S P Pandit, Bombay , by Nandargikar, Bombay , by K M 
Joglekar, Bombay , by Loais Renous (into French), Pans See Analysts of Raghn 
Vauiia, JASB, XXI 445 Ed with eight commentaries, Bombay D T Tatacharya 
' 1st verse of Baghnvamsa ' (Paper read at 3rd Oriental Conference, Madras) 

For comparison of verses in BaghuvainS* and other poems of Kalidasa with As"va- 
ghosa's verses, see references under ASvaghosa For a histonoal appreciation of the 
kings and kingdoms mentioned in Ksghavairs'a, see Kshetresa Ohandca Chattopadh- 
yaya's Date of Kalidasa, {All On Studies, II 76 et seg) There he says that the 
poem was complete and that Agnivarna was probably Devabhumi of the Sanga dynasty 
who was slaughtered by his indignant Brahmin minister Vasudava (I a, 154) S Bay 
[Int to Sdkuntala, 28) says Kaiidasa could be contemporary of Agmmitra, the bero 
of M&lavikagmmijra 


whose death the poem, as it is, ends Either Kalidasa did not finish his 
poem or the rest of the entire puem not come down to ub 

I he following 21 Kmgo are mentioned Dillpa, Raghu, Aja, 
Dasdratha, Rama, Kusa, Afithi, Nisadha, Nala, Nabha, Punddrika, 
Ksemadhanvd, Devanlka, Ahimanvu, Panvatra, fella, Unnabha, Vajra- 
ghosa, bankhanu, Vv usi-fcasva, ViSvasaha, Htranvanabha, Kausalyd, 
Brahmuha, Putra, Turn a, Dhruvasandhi, Sudarsana, Agmvarna S P 
Pandit examines these lists, as gi\en m the Ramavana and Vayu and 
Visnu Puranas and concludes, " 1 he list of the kings as given by 
Kalidasa m his Raghuvamsa does not at all agree with that given in the 
Ramayana Imt it generally agrees w ith those which are found in the 
Vavu Parana and the Vishnu Purana Some difference of course is 
ubserved even between the list of Kalidasa and those of the Puranas 
From these lists of the kings it is clear that Kalidasa has not adopted 
the Ramayana as the basis of his Raghuvamsa It also appears pro- 
bably that the author of the Raghuvamsa and of the Vay u Purana had a 
common source to draw their materials upon which is now beyond the 
hope of recover} 1 he Ramavana gives two kings between Dihpa and 
Raghu and between Rdghu and Aja are mentioned eleven kings , while 
in the Vaju Purana between Raghu , in d Dilipa intervenes Dirghabahu 
and \ja is mentioned as the son of Raghu And this statement tallies 
well with Vishnu Purana " 

26, Kumarasambh&va, a poem a 17 cantos, describes the 
birth of Kumara, the War God 1 As antecedent history, the poem 
narrates the supplication of the Gods to Lord S&va for the creation of a 
general for the forces of the Gods, capable of destroying their enemy 
jataka, whose depredations they were then unable to bear 1 hen follow 
the birth of Parvati as the duughter of Himacala, fcnva's penance in the 
Himalayas and his marriage with Parvati With the union of Siva and 
PlrvatX, the 8th canto closes and the remaining cantos describe the 
Btoty of the brfth of Kumara and destruction of Taraka Kalidasa was 
a great votary of Valmlki and named his poem after the verse of 
kamayana > 

Balakauda, xxxvn, 32 
"the birth of the Wat God," says Griffith "was either left unfinished 

1 tea with notes and Sagltsh translation by M B Kale (Cantos 1—8) Transit 
ed into English poetry by Griffith (Oriental Tr Fund SetJ, 


or time has robbed us of the conclusion The latter is the inure pro- 
bable supposition, tradition informing u» that ibe pi era onginrtlh 
consisted of 22 cantos " 1 he language of canli «9"i 1 7 r» inferior to 
the language of cantos 1 to &, 1 and commentfttnrs hue noticed unh 
cantos 1 to 8 , it is therefore said that cantos 9 to 17 are jij' he work 
ofKalidasa There are some who sav that canto S in \ hich the 
amorous pleasures of actual union between bi\a and Par\ itl are des- 
cribed la also not the work of Kalidgsa, because it is a sacrilege and 
kahdasa would not ha\e been gutltj of it These objections are 
answered bv Narajana Pandita m his commentary Ynarana * 

1 E. V Knshnamaeaiya (Sah ix 151) oolleots detects of language and expression 
in oantos U'to 17 and generallv says 

Sira Prasad Bhattaoharya discusses the question and says uantos 9 2J are Kali- 
dasa's only (Paper read at 1th Oriental Conftrenoo, .Allahabad) 

& f^r^wra^ sun jtRt Jufawn i di<*«i<ft*wsi f^rswcw- 
s *f gragis 1NP* *S? 


27 Ihere are commentaries * on Raghuvamsa by Narayana * bv 

jwhi^w f^K'Wifi-tT^rsfcr f?r eft *ww^ I ??T^r aK«i>HA<.fl*^MJre 

sfct i ?Nr arfS[ wTw^uft* ^i+i^i^Ri tfwii?RTr% w% mt 
srfewn^ I flrf^rr ft si% awr — itrt , 55^ i ?raifcn!r I enr fsRi 

>"fM=!>i<tfj— ' ^«rofd> sfa mat dsnra" # ' i?pRsrr, ' $$)<#%■ 

1 See S P Pandit's Int to Bagh , 9 et seq Nandargikar's Int to Bagh t 
8ivada{ja's 2<ii to Natshadha and Durgaprasad'B Int to Height 

3. DO, 3X. 7720 , TO, II 2693 , Oy, 2651. H« was a disoiple of Krjna and 
lived is Malabar. 


Sumativija}a,* l>\ Udayakara, 9 In Hemadn, 8 bv Vallabha, 4 In Ilanda*?,* 
b\ Caritra\ardhana, s bj MaHinatha,* bv Dmakara, 8 bi \ijavagam,* 
b\ Dharmameru, 10 three anom mous," b\ Bharafisara, 10 b> Bnha&pati- 
fflifea, M b Kysnapatisarma, 14 Gunavyajagam," Goplnatha Kauraja," 
Janardana,** Mahesvara, 18 Nagnadhara, 19 Bhagiratha, 09 Bha\ades t- 
misra,** Ramabhadra," KrMiabhaUa,* 8 Tndivakara, 9 * Io-.taka 96 
Snnatba," Arupagmtiatha, ST Ratnacandra, as Bhagi aham«a,* jnanen- 

1 PR, IV 28, 84, Deo Ool No 46, Kaah Gat 72 Ha was a native of \ drama 
para (Bikaneer *) and composed his work between A D 1635 48 He quotes Vallabha 
and Krsnabbatta The manuscript contains all the 19 Cantos S P Pandit's I c 11, 
Nandargikar 1 o 34 

2 PR, IV 23,84 

8 PR, III 895 , B, II 100 , TO, IV 5574 He refers to commentators 
VibJarakSca, Dak§mavarta, Krsna and Vallabha S P Pandit I c 10, Nandargikar 
o 12 

4 PR, I 118, IV 23,84 S P Pandit I a 10, Nandargikar, J e 10 ana 
Dargaprasad 1 \U to Saj\u 5 He is quoted by Hemadri, Canttavardhana .Malluaajha 
and Sumativijaya 

5 PR, IV 29 He was son of VisnadSsa 

6 PS, II, 189 m 210, IV App 210 xxvui Rash Oat 72 Ha was a Jam 
and wrote at the request of SSdhn Aradakvamalla of Snmata race He mentions 
oommsntaries by Bhoja Vallabha, Yistarakara, DaksmSvarta and Kr§nabhafcta 

7 Ed Bombay, Madras and elsewhere 

8 B, II 100 He was son of DharmaDgada and Kamala He wrote his 
commentary in Samvat 1441 (=1885 A,D,) He was probibly a contemporary of 
Mallinatha and copied 0h2nfravardhana He refers to a commentator PrsbhSiara 
For S P Pandit's remarks see I e 17 

9 Deo Ool No 44 He was pupil of RSmavijaya of Tapagaocba The manus- 
cript is a fragment and breaks off in 10th Canto 

10 PO, I 487 See S P Pandit, I c 26 

11 !Ehe author of one was pupil of VijaySnandasun See NP, VH 44 , Radh, 28, 
Op 297S 

12 TO, 561, VII 1416,1430 He was son of Gaurangamalhka of Amhajta 
Vaidya Hanharkhan family and lived m the 18th century He has commented on 
other MahSkavyas also (See CO, II 418) 

18 10,681, 997, VH 1420 


Ultra Rap VII, L 2404 


L 8060 16 L 1184 


B, 11 100 18 Op 6166,rC,I\ 5648 


JTW 630 20 L 1421 


L 2874 


Ultra Rep VH, L 2505 He was Nyayalaflkara 


Rgb 895 24 Rgb 396 


Kash Oat, 11 36 Ov, 1806 


BO, 811 , Bd Trichur 28 Bd 446 


Bd, 447 

118 MAH5.-K5.VYA 

dra, 1 Bhoja, 3 Bhara^amalllka, 11 Jibanaada Vid\ asagara,* SaniudrasSn, 6 a 
pupil of Yijavananda, 8 J?aksin5vartana$ha, T bamavasundara, 8 Kanaklal 

28 There are commentaries on Kumara-Sambhava by Kysnapati 
^arma," Kpsiamitracaxya, 11 Gopalananda, 19 Govmdarama, 18 Cantra\ar- 
dhana," Jiaabhadrasun, 13 Narahan," Pmbhakara, 17 Bihaspa^i, 18 Bharata- 
sena," BalMnamiSra, 20 "\Iunimatiratna, !tt Malknatha, 88 Ragnupati,* 8 
Vatsa or \\isa Vafa,** Anandadeva^nuallabha, 85 Vnllabhadeva,* 8 
Vindhyesvarlprasdda, 97 Hancaranad5=sa, S8 Na\ anitaramamisra, 89 Bhara$a- 
malUka, 80 Ja>abimha, 8 * LakMnivallaohd, 8 ' DakMnavartanatna, 83 Vuha- 
madha\a, 3 * Nandagopfila, 88 SItdr3ma, 80 Narnjana, 8 ' Handasa, 88 Aruna- 
gInnathu, aB Gupalada^a,*' rarka\acaspati,** Sarasvatltirtha,*" Rama 
Porasavvi, 48 (lbananda Vid) asagara, 44 Kumarasend** and t\\ o anon} mou« * e 

1 BO, 410 2 S P Pandit, Int to Bagli 26 

3 10, 651 4 Ed Oalontte 5 Lah 4 

C Deo Col So 65 Ha quotes Yallabha, Daksm5varta, Krsnabh.atta and 
CSnjjiavardbaua. S P Pandit says he was a contemporary of Dinakara 

7 The manuscript is in Madras library He is quoted by Arunagirmajha and 
h.9 quotes KesAvaswdinin's N5n2r{h2rnavasamksepa composed m the 12th century, He 
was a native of the Cbola country, (See Int to Meghasande**, Tr S Senas Ho 64) 

8 KasJi Cat 71 9 Ed Benares 

10 L 2408, Mtlra Rep VII This comraontary refers to earlier volnminons 
commentaries by J%'addhari and Prv3k»i. a now unknown 

11 OtidJi XG 13 TO, 332, AS, 47 

IS L, 7ol 14 Kh 05 , Ed Bombay , Benares 

15 Lah 1,Btjb 337 16 B 150, De, 171 

17 B 3 18 10, 238. 1073 

19 10, S2«! 20 Oudh XIX 42 

21 PB, XI Si 22 Ed everywhere. 

23 L 1964, ou 8 cantos 24 B 3, 78 , Br, 17 

25 Owdfi, XIV 38 , PB, I 114 26 PB, 1 114 , NW, 614 

t7 NW 620 He was the pupil of Kisna He refers to another commentary 
ivfi Dajsa which he proposes to follow ' 

28 PB.I114 29 AS. 47 

80 AS, 47 He is older than §aka 1650, the date of a manuscript of his oommen 
tary on Ghatakarpara {Ultra IS No. 4172) , see J ABB, (1917) 9 

81 TG, IV 4715, 4718 33 Sah XIX 106 
33 TO, HI 3863 

84 10, II 2592 , Kup Rep C1916 19) 85 10, 228 

36 L.8289 Ed Bombay (Cantos 87 DO, XX 7720 2, TO, IV 6014, 

817 ) 5543 Ed Tnvandrnra 

38 AS., 476 (1-8) 39 m Tmandrum. 

40 PB, IV 26 41 Ed Oaloutta 

42 Sa>h Oat 67, 43 Ooomn State Library, no 

44 Ed Calcutta « B Or Bl, Oat, 46 {3 cantos) 

46 Ibid 14-15 (7 and 8 cantos). t«u«»; 

MAHl-KlYYA 119 

R Knshnainacharra's Raghuvamsa-vimaria and Kumarasambh-ua- 
Umars'a are running critiques on these puenia commenting on their 
innate excellences 1 Raghu«anksepa gnes a succinct account of Raghu- 
vamfia * Kumarauja) a 8 of Bha-kara^aj\an, s.m of ISAaraiuna, of 
Yatsagntra and Kumlrodnj a* by korada Ramachandra relate the same 
ston Kumdrasarabh-ua of Taraiekharasfln is n Tint work* 

29 The commentators — Y vliahtta w ts the son of Ananda- 
de\a and was a follower nf Kashmir s-uusm ' He criticises Hema- 
candra's opinion expressed in his Sanskrit grammar and is attacked in 
Ganaratnamnhodadhi completed m 1141 AT) Hemacandra lned 
mjayasimha's reign (1094-1141 AD ) T K B Pathak therefore sajs 
that Vallabha must ha\e finished his commentan on Kumara- 
sambhava about 1120 or a few jears before 1141 AD* S P Pandit 
sajs he must ha\e lived long before Dmakara, that is, 13S3 AD* 
Durgaprasad identified him with Yallabhade\a, grandfather of Km^ata, 
who wrote in 977-8 A.D M and Hultzch 11 and Peterson 1 * agree with him, 
and the latter sa>s that the verses quoted in SubhiiMta\ali and 
Sarngadharapaddhati under Yallabhadeva must ha\e been by the com- 
mentator Vallabhadeva 1 hese \erses show excellent poetry 1 * 

Kayjata was the son of Candradi$\a and wrote a commentary on 
Anandavardhana's Devliataka m 977 AD He Is different from 
Kayyata, son Jayyata, author of Bhasj apradrpa 

1 Eel Madias 

3 8 P Pandit's Int to Bagh, 15 17 

3 TO, IV 6818 (f) Ha is the author o£ AkhilandanayakliJandaka (TO, TV J81fl) 

4 Ed Masulipatam 
6 Ed Bombay 

6 For a diBtmotion of this author from the antholigist Vallabha, see S K Be, 
JRAS, (1927), 471-7, (1926), 408 and D Bhattacaiyi, JRAS, (1923), 135 

7 See for bis hie, later m this Chapter 

8 Int to Uegka 

9 Int to Ragto. 10 

10. Int to Vakrdkt*-pancRtiJca 

11 Int toMegJta 

12 Int toSnbh 

•^rPT =? >$m*fft f^ 9TT *$*<{*!£& II 
qt*R51^RPWtr ^T wn^Mw I 

<rafir stf°rt %ci% ENftdflH trrftan^r It 
qifllHsH^M t^rt *fw% 'ftf&wsft *& I 



30 H^jiadri, known as Makkibhatta was the son of IsvarasQri 
He mentions Mahrati si nom m& of Sansknt v ords and he might therefore 
ha\e been a Mahratta brahmin He came after Vallabha Vamana- 
c5na in his introduction to Kauaprakasa sais that he must ha\e been 
a resident of Gajengraghad m Dharwar Distnct His commentaries 
are replete \uth innumerable quotations He was counsellor of 
Mahade^a and Rainaraja, the \ada\a kings of De\agiri who ruled from 
1271 to 1009 AD Bopade\-t was his protege a 

31 AlAXUXArH\,*Telugu Brahmin, of Kas\apagotra ofKolacala- 
famih, was the grandson of Malhnatha and &on of Kapardm Peddi 
bhatta or Pedda} an a and Kumara&wamin were his sons* The latter 
v as the commentator on Prataparudrfi a Malhnrf ha had Kanakabhi- 
<5eka (bath m guld and pearls) at the hands of Sarvajna Smgabhupala, 
evidenth of Recharla fanulv, on the occa&ion of sodasa sacnfice which 
he performed with the help of his four brothers, four sons, four sons- 
in-law and four relatn es * He \i as incited by Devaraja (1 <>) of Vrjaya- 
nagar to settle some conte-ts about the terms vaitya and vyapari in 
connection with a stone inscription found at Conjeevaram Ihe 
manuscript containing his judgment is found in the G O Library, 
M)>-ore This gne» him a date of 1400-14 A D Mallmrtba quotes from 
SahitvnumJmiani, a work ot Koma'i-'N ema of 1409 A D 

K B Pathak sa) a " Malhoalha frequently quotes the Sangi^aratna- 
karaawork composed m the time of Yadava king Smghana who 
reigned from baka 1133-1150 In his commentary on the Kumara- 
sambha\a (II s 1,) Mallmatha mentions Bopadeva, the author of the 
Mugdhabodha, who was contemporan with the Yadava king Maha- 
deva and his successor Ramachandra The last mentioned long 
reigned from AD 1271 to 1309 Another work quoted m Malhnatha's 

1 Sea S P Pandit's Int to Baghu 2, 13 , BSD, 117, 120, JBAB, V. ; 

2 See Section T, Ch I tufra 
9 Mallinajha father of Narahan alias SarasvaJiJIrtha, who commented on 

ktvyapraiaia, is a different person and is not known to be an author Narahan says 
be was born in 1242 A D For particulars, see Chapter on Poetics under Mammata , 
see VimanScarya's Int to Kavyaprakala, 27 9 

i NSrSyana in his commentary on CftmpnramSyarjta {DC, XXI 8212) gives 
the genealogy Jcbording to h m Kumaraswaml was the son of Peddnbhatta and 
Peddnbhatta and AlillmSiaa were brothers Here the genealogy differs from that given 
above by Kumaraswamm himself which must be more authentio NarSyaaa traces his 
genealogy thus, Kuro5raswamin, Simbbu, Bhaekara, Nagelvera Kondubhatta 
JTSgtivara, Narayana 

5 So says KnmtraawSmin in his commentary on Prajaparudrfya; 


LOinmentan en the Meghadflta i& the 1 ka\du >if Vid\tdh.tra who 
frequently speaks of king VIranarasimha as hauny hummed the pride 
of Hammira who w as contemporary v ith Smghana x Ivintr VIranara- 
simha reigned up to 1314 A D a Malhnatha ha» aNo \ mien a 
commentar} on the Ek&ali His son Kumarastanun has vrmtn a 
commentary on the Prataparudrn a, a treatise on Alankar Jae last 
named work frequently mentions the Kakatna king rrataparadra v>hr> 
m\aded the kingdom of the Yadava king Ramichandra and reigned 
from A D 1295 to 1323 * The second \erse m Malhnatha's introduc- 
tion to his commentaries on the Raghm anisa, Meghaduta and Kuinara- 
sambhava is quoted in an inscription dated in Saka 1433 or \ D 1533 * 
Jrom these facts it is clear that Malhnatha must ha\e flourished in the 
latter half of the fourteenth century ' 8 

Malhnatha commented on the sis mahakSvyas, on Lkawli of 
Vidjadhara and on Tarkikaraksa of Varadaraja and is said to b^e 
wntten 6 the poems Udarakavya* and Raghmlracanta* \\owedh his 
learning was varied and his commentaries are held e\ en where in the 
highest esteem 

32 Kunteavaradautya" is a poem apparently describing an 
embassy to the court of Kun^ala, It is expressh ascribed bj Kfcemeu- 
$ra to Kalidasa Kalidaba was himself the ambassador The King of 
Kuntala f eceived him w ith the honour due to the representative of 
King Vikramaditya and once by chance when K3hdasa squatted on 
the floor and the King of Kuntala appeared net to relish it, Kalidasa 
humorously answered that on the floor stood the Great Meru and there 

1 BED, 83 

a 14, XXI, ltd 

3 KG Bhandarkar's Int. to Bkavali 

4 U, V (19) 

6 Int to Mtghz, 

6. Eta works of MalHnStha, see CO, 1 134 

7 B, II 72 Ud&rakavya was probably mistaken ft* tMaracaghavft <rf 
Kavimallamalla who was a different poet, 

8 A poem of this name is printed in Tiavanoore (TV Sons Sews No fi7). 

It is In 17 oantos and has good poetry but Is afionynious as it is Bo is the 
Manuscript TC, III 8953 The poem begins with She enirjTdt ESmi into Daadaka 
and relates the whole story of B&m&y&na. Clan, It be MalHoStha's » 

In the Travanoore State Library, there is a Baghuviraoarita by Bfaatta SukumSn 
(Gat,\B6) which is a atama 

9 Bangaswanu SarasyaU says it must hare been a drama (JMy, XV 274) 

122 M\HA-KA"VYA 

ro&led the ^*e\ en Ocean-. * On returning from the errand, Vikrama- 
dat\a asked him what the King <. if Kant ala was dumg and Kahdasa 
g.i\e a fcitilioub answer in indirect praise of his King and parod) of 
King of Ktmtala a 

Kpua in his Bharatacanta ascribes Setubandha to a King of 

In the introduction to Haif>H.canti, Bana thus> praibeb Selubandha 
^ vR&m war &|<M*«t< ! >l I 
wm <rc Tit *mw ept II 

1 So says K§emen<jca 


f«Wf||'ll^(^t(itf**jR , t(| , a|4lW 
S This passage is in Bhoja's SrngSrapral.aSi, VIt£. 

afr ftfolt g qrc °Fa^ffw «ftsr II 

This veree is also quoted in RSjaiekara's Kavyamlmamsa and Bheja's Sarasvatt 


It ib therefore a safe inference that Pra\ ira-en i mentioned i* 
ihe .mlhur of sefubandha was a king of Kurf da 1 lhe ascnptmn 
of it* authorship to Kiilidasa h\ lhe commentator andihe *'rong tradi- 
tion m support of it, when considered wiih the cmba-»i cf Kahdasa 
tu the Court of Kuntala (as described in Kuntes\ara-daut\a' can\ 
suggest that either the poem written bv Kahdasa at \ ikrun,adit\ d'» 
direction was dedicated later to Pravarasena, or a poen. written in 
Pravarasena was reused b\ Kahdasa and this created a talk that 
Kahdasa was realh the author of it 

Who was the King of Kuntala ~ J Pravaraena was considered bj 
man} scholars as a king of Kashmir, who composed the poem in 
commemoration of the construction of a bridge on the Yitasfca * 1 his 
has now come to be doubted, as m some old manuscripts recentlr 
acquired for the Oriental Manuscripts Libran, Madras, the colophon 
ascribes the authorship to the Vakataka king Pra\arasena, of Kuntala* 
lhe Kuntala Kingdom was conquered bv Pjthvisena I, and this 
Pra\arasena, it is said, must be Pravarasena II, who came to the throne 
about the j ear 400 A D * 

Speaking of the Chamak plates of Pravarasena, 8 Heet said "Thei 
date of the Vakataka inscriptions is determined by the marriage of 
Hudrasena II with Prabhavaligupta, the daughter of the paramount 
sovereign Devagupta, who, it can hardly be doubted, was Devagupta of 
llagadha, the son of Adityasena mentioned in the Dev Baranark Jus 
(Noi 46, p. 213, Gupta Ins) and belonging to the period of about 
AiD 680 to 700 From another set of copper plates, it is seen that 
Rudrasena married Prabhavatigupta, a daughter of Candragupta II 

1 So says the commentary of RSmarSja on Sojubftndha ' 

ts^TcTT CRT. WSFR cf^f^ - %&mt II Bagu, HI SU 

8 KuBjata is the country between tie rivers Bhima and VedaV&li, bounded on 
the west by the Ghats including Shimoga, Ohitaldoorg, BelUry, JMiarwar, Bijaptir, and 
adjacent parts to the north in Bombay and Nizam's dominions Mywre Qaxette, I 289 

Kuntala was the empire of tha K&damba&j and adjoined the territory of the 
Vakatakas ffl, Kill 299 The Kuntala kingdom was conquered bj the VSkStaka 
kuigPnthivlBenal BessO J DnbreniTs Awnemt Stskry of Ducan, 72-74 See 
also Buhler, ?A, XVM Si. 

1 JMy.XY 272 

6 Int. to Gupta . Inaoriplaons 

126 MAH5.-KS.VYA 

As\aghosa accompanied Kanaka to Kasniir and was treated tn hun 
with great veneration and in Kanaka's Council, he took a leading part 

As a contemporary of King Kamska, As\ aghosa may have flounsh- 
ed at the latest, m the 1st centur} \D' His biography was translated 
into Chinese under the d^nastj of Yao-tvune (384-417 AD) by 
Kumaras^ a 9 ITsmg mentiuns him as an old teacher and places hua 
before Xagarjuna and \rjade\a He praises his poems and collects 
his h)mns, which were used in the Buddhist ritual* 

34 His BuDDHACUvnA is a Mahakavsa, with 17 cantos now 
extant,* celebrating the histoi} and teachings of Buddha From the 
middle of the 14th Canto, the poem duerges widely from the Chinese 
translation," probabh because Cantos 14 to 17 were lost and had 
to he made up In poet Amrtanaada, about the 3 ear 1800 * IIis 

748 , Beal'e Si-yv Jci I 151 , U«, M to Tiscshika Philosophy , DaB Gupta's History 
0/ Indian Philomty (Calamti). 

1 On ki aghosa being contemporary of Kamska, pee Journal of Buddhist 
Tent Society, III 18 , Schiefoer's Taranath, Oh XII , Watters, I 200 , H 104 , 
Baron Stool Eolstain, Was thire a Kushana race f {JRAS, (1914), 80] Levi, Notes 
SurUs Iado Scythes, 86 , B D Baneqi, The Scythian period of Indian History 
[IA (1903) a5 75], Hoerale, IA, X, 324 , V Smith [EH, 355 270] thinks that 
78 AD macks either the accession or ooronafcion o£ Kam§ka Fleet (JRAS, 1903, 
1905, 1906, 1913) says that Kamska founded the era of 55 B Tradition places 
Kamska, 700 years after Buddha [IA, XXXII 332) See for date of Kaniska, IA, 
XIII, 182, and XLVI, 261 Kalhana places Kaniska 150 years after the NirySna (Raj 
I 168-172) Htaen Tsang (I 131) placed Kamshka 960 years after Buddha, and Max 
Hulks [India 306) 400 years aftec Buddha Aooording to Narnandan Prasad [Mod 
Rev (1920), 889] andtoFouoher IL'Art greoo-bouddhigue, I 623], Asvaghosa lived 
111 2nd oentary AD So also says Marshall, Direotor General of Archaeology on the 
evidence of stratification of the remains of Taxila Bhandatkar gives date 278 A D 
The name of Kamska is discussed in IA, XLH, 58 

2. IA, IV 141 , Max Mailer's India 312 , Nanjio, V, 1329 
8 IA, (1888), 425 Hlaen Tsang also refers to him (Julian's Translation, II, 

4 Ed by Cowell (Clarendon Press, Oxford). Tr Into Italian by Formiobi, 
Bee JBA3, (1914), 105 and ZDMQ, XLVI, 517-19 for reviews I Tsing says that 
the poem was of considerable length about 3000 Slokas [Takakusu , Rec of Buddhist 
Religion, (Mi, 181, 153)] For oKtioal notes, by J S Spayer, see JRaS, (1914), 10S 
There is a commentary on the 8th canto by Jagaanath Prasad. 

5 The poem was translated by Sanghavarman into Ohinese in 414 421 AD and 
into Tibetan in the 7th or 8th oontnry A D and into English (SBS, No 49) The 
Ohinese translation has 23 ohapters 

6 The Cambridge Ms says so yStfl'j^rflicyoSfr ■qjpspft ^ j3tf%( 
AmrJSnanda is mentioned as a poet and author between years 1796 and 1880 Set 
Mitra's Nepalese Buddhist Literature In the colophon Aivsghosa is called Bhadaa$ 

XAHXr-K&VYA. 12? 

ioiNDiRANAVDA* is an exquisite poem of 18 cantos It describes the 

ton of the conversion of King Nanda of the Iksvaku race and his re- 

lemplion from the ocean of worldly pleabures m which he v\ as immersed 

n the company of his consort Sundarl Asvaghosa avovs that this 

loem was intended to teach philosophv by the detectable means of 

illurmg poetn " The Soundarananda has been somewhat neglected 

iy students of Buddhism in the past, surpnsmgl} perhaps, because apart 

rom its interest as an example of early Buddhist poetrj, it is," as 

Mr Johnston tells us in his preface, " The earliest work presenting 

to us a logical and (arefull} thought out description of the 

path to Enlightenment It enables us to see the force and 

bearing of technical terms and arguments, wbi<h are enunciated m 

earlier Buddhist literature in a manner liable to cause misconception 

further, as Asvaghosa is qenerall) agreed to have flourished early in 

the second centurv AD , the indications he gives i>f developments in 

doctrine deserve consideration" 

35 These two poems supplement each other on the life of Buddha 
Aivighosa's plays will be referred to in, the chapter on Sanskrit Drama 
If " to the ordinary critic the fame of Kahdasa rests on the charm of 
his similes, Asvaghosa certainly excels him 9 His vocabulary is very 
ancient and several of his words have now become obsolete in their 

1 Ed by HataprnsiKl Saufcn TiiU Tnrl (Calcutta), where the introduction gives 
summary of the poem Ea by E H Johnson (Oxford) with critical notes and readings. 

2 For verSBs containing parallel ideas, sea S. P Pandit and NWjdargifcar'fi 
Introductions to RaghuvamSa, Haraprasad Sasfcn's Int to Sstvodaraoanda, np.eit iyvi 
and Kshetresa Chandra Chattopadhy&ya's Date of Kaiviasa {AU Vn Slitiiet, II. 
79). For instance, compare the following 


df^^lto tlftN^ II **% I ^W ^^ **&"«k H 

Sounda.iv 7 Bagiu vu 14 

tot 31 . *&m wfl* SRTT *& #WRI 51%- 

Buddha, xiii. 73 2«™> **• 87. 


128 MAHA.-K5.VYA 

peculiar meamr^ * His philosophj was of a high order He belonged 
to a school, probablj of \ogacara, which preceded the Mahaiana 
school with its theorj of Sumata propounded b> Xagarjuna two 
generations later' ' "As\agho>-ha," savs Cow ell, " seems to be entitled 
to the name of the Ennuis of the classical age of Sanskrit poetrj His 
style is often rough and obscure, but it is full of native strength of 
beauty, his descriptions are not too much laboured, nor are ther 
purptaei paniu , they spring from the narrative growing from it as 
natural blossoms, not as external appendages " 

On the identity of Aswghosa with Arya-Sura and Matrceta, 
scholars are not agreed 3 These names appear on their reading 
genuineh distinct proper names and not titles and ma> designate 
different individuals * It seems therefore not easy to assign to Ai\a- 
gho^a all works, in t>ansknl, Chinese or Tibetan, going under any of 
these names 


ffl llw ww fer« *ra? II ^i^?^ra#rr ?w II 

Buddha l 32 Bagh m 15 

SrSjft e^T Iff mm- ^#PRT S^i^RcT 5 ^H+l-clrtr stf 

^Rrarawsftfc ^i% 1 «fi^«Nw^qft ^ 53fr ^^ l ilw I 

Sffitsfa 3foFcnS#S% #&•- Megha Ii 48 

$+M4 ^ P^ ?I^T^ II 

Buddha xi 43 

The extreme similarity o£ the ideas and diction has given rise to a controversy 
as to the relative priority of ESlidSsa and Aivaghosa 

1 For msfcante fSp^RT metals dwelling , TF$, oart , and srtf^ custom 

2 It is pouted out in JBdS (1914) 747 by VidhuSekhara Bhattaoharya that 
though Asyaghosa preceded Nagaqona, he still refers to the theory of Sunyata in the 

3 See Album Kern (Leiden) 405-8 , Id, (1903), 845-60 

4 Other works direotly attributed to AsVaghosa are Gamdi Stotra {Bib Buddhiea, 
No XV St Peterburg, [(1913) , JBAS, (19U), 752] , Vajrd*<ia% (Weber, op at 
205-64) Tbtese are in Sansknt Datadvttakarmamarga Sutra, MahayttKatrudclhot 
1 ttdata fa (Translated by Suzoki, Ohikago) and SvtralMihara (asp a (Translated into 
French by Huber, Paris) These are m Chinese Bee Nanjo's Catalogue of the 
Buddhist Tnpifaia (Oxforc.) For a full list of the worfis in thetnatkies oM&{rioe£ 
and Aryasnra, see Thomas Int to Kav (Bibl Ind Calcutta SiS 2«3> '" 


36 " Buddhaghosa was a Brahman bora in J aalon* He was. 
an mmate of the Kelaaa monasters-, and in A D, 3S7 he \\a« deputed to 
Ce\lon bj King Ihim G-\aung (Dhainmapala) in order to bring awa> 
a cop\ of the Buddhist Scnptures At Bassein, he tuok ship for 
Tamalitti, the Indian port, and first w ent to Gava b\ the Gangetic 
route, to obtain drawings of the principal sacred sites He returned 
by the same route and proceeded to Ceylon where he stayed for three 
\ears He composed the Visuddtmagga while at \nuradhapura, and 
on his return to Thaton, brought a complete cop\ of the Pitakas -with 
their commentaries as w ell as other w orks in the Telaing characters "* 
This is the account gi\en by James Gray in the Buddhaghosuppa^t, 
but an earher date is not impossible 1 he name of Buddhaghosa is 
held in high reverence In the bouthern Buddhists and he w as the pro- 
pounder of Buddisism as current in the south 

His PADYACUDAiiiNl, a poem in 10 cantos, discnbes the birth, 
marriage and other incidents in the life of Buddha The story differs 
m some details from the narrative m the Lahtavistara and Buddha- 
canta The plot of the poem hat. thus been summarised by Prof. 

S Kuppuswamy Sastn 

" There ruled at Kapila, a king named Suddhodana of the Saki a 
rate, with his queen Majadevi As he had no issue, he performed 
penance Meanwhile the Lord of the Tusita world resolved at the 
instance of the Devas to incarnate m this world for enlightening it and 
entered the womb of Mayadevi The birth of the son Siddhartha was 
attended with supernatural phenomena After the due performance of 
the natal ceremonies, arrangements were made for bis bovish sports, 
and for his education. In due lime as he grew, he was installed as the 
heir-apparent, and his marriage was thought of He was formall} 
married to the daughter of the king of the Kolija country Then the 

1 On Buddhaghosa, see B Law, Ltfe and work of Budghag'hcta (Oalenfcta) , 
FoulkeB, 14, SIX 105 l'J2 and S Kuppuswamy Sastn, Introdjctaon to raSiyaeuia- 
mam Ta&akusu, Paramartha's Life of Vasubandhtt [JB4S, f»905j] says that 
SamantapSsSdiia of Buddhaghosa was translated into Chinese Jiy.Saijgbabhidra in 488 
AD For .2Esopio fable in Buddhaghosa, sea Li, I 380 For date and legends, see 
24, XIX 106 

3 T Foulkas (loo ott ) gives a summary of the dates assigned to Buddhaghosa 
and " it is stated that living in the extreme usprojbabje date thoy extend from 386 
to 557 AX> and group themselves about the refgn,0f Wog Mahaaama of Ceylon." 
S Kuppuswamy Sastri says that the oonsensus of opinion is in favour of assigning the 
poet to the latter part of the fifth oentory A D Benavaratne {CeyJon Xni%g.wtry and 
Literary Begister, 1 Pi 5) Bays Bn^tffcag&osa visited Oeykm in 483 A D 

130 -tfAHA.-KA.VYA 

prince with his wife returned to his own ut\ amidst great rejoicings 
lhe king tonk particular care to make ample provision for his son's 
eniojmenu in the ■various seasons, of the vear Dunng the autumn the 
prince practised the use of martial w eapons and mastered it in. seven 
dd)s One day in the spring season when he started for the pleasure 
garden, he saw on the roval mad, as arranged by the Devas, visions 
of an old man, an afflicted person and a corpse lie was greatly im- 
pressed with the sight and questioned the attendants of the chariot 
On learning from the charioteer the nature of the ills to which the 
human bod} is liable, he desired to return home On his wa\ badk, 
he perceived some ascetics, who were reported to have found the 
means of deliverance from the ills of human existence lie again 
started for the pleasure garden where he spent the da> very agreeably 
in -various pastimes He returned home, where formal rejoicings were 
conducted buddenlv he look his resolve to renounce his rojal home, 
travelled 30 \ojanas crossed the mer Anavama, dismissed his attend- 
ants and put on the ascetic robe He practised se\ere austerities and 
lived l>> begging his food in the Bimbasara city 1< ailing to attain 
salvation he thought over the means of securing it Dunng the night 
he had iive dreams and in the mornmg after making out the significance 
of these dreams he decided on the means of attaining Kirvana bitting 
under a banyan tree, he received Pavasa from a woman, proceeded to 
the Nairanjara river and ale the food After spending Ihe day in the 
dense *>ala forsl, he went to the Bodhi tree in the evening and sealed 
himself there on a miraculously provided seat Ihe devas eulogised 
Buddha, and Manmatha, learning the news, resolved to conquer him. 
Manmalha's army first delivered the attack but failed to make any 
advance Manmatha then made a personal attack which was repulsed 
As a last resort he sent his women, who performed dexterous, dances 
Ijefore Buddha and tried their utmost to captivate and overpower hinn 
lnndmg their efforts wholly futile, they ran away Ihus came to be 
firmly established the supreme sovereignty of the great Siddhartha 
over the empire of salvation " 

Being a Mahakavya, the poet adheres to the canons of poetics in 
describing the various phenomena of nature, such as courses of sun 
and moon, the seasons, cities, oceans etc. He appears to have studied 
the works of Kakdasa and AsVaghopa and become so familiar with 
them that his own verses so closelv resemble theirs that without fear bf 
detection the} could be interpolated in Kumarasambhava or Buddha. 
tan$a Buddhagosa is resourceful in finding series of similes and fancies 


in description, where the idea ia often continuous from \erse to \erie In 
describing the moon, for instance, in the eighth canto all the 22 \er«-es> 
depict the internment of the moon under the sen, the ascent 
and descent in the hon/on and disappearance in the dark fortnight, as 
■m e\olution of a child from Inrth to end I he whole poem reads. as 
a garden of poetic blossoms, where to cull one for show ia well nigh 
impossible * 

37 Mentha belter known as Bhartr Mentha" has been held \>\ 
rhetonciana ia high ealeem probabh higher than Kdhdasu The 
word Mentha means elephant-dn\ er and there is a reference to that 

1 Bead the tollowiag — 

gSTRRT^R" W!\W^ iwiMtWW *W'sWH I 

finoJ^^i^'r wiMspfgtg foggai^r II u 15 
flR5racFfeFF^F^ ! wn^wr^ II a 3 

sptf^i^tf«i<£i*KPd«'<iiif ; u $#rara£Hr II m 6i 

sfffR^N^^T^^/N^taWfw^f II iv 28 

gif l^RtR^ag^ AFFw^rfa w w II w is. 

fsfa u wii' ^ t*KM*|«fogdJ wf% '"t&Wl^' II y 11 

2 la Aufceoht's Ma the name isM$ett m B&artrmwuiia (Peterson, Subh, 98J 


sense m a \er*e of Raja£ekhara qnnted bv J.ilhana in his-buktunukta- 
vali* Ihe anthologies quote ihe same ^6r&e under name Mentha or 
Hastipaka and some of the extant \er»es gi\e an exquisite description 
of wild elephants just caught m pit* * This confirms a doubt if Mentha 
was really engaged m that pursuit Kalhana mentions him as attached 
to the court of Mafcrgupta of Ka-mir * If Matrgupta's date is taken as 
430 AD , Mentha mustha\e lned about that date The well-known 
\erse hmpaftva tamongum which occurs mthe Mitchakahka, in Avima- 
raka, in Balacanfn, and m KSvj 5darsa is found quoted in Sarngadhara- 
paddhati as the joint composition of Vikramadifrt a and Mentha and 
this increases the cloud surrounding the authorship of that verse, 
bat it may t>ugges>t that Mentha was connected with the court of a Kong 
Vikramaditva Mankha in his brikanthacanta mentions him with 
Subandhu, Bharavi and Bana Rajasekhara calls him an incarnation of 
Valmlki, and Bha\abhuti and himself as his later incarnations* This 

rfitMMd Wfafo ^rfef 3F*PT V5 *s- 
^cf ^C $m §51% ■srfo*<f£«MKI*«l II 

3 ^jfiiMW Wy^il *V*W»W^ I 

siRmrfif frat -niH^i^wil^iici 3T ^ II 
aw mft§ flfcrc; $$& ircgcr ^^ricj; I 
55i^nfM B T#nn cP?«r ^mraq-fl; ll 

«^"5 s^ft <F5rf> fi^sfrw; II &tf in 360 a 

See Max Mailer's Ind%j, 314 note 

cTcT JPT$ gfa M$ U MH I 

sr ms wffi <\^< II 

MAHA-KA.VYA 13.°, 

lends support to the tradition that Mentha \er»e a long poem Rlmacanfa 
m 100 cantos and it is belle\ed a cojn of it i» still a\ ulable at Benare« 

His poem 1 Ha\\ uadh\ is lost The first \erte of it is 
quoted b> Rdjasekhara m his KSva amlmlmsa cind K-emendra m his 
Smrttatilaia, 2 and another 1>> Ragha\d m his ci-mmentan of 
b'akuntald 8 Many verses are extracted In Bhoja and in .he antholo- 
gies as Mentha's or Hastipaka's and rightly merit their appreciation* 

38 Kumaradasa was a King of Ceylon" He i\ as the son of 
King Kumaramam who died on the battle field and on that day Kumara- 
dasa was bom He was bred up br his Uvo distinguished maternal 
uncles Sri Megha and Agrabodhi with paternal affection' 

1 PR, I Heinaoandra in bis ka\y§nusasana (p IS) mentions it aa a poem 
(BKB, i'i) For references, see CO, 754 Troyer thought it was a drama (JBBAS, XII) 

33*5 <wm{Qi II 
* crer *)HK^Ti u it f^rsim *w#or t I 
w 5W#t frnfJr Jtr^#lai^ II 

5 There are poets by the names Kom5ra, KnmSradatta, KnmSrabbalia and 
Rhatfet Kumara mentioned in the anthologies Are these identical ' 

6 So says he himself m the last four verses of JSnakiharana (TC, IV 4248 9) 

sftStsfrssr *&mi fey t^w^i irts^r 
ggwre ItowfoidM&toi fcntt ii 


Writers on the Indian literary histon now take it for granted that 
Kumaradasa whose name as such appears in the colophon to the poem 
is the same as king Kumara Dhatusena who ruled over Ce\ Ion accord- 
ing to Mahavamsa in. the jear after Buddha's Xirvana which corres- 
ponds, as worked out b\ European Chroniclers, to A D 51 =5-524 In the 
last four verses of canto 20 of the poem Kumaradasa gives his father's 
name as Kum.lramam and sav s th it on the dn\ his father died m the 
battle-field he was born and thenceforward he was brought up by his 
mother's brothers, Sn Megha ind Agrabodhi In the last verse there 
is also an indication that as a child he was troubled bv disease What 
the disease was we are not told , but RajaSekhara in his Kavya-Mimdmsa 
instances Kumaradasa as a poet born blind * Is it possible that the 
disease was congenital blindness '■> 

39 The Mahavamsa* thus notices the acts of this celebrated 
Pnnce — "After hib (Moggalana's) demise, his son, who was known as 
Kumara Dhatusena, (both) mighlv and godlike, became king He re- 
paired the temple which had been built bv his father, held a com ora- 
tion of (Dhamma) the Baudda Scriptures, and purified the religion 
He pleased the priesthood with the four pachchya , and, having done 
many meritorious actions, passed aw av m the ninth year Kittisena his 
son then became king " 

This account given m Mahavamsa shows that the name of the 
king was Kumara Dhatusena and not Kumara Dasa, that that king's 
father was Moggalana and not Kumaramani, that Kumara DhStusena 

gk dR*HKMwR*cifl<$ wvf$i wm I 

These four verses are found in the above manusoript but not m the other ramus 
oript But the last two lines are found in the poem as originally restored by Dharma- 
rSma as the end of the 35th oanto which ought to be 90, for there are only 20 cantos 
in the complete manuscripts now available This would show that the four verses must 
have been part of the original poem and not any suspicions later addition 

The colophon in the manuscript is fffi fft|55W PTOW ?ct STCT^I^"! 

1 GaekEd page 12, 

3 Translated by L Wijesfmha, 1889, 


was a mighty king and ruled well, that he was not incapacitated b\ am 
disease or that his father died on the batt'e field when he vas just 
born, and that there i& no mention there of his maternal uncle Sn 
3Iegha and Agrabodhi The latter names occur 40 Tears la'er m the 
list of kings m Chap er 44 of the Mah avamsa as the 76th king After 
his death after a reign of nine years his son Kittisena succeeded him l 
It will therefore be observed that the account j,iven by the poet of 
himself m the poem differs in every respect from JlahavamSa's descrip- 
tion of King Kutnara Dha^usena This name KumSra Dhatubena 
when read with his son's name Kittisena shows that the mam part of 
the name w as Dhatusena and the w ord Kumdra was prefixed to it 

Ihe identity therefore of the poet with that particular king cannot 
possibly be accepted The language of the poem which in its 
merit i& very akin to that of Kahdasa and the earliest poets, when read 
with the tradition .that Kahdasa and Kumaradaba were fhends, suggests 
the conclusion Kumaradasa must have been a far earlier poet 
than the 5th or 6th century A D , which is induced by the wrong 
identification Even in Ceylon, it is not now generally accepted that 
the author of the poem was this king of Ceylon * 

1 In the ohronologioal table Fart EC Oh xn! in WijesimWs Mahawamsa, we 
have a list of Kings and there we find, 

37 Kumara Dhatnseaa SIS 24 A D 
74 Kittisri 560 I A D 

76 Aggabodhi I 564 A D 

2, Mr S Paranartana, Assistant to Arohaelogioal Commissioner, Ceylon, writes to 
me so and was kind enough to give this following information, which is at best available 
now King Kumaradasa is mentioned in the Mohavaimisa by the epithet of Kumaraj 
DhStusena (KumSra DhStusena) Bub in Sinhalese historical works this king is 
always referred to as KnmSradSsa In the chapter dealing with the history of Ceylon in 
ihe PujZvah a Sinhalese work written about 1266 A D , it is said that Mbggallana I's 
son was KumSradasS and that he was a great scholar and a contemporary of 
KSlidSsa, the Indian post Other Sinhalese works sooh as the Nikaya Saiftgraha, 
Sadrlliarmma Bataakara, Raiaratnakara^and BSjavaZt, also mention ihe same 
The Perakumbu Bvrita, a Sinhalese poem composed in,thsIE>ih oerrtw.j attributes to 
Lug Kumaradasa the authorship of the JanaTctharama TheideBtofJoafaQti of Kumara- 
dhatasena with Kumaradasa, by Tornoui an^ p|hers, is evidently based on these 
Sinhalese authorities There is an inscription of Kttfif Kum5Wflasa at a place called 
Ksginkanda In this, the king is styled 5? aha Hnmaratasa raja, the Sinbalefie form of 
M5ha Kumaradasa rSja This imSiwrntfrin is&tt tettfj^itafehed by Muller in bis AnaUnt 
B^vptci*sofO*iMrM# i ^V'tmmmm tf'WHa Somewhat weathered he has 



40 Trad'tion makes him a contemporary of Kahdasa and the 
following s'or> is current KumarndaVa had a fair courtesan and in one 
of his usits to her he ^rote a line ^JT^ r^r"^ ^# ^ ^ %%% 
and promised a rew ard for the completion of the verse Kahdasa ■was 
then on a \isit to the rcnal court and happened to lodge m the same 
mansion and seeing the incomplete verse added ^R5 rW WF¥FI3T esfjRft- 
TOCW On learning tLis the courtesan made away with the poet and 
concealed the bodj «nd demanded the reward, but the king suspected 
that the real poet v\a«. elsewhere and made her confess the crime 
Aggrieved by the loss of his friend the king consigned himself, in des- 
pair, to the fire on the funeral file of Kahdasa * 

Perakumba Sinla thus notices both author and work — "King 
Kmnaradasa, who on the very same day celebrated a three-fold feast in 
honor of the inauguration of the queen-consort, the installation into 
office of a number of priests, and the founding of 18 temples and 
18 tanks , and who id masterlv and elegant strains composed Janaki- 
harana and other (maha ka\u) great poems offered his life for the poet 
Kahdasa " Apart from the merit of this story for the purpoes of 
chronologv, there can be no doubt that Kumaradasa was a devout 
admirer of Kahdasa and his works 

41 His Janakiharana, a poem m 20 cantos describes the 
story of Rama and the abduction of Slta by Ravana * 

published in the Epigraphs JBcylantoa at an early date I attaoh herewith a transoript 
in Nag«i of the verses dealing with Kumaradhatusena in the Mahavatrna 

lefts ftgprs$# %ft «h*^* 
m^s v^m <ra^f| *&$&$ 

Mahavctttnsa, Ch 41, verses 1 3 

1 A description of Ctylon by J, Corfimat, (1907), Ceylon, anctent and modern, 
by an officer of the Ceylon Bints mentioned in EesJiagiri Saatri's Rep II (1899), 20 , 
Nandargikar's Int to Bagh 122 This story is attributed also to Kalidasa's wife, 
Kamaia, in Bbau Daji'a Literary Remains, SI 

2 On Knm2r\dasa and his work, gee D'Alwis Des Cat of Sanskrit, Pah and 
Singhalese ilanusortpts (Ceylon) , Aufreoht, ZDMQ, XXTII, 17 and CO I 110, 
TekKon PR, IV 24 , JBRA.S, XVI 10, and Int tq 8uhh> 24 , BR, (1897), 3fy 
Laumann, 2vm4anaTt^ihtirana &>« jttmaradata IVQt, itfc 236'ftfl. S K Z& 

i\I\HA-KlV\A 137 

The poem was not available fLr a loner nni3, ,\liin Dhar^ram 
reclaimed 15 cantos from a Smcjha'ese sanru 1 (par- ilr?»e) ,,[ KZr- 
sundara and edited the poem so far Nandargikar rnd Har^pnsad 
Sastn brought out other editions, but their erii ions A<o e^'eided en]} 
to 10 and 14 cantos, respectively The 16th canto \ as edited bv 
Barnett for the London School of Oriental S'lidies recendv There 
are new manusenpts of the whole poem in tact and thev show t-\o 
recensions of the poe.n In the manuscript recentlj ootamed bv 
Mr Ramaknshna Kavi of Madras, the number of \erses in etch canto 
is far more than m the manuscript of the Oriental "Manuscripts' Library 
of Madras and m the published editions 

" The first chapter treats of the histon of Dasaralha , the second, 
of the visit of Indra, and the gods, to Vishnu in the Nagaloka, after 
they were defeated by Ravana, and v lshnu's promise to be born m the 
human world , the third is on Ritu Varnana , the fourth, on the wor- 
ship of Agni, and the birth of Rama in the \v omb of Kausah a, the 
Queen of Dasaralha — his education — his departure with Lakshmana 
on the application of Vasishtha to fight with Rakshasa, etc , the fifth 
gives a description of, and particulars connected Tvith, the jungle- 
residence of Vasishtha , the sixth treats of the departure of Rama, etc 
to Mithila, where a marnage was concluded for him , the arrival there 

Some readings of Jandkilwrana, XVI (Bull of Sah of Or Sivdtes, London, VI., 
611 2 , Kahdata %n Ceylon IJBAS, (1891) 397J , Kumaradasa [J3AS (1901) 678, 
aS3, 128] 

Ed by Dharmarama Colombo, (1891) , by BUraprasadi Sastri (GalanHft, JMWi 
Nandargikar (Bombay, 190T, 10 cantos only) For quotations of Kumarwjffsa s y«** 
ia ths anthologies, and in UjvaladaUa's commentary, see Thomas, Tit to Km 85 and 
Peterson, Int to Siibh, 26 There is a oontroverey ok the original of the versa, quoted 
by Ksbeixpndra m his AuoijyavioaraoaroS 

Wed on the last line, Lund in Pafanjvli'a Mahabhasya (T 183) Seshagirl Sasttrl 
(Sep, II 20) Bays, " The verse is not found in the present edition of Jaoakibaraua and 
the full stanzi as quoted by Kseman4ra is quite dittant from that quoted in P*4»- 
margari exoept the last lines whioh are identical 

SPRT M[ck«d^tct f^T^RR" HlgsWlf ^itcll^ I 

On this question, sea BR, 1888 84, 58 sad /ffitJiS, XVI 170 199 , Vindargikar, 
lot to Rttgh, 196 It seams as if the tost »»»*» taken from Pajanjali and the rest 
of the verse was made np by way of scmaijfa paro*t 
1 Oat of iOatoetftt atasWrti Bttt-dry, page 11, 


of Dasaratha etc , the seventh on Rauia's marriage with Sita, the 
daughter of king Janaka , the eighth treats of their hone\ -moon , the 
ninth, the departure of Dasaratha and the new married couple to 
Ayodhya — the battle fought during their journev, etc , the tenth 
relates the circumstances attending Ramd's. expulsion b) the infirm 
Dasaratha, owing to the application for the throne bj Kaikeji for her 
own son, the invitation of Bharata to Rama, and the abduction of SiL- 
by Ravana, the eleventh contains the figh+ between Garuda and 
Ravana to pre\ent Sita being earned away, the death of Garuda, the 
flight of Ravana with Sita to Lanka, and the acts of Rama in. connec- 
tion with the battle of Sugma and Vali , the t\\ elfth gives a description 
of Autumn or Sarat Varnana, and Sugnva's \isit to Rama , the thirteenth 
records Rama's lament for the loss of Sita, gives description of Varsha, 
or the rainy season, Sugnva's attempt at consoling Rama etc, the 
fourteenth mentions the construction of Adam's bridge , and the 
fifteenth (which is called the twentt -fifth, and which is evidently difi- 
cient in matter) gives a glowing picture of .the blessing of) Barce, as 
opposed to (the ravages of) war, which is introduced as a message 
sent by Rama to Ravana "* The remaining cantos continue the story 
of Ramayana 

Kumaradasa follows Kahdasa in every line of his description and 
if imitation is not laudable, he is at least a worthy compeer The poem 
has been held in high estimation and Jalhana praises bim, in the name 
Of Rajasekhara as an adept m relating the story of R3 na, next only to 
Kahdasa a 

1 As summarised by D' Alms (1 o ) 194 

3 In SnktimuktSvali 

Ibr illustration of his language 

tsrrcmfrjft ^r itmiFs <re q^ ll 

zms m& ^r^T ST<ri% qft^r ft*rfg;rr I 
fir^RpraMf sw ym^ f^pr ^ aftsrnF^ ll 


42 Bhatti was the son of tirisvieLmin or Srldharaswamin Bhatti 
has been identified viih Bhartrhan and Bhatti is> said to be a prakntised 
form of Bhatn The fact that Bhatti and Eharfrhan were both 
grammarians and tie tales, that sprang up about their connection with 

^rfcf '%% Tfcrsfcrr qfrf m?& ^w^fTR^r i 
«w*re fff^rfr pre f^rs?rR.-^rr 5%r ll 

f^it^^P^^ *rraT *rprat sreg^srpsf II 
?nf*nT^4 ^r tftft wnmm I 
qrf 3 ^ <rrf^ ^ ^**r#sjfhl 

f^rra^tf n^r^cFFsrr f*r ra^ ?R«r s^rr ll 

q-iET^W €? $ ITcf fWs4S<*3l *ftdlfiUlMtl. I 

PMfeWi<lH«ft ^^ s <fl*fcfl«wfo . II 

qre w&Ht qtr font z&Rgzfe&m, n 


kingship and King Vikwrarka lent colour to this confusion But on 
the literary evidence now available the ide itity is uncertain * l here 

pftgsrTnFT ^pr *$ nrft ft =t ^"frfr arfacrrf I 

1 Amang tha oono. ueatitDr-, Jay-imin^'als "nd Hanbara e*vll bun Bbatti, son of 

swamm sfr^rftm ^^•frflf TPEnprr^nr sirrah ^nr I Kandarpi c»k» 

varfcia calls the work Bhatti and author Bhirjrha'-i 3^ cH^+T^I'+vO^I' ^JFT^THf 
^^I^TT ^P^BPI^M^rT I Niirayanavidyavuioda makes the author Bhartrhan, 
sm ijI Sn4b-Mafe.wa.wa apf ^ftnT ^ftSTC^il^gHT *Tf gfrlT fffafl? I Bbaraja- 
mallika names the author Bhartrn-wi. JttjgffaWcb'Pf sfftHWHSPT *T§T$H 

^m I 

Colebrojko {Essay, II 116) S'iys " The author was Bhatrihan, not, as sugbt be, 
suppose! torn (he name, the oelebratBd brother of Viktamaditya bat a grammarian and 
paat who was soa of Sridhara Swami, as we are informed by one of biB soholiaats,- 
Vidyavuioda " Professor Aufrcoht, in Ms JfoVtcm Catalogue, (p 175b) Bpeaks oi 
Bhartnhan, " atyits hber grammatKus, mvnme v»o Bhttbikavyam memoratur,'* 
but in his rotates of the Prmdha. tnmaram i (p 132 b), and of the SarascatikafAhB* 
bhara^i, he oites Bhatti, and ra the last named work both Bhatti and Bhatnhan hav< 
been separately cited 

Two vises attributed to Boivrtrban in SabhSsitSvali are shown as Bhattat 
swamin's or BhartrbWloaia's in S«ngdharapa4dhaji Jayamangala oalls the worl 
Bhartr KSyya and author Bharfy Anfreoht says Bbatti, oalled also Bhartrswamin oj 
Bhittaswamin or SwSmi Bhatta, was the author of Bhatti Kavya and was the son o 
§ idhw»<iwdmin or Srfswjmvi Bhatth is said to ba a prafexitised form of Bharj? 
Mitra Wattces, VI 1 1«) says Bhatti is a diminutive of Bhacfea, Ksemendra am 
ValUbhadwa quota distiaotly from Bhatti and Bhartrhan (Baa Pftorsoj, PR, I 9 
Subh 73 ij Bhaa Daji <?Mh»uri Sistn, Hoernle [/B4S, (i909) 119] and Klelbor 
(M, III 218) distinguish them B Wujuradae [JBAS, (1901), 897] and probablj 
Hoernla [JB&S, (1909), 112] identify Bbatti with Vatsabhafcti of the insonptlons Btd 
Mu]Undar [JRA.S, (1303) 753] seems to waver and withdraw S<se also Keith [JRA$i 
(1909) 435], S Bay, Introduction, to JSMu Oalentta, BO Dutt, 0*v I 96! 
A B Keith, OSL, 58 , Webar, 8L, 196, S. K, De, SP, 50 , Jfcoobi, 8%i$ungib» A 


are other stories which make BhatU son of Bhaitrihan or brother of 
Bhartjhan, 1 a minister of Vikrama or \ lkram.irka * Tae stones are 
nvn> (1) A Brahman named Chandragupta had four \\i>es, one of the 
Brahmin caste, another of the Ks»hatn\ a, the third of the Vaisi a, the 
fourth of the Sudra caste Thev w ere called Brahmam, Ehaaumati, 
Bhagva\ati and Smdhumati Each of the four bore him a s>on 
Vararuci was born of the first wife, Vikramarka of the second, Bhatu 
of the third and Bhartnhan of the fourth Vikramarka became King, 
vhile Bhatti served him m the capacity of prime-minister (u) There is 
yet another version, that Bhattarka, a king of Valdbhi, n as the real 
Bhatti and Bhartnhan a poet of his Court, composed hu>. poem Ra\ana- 
vadha and let it pass in his patron's name* (m) Bhatnhan was him- 
self a king Once a Brahmin brought to him a present of a pnceless 
fruit, he gave it to his queen, and she ga\e it to her paramour The 
discovery of this infidelity mads him distrust the vorld and he left the 
household and turned an ascetic It is said this is, indicated in his 
composition of the three Satakas m a verse m his subha-ata* 

m ?*r 1*1$ v®% tr ^rrlr wwr* ? ar- 

*PIWT cl^fW li 

In the last verse of his Ravanavadha he mentions his patron 

King Sri Pharasena of Valabhi 

#f&pr fr^rrat i?n?r $w f^rfcrat *ra. snrrcr^ ll 

" May this poem, wntlen by me in Valabhi, the protected of the 
Great King Sridharasena, be- to the glory of the king, since the king is 
the well-doer of the people " 

Valabhi was the capital of Sajirastra (Gujrat) Kingdom and has 
been identified with Walleh * There were four Dharasenas, the first 

Prensstschen Akadamie (1922), 316 , Anderson, Soms account, v$ JShgHt Kavya 
[JBBAS, in it 20] 

On Bnarjihan, see Eiethorn, IA. Xtl 226 , K P Patbak, BhTtrJutrt and 
Kumanla, JBRAS, XVIH 213 , Was Bhatp-thart a Buddhist* V»& XVIII 341 , 
and Telang, Lit to Satakas, and IA, IX 308 On his Vskynpadiyft sas IA, III 236 

1 Bhau Da]!, JBBA8 (1862) 2X4 

3 Bohlen, Prtt to Salakas, 6 

8 Seahagiri SSffci IA I 81d rt 

5 U,I*tm 


about Valabhi Samvat 183 and the last 330 Valabhi Sam\al appears 
to be identical iMth Gupta Valabhi Sanual 1 and the epoch of the 
Cupta era vanes according to different scholar*., 167, 190, 319 AD* 
It is not possible to sav which of these four Dharasenas was the patron 
of Bhatti and it is hkeh Bhatti flourished m the 4th or 5th cen- 
tury AD* 

1 See 11, XV 187 and XIII 160, when teese toima are used, mdieiting 
ilentity of meaning 

2 The Gupta em is placed by different writers in diffeient yearR, (see TA XV 888} 
by Cunningham as lt>7 A D , by Bayley in 190 A D and A'beram in 819 A D For 
his Kaira grant, see Fleef, Oil 134 98 date! Gupta Vnlabhi 380 whioh according to 
Fleet is 319 20, plus 330 or 649 50 K D Seo also Tol's Btjasllian, I 703 , Pban 
dariar, BSD 18 , Dosahu's Biliary of Chisarat, 825 , Lassen (See Max Volte, 
I «i»a, 851) sayB that Bhatti 's patron was Dharasena II \JtA, VII 68, VIII 801, XV, 
187, dated Vol Sam 252 ] Tbs ramc Bhatti u founl m Uo graots of Dhruvasena I 
{Sam 221) and Dhravasem III (Sam 884) as Superintendent of the Kitchen (See 
Arohaelogioal Survey of India, 86-96 , TriTedi's Int to Bdn xxi) , 

3 The following grants and inscription with dates will be useful for r.seatoh 
Dhruvasena I 1 i, V 204 Vol B 207 

„ IV 104 
Gnhasena „ VII 266 

„ V 206 
DharRaenal lf VI 9 

Dharaseuall „ XV. 187 

„ Xni 160 

, VII 68, 721 
„ VIII 801 J 
DharasenalV I 4g 

,! VII 78 \ 

„ XV 835J 

Dhatasen* IV I ^j 

and 8Jl5ditya I ," XIV 327 

Bflad.tyal >( XK 2871 

,, SX 305}- 

„ XI 327 J 

Dhruvasena II „ vi 12 

Kharagwha II „ YU. 76 

ai5d!jyan , xi 805 

SflSdifyaV „ VI 16 

Sil5di{ya ni 

(Dhravabbatta) „ vil 79 „ U7 

211 ? f ***"* ° f Utdwal I "*«• * 95 ° Bn * * the dates given inJ 
insonptions, the order of these iiaga reqaaea reQorWderatwn ^ 

Bbr a dieouseion regarding VaUbhi chronograms, see J A, VII 808 









Gupta Yal 

8 252 


8 252 


252, 270 



















MAHA-K5.VYA 143 

There is a tradition that one da> when Bhar^rbari ^as lecturing 
on grammar, an elephant passed betft een him and his pupils and as a 
result of the evil omen, the lectures had to be suspended for a jear 
Bhar^rhan could not forbear so long and resorted to the device of 
teaching grammar through the medium of poetry and at the end of the 
year, the poem was complete 1 True or untrue, the method so adopt- 
ed has really served to achieve the end and to this day, a stud} of 
Bhatti helps the teaching of language with felicity 

43 Bhattikavyam is a work of great renown a In four parts, 
Praklrna, Prasanna, Alankara and Tinanta, it illustrates the grammatical 
formations according to the aphorisms of Paanu, figures of speech and 
other rhetorical devices, but often we see verses of real poetic merit * 
In Canto X, there are illustrations of Alankaras* and from their number 
and their significance, it is conjectured that Bhatti came after 
Bhamaha * 

1 S Bay, Itii to Edn , vui. 

2 Ed Bombay [.BSS, 56, 57], Madras and Caloutte. On works aeorlbed to 
Bhatti, see IA, XI 235 

ar% WRd^sii'MB ft^rar^ www Wff, I 

fqTR; *KTT ^Tfi! n" ^HHtR^f $ft II 
i Pok the list of alar&Sras illustrated in Oanfco X, see JBdS, (1939), 830 el »$ 
5 On this question theia is a difference of opinion It mainly tains on the two 

<mi s^wra - 5=^ ^t^r far II 

SkSmaha, Q. 30, 


Bhatt*, xxu. 94 

14 4 MAH5.-KA.VYA 

44 Dasananavadaakavyam of Yogmdranat&a TarkacudamanI 
embraces the &ame theme * 

There are commentaries on Bhattilivyam by [Kandarpacakravartm 
Bharataseaa, Narayana Vidyavmoda, Puijdankaksa, Kutrmdanandana, 
Puru 5 oftama, Romacandra-vacaspati, Ramananda, Hanharacarya], a 

" Even if these, which, like scientific treatises, can be understood only by com 
mentanes, be poems, it is onlv a festival to those who have a fine intellect, but alas 
undone ate the dull witted " 

«« This poem is explicable by a commenlary It is, however, sufficient that it will 
be a festival for the intelligent, and it is because I like the wise, that I have not 
thought much of the dull witted " 

Whioh of these could be the earlier 1 Either Bhamaha ont'oised Bhatti [Jacob, 
#JDM<?, lxiv, s& dcr preaes A AD (1922), 210 8 , Keith, SL, SI] or Bhatti wrote in 
anticipation Of the rhetorical objection as already set out by Bhamaha The former seems 
more likely S K Be, [SP, 60], H. B Diwekar {JBAS (1924), 880] says " It is not 
thus a boast, but rather an excuse If a poet is to boast of his poem as being a hard nut 
to crack, be will boast that the learned and not the dull witted will|find it difficult To 
puzzle the dull-witted is not a thing to be proud of, and this is why Bhatti gives 
vidvatpnyata as an excuse Cor that It will, therefore, be not wrong if it is said that the 
verse of Bhamaha, whose conception of a poem is 3Tl«IS.<W1l«H<!»lCUai«l M'Wf^ | 
must be the original, and the verso of Bbattl, was also accepts that conception, is based, 
on Bhamaba's words The wor3 eva which eigni6es , a prajisedha (contradiction), and' 
the reason vidvatpriyaja pat forward makes this position quite clear in the minds oil 
the readers." 

For striking resemblanoes between Bhamaha and Bhatti compare also 

£r m %&& iMtW+w+fi srfir II 

Bhamaha, u 10 



Bhath, x 27 

fjflw^pr 5tw cF^t 5$m 55crr w ll 

Bhamaha, 11 81 

3tft«v«iR+i era - zffi® prrrM I 
4^™ ********* 

Bhatt*, v 18 

1 Ed Calcutta 

2 For these commentaries, see 10, 544 5 , CO, I 418 

MAHl-KAVY^ 145 

Bharata or Bharatamallika, 1 Jayamangala," Jibanandrtvuh a* jgar.t,* 
Malhnatha* SVidhara, 5 Sankaracan a ' 


45 Bhatti s example has been fruitful iu similar co*npo s ilions In 
Ra%anarjunl\am 7 in 27 cantos, Bhuma or Bhaumak«t 8 relates the ston of 
Karfcaurya and illustrates almost the whole Astadlnavi of Pdnmi He 
is quoted by Jayaditja in his Kafeka and bj Ksemendra in ^u\rttitt- 
laka and may have lrved about 7th century AD In Ms& available In 
Malabar the author's name is given as Bhosa and the colophon runs as 
SJcf 2ft ^cWr^reR*TSffFrf^t%af There is a commentarv on iL bv 
Paramesw ara 

Similarly in LakNanadaria, Mahamohopadhv 2v a Di\3kard," narra- 
tes m 14 cantos the story of Mahabharata, with expressions illustrative 
of grammatical rules of Panini M 

46 Kaslnatha's Yaduvamsakavyam, describing the history of 
Yadus, 11 Panmisfitrodaharanam, of unknown authorship dealing with 
the story of Bhagavatam" illustrates the aphorisms of Panim So also 

1 Ed Calcutta DO, XX 7788 He was the son of Ambasjha GanrSnga 
Halhka and lived about 1800 He mentions KavEkalpadroma of Bopaeteva See 
M*tra, VI 144 , 00, 1 899 

2 Ed Calcutta Jayamangala's definitions of Alaokaras in Ganti X show fchn 
to be older than Mammata (see Taveck's ltd to E#») Thete is a erftkJigtn- of this 
commentary, TO, IV 5467 

3 Ed Calcutta 4 Ed everywhere 6 iXJ.'XX 7787. 

6 00, 1 418, quoted in Mddhaviya DhStuvrf {I 

7 Ed Bombay BKB, 62 , Tnvedi's Int {op nt ) 

8 There is an Angada nStaka by BhubhaOa (B, II 116 r 00, L 4} which seams 
to be a mistake for 8ubhata Bhiraata (00, I 413) and Bnima Kavi (II, XXXI 
229) are different The other variants aean in Mss are Bhtma Bhatta.Bhu Bhatta, 
Bhomabhatta See Peterson, §uWt 83, There are verses quoted in SSrangadhara. 

9 TO, IV 5664, XaVfndiaoSrya, also taown as ttevakara Bon of Vaid'yei'vara 
and Ounavatl of Bharadvaja go{ra hved in the oenri of Kmg Ecs^araya of Vizianagar 
and wrote the poem Bhara\amr tarn m 30 cantos (TO, IV 5503). Hie taptbef Uatjhu 
sadana wrote Dhiirtaearitabhana 

10 The following oolophon will show the object of the poem . 


U NePyOoU IL *229 } (Mfc.i II. «", .£&, SiBL 895. ESsaajha- was son of 
oaofcava and Haigrail ' 

12. TO IV. 4643 A commentary! Jon j*. ly Ji;ftsn*wa at tna uoms « lung 
Bavivarma of Malabar 

146 MAHA.-K5.VYA 

are Subhadraharanam (in 20 cantos) of Narayana, son of Brahmadatta 
of Kudalur-mana of Malabar 1 and Vasudevavijayam of Vasudeva,* 
treating of the marriage of Subhadra, and story of Ky^na respectively 
Narayana's Dhatukavyam is a sequel to the latter, m illustration parti- 
cularly of verbal forms, as dealt with by Bhimasena's Phatupatham 
and Madhava's Dhatuvn$ti s Yakyavali illustrates in four cantos 
grammatical peculiarities, figures of speech, prosody and poetical tncks* 
fericihnakavyam in 12 cantos relates the life of Kpna, the first eight 
cantos were -written by KpualHa&ika in lllustranon of Vararuci's 
Prakrtaprakasa and the rest by his pupil J?urgaprasSdayati, in illus- 
tration of fnvikrama's Prakrta grammar 5 

47. Bhattara-Hanchandra," is praised b} Bana in his Harsa- 
canta It is said that he wrote a romance Malawi H i may therefore 
be assigned to the 5th or 6th century A D In Sadukti-Karaam r $a 
(5139) he is mentioned as an " enchanting poet " and classed with 
great poets * His verses are quoted in the anthologies 8 

Hanchandra, 8 a Jam poet of the Digambara sect, was the son 
of Ardradeva and Radha and brother of Laksmana of the Kayastha 
Sanomaka family He bore the title of Sarasva$Tpu$ra *° He is men- 
tioned by Rajasekhara in his Karpuramanjari 

1 VO, III 8883, There is a oommentary by the author himself for 16 cantos 
He is different from N5rayana Bhatfcaf Jin, who wrote Narayaniyam in 1587 A D 
See JBA8, (1900), 763 ana Int to Narayaniyam (Tr Sans Series) 

3 Ed Bombay, KSvyamSla Fart X See on this author, post 

8. DO, XX, 7744 There is a commentary probably by the author himself 

4 Kttp Sep (1919), 39 

5 TO, V B No 4166 

6. Hobsoh (JMy, XII, 818) denies and Peterson is not certain about his 
identity [PB, II 77) with the other Hanoandra 

8 ZDM G t XXXVI 369 , Siibh 161 

9 He is called Harlsoandraj by laksmana in his Commentary in VadlrSja's 
Yofodharaoanta (JO, III 8824 ) 

A poet Hanoandra, son of Budrap»ndit,a, lived m the court of Bhillama HI of 
Devagul and composed an inscription in 1025 (Saba ?j (IA, XVH 120 , XXIII 129). 

Another Hanoandra known as Vaidya Hanoandra, an ancestor of Maheivari,' 
author of Visvakofa, was a poet and he Is quoted in Subha§itvail. See Aw/ Bod Oat. 
167, 857, Sesh Bep II 45-6, Peterson, Subh, 186, Buna, Hw predecessor tm* 
Contemporaries, [JBBAS, XVX app. II p. HI) 
10. PB, II 77. 


His Dharmasarmadhvidayam 1 is a poem m 21 cantos describing 
the life of Dharmanatha, the fifteenth TIrthankara from his birth to 
nirvana The hero was born as the son of Mahasena of lk>.\aku 
family and king of Ra$napura b} his wife Suvrata His \erse is full of 
melody and his expression noted for its luciditv * 

In his JrvANDHARACAiiPLi 8 he relates m 13 lambhas the story of a 
Jama prince JIvandhara, son of king Satyandhara as related bv Sudhanna 
to King &renika The language is charming and takes rank with the 
best of its kind T S Kuppuswami Sastri mentions a drama, JI\an- 
dharacantam by Hancandra 

48 Bharavi, known also as D amodara, was the son of Nara> ana- 
swamm of Kausika go^ra His ancestors lived at Xnandapura m N W 
India and migrated later into the countrj of Nasik} a* (Dekhan) Once 
accompanying the local prince Visnuvardhana* on a hunting expedition, 
in dire distress, he was obliged to eat meat and he set out on pilgri- 
mage to expiate the sin On his way he made acquaintance with 
jpurvini^a 9 (a Ganga pnnce) Having heard his glory sung by a 

1 Ed Bombay 

a. He himself says bo in his concluding verse 

8 Ed Tanjore, DC, XXI 8219, T S Kuppuswami Sastri says Out he lived 
after 900 AD on the analogy of story and language and with VS^fHmnimhn'n 
Esa{ raoudSmani 

Other works about Jivandhara edited by I S Euppaswami Sastri, Tanjore, ace 
Gunabhadra's Jivandaaraoarijram, and Vadibhamniha's GadyaorotSmsni On the 
story of Jivandhara, by E Holtzosh, see JUY, XII 817 

i The word probably means Peninsula Dandm uses this word in the sense o£ 
South India where KSnoi is situated 

5 Visnuvardhana here referred to might be Kubja Vignuvatdnana of the ins- 
oriptions He was the younger brother of Saf ySfoaya Pulafeesm U who asoended the 
throne in 608 AD, As a general under the latter he captured Vengi from the PaHavtf 
and oonquered king Harsavardhana He was viceroy of a province with the capital at 
Pistapura, now Pithaputam in Qodavan District Later, he declared his independence 
of his brother and founded the dynasty of Eastern Qhalukyas. On Pulakestn and 
Visnuvardhana, see V Smith, BH 426, 486, iiep of Epigraphy {Madras} Q O 
No 674, Ubh July 1906, KeUhorn, JB2 VIII App 11 Wat grants of Visnuvardhana I 
(E.0halukya)fleeI4, XIX 308 (539 40 Saka =608-9 AD) and XX 15 (683 AD,) 
and of Visnuvardhana V, eee IA, Vn 186 (540 Bafca=668-9 A J) ) and VTJ 191 
(881 Saka=859-60 AD). JABS, I 86 

6, Durvuu> was the son of king- Avuu|a of Kongaol and daughter's eon of 
Poonaaaraja. Dacviail* was diainhentacl by his father and in his baniahnwai wandered 


Gandharva m a couplet, king SmhaviMiu, 1 of KanchI invited the author 
of it and that was Bharavi 1 here he h\ed happily in the company 
of the royal prince Mahendravikrama, the &on of Simhau nu He had 
a son Manoratha and Dandm, as Vi e shall see, v, as the son's son «f 
Manora^ha This is the account gi\en m the A\antisunddnkatha 

over distant countries Hs wt % Teat scholar and wrote a commentary on 15 cantos 
of Bharavi's KirStSrj iuiy» a 5t>a°krit version < i the BrbalkijhS \txi the work called 
Sibd5va{3tA See, 

[My Aroli Bcp (1916) 86j , iLo EC (Tumkur) 28, 1A, XLII 20a 

Oa the genuineness of the^e inscriptions doubts were expressed but there is no 
reason to suipeot & forgery Time 13 a lenrned diswsion by R Nirasimhaohar 
Durvmlta is mentioned m Nrp\{unga's Kavirajamarga as a great Kanarece author 

1 Simhavisnu was the Ptllava 'ting who ruled between 575 and 600 A D at 
Kauei He vanquished the Mulayi, Pandya, Choli eto kings and took possession of 
the banks of the K2veri Hissjn was Miheud avarmau or HahendravikLamavarman I 
(600 625 AD) H9 bare the titles S^ramiHa and A van bhajana He was the 
author of the Uajtavilasi Prahaianam, a faroe knjwn after his own feillo MaJtavilSsa 
(Ed Tr Sanskrit series, No 55) Iu this play ai.e desonbed the drunken rivelryot a 
KSpalika with his female oDinpamou, his qtruul with a hypoontioal flakya Bbiksu 
for alleged theft of a bowl, the mediation by a degenerate P5supa$a and the final 
recovery of the bowl from a mwtman 

The geneology from Simhavisnu is given by V VBnkayya m Mod Bev VIH 185 
In this order — Simhavisnu — ilaheudravarmau I — Narasimhavarmart — Mahendravar 
man II— Paramesvaravarman (defeated Ohalukya Vikramaditya)— Rajasimha— Mahen 
dravarman II and Param'svar4v«man II— Nandivarman (about 760 4 D ) 

In the Mamandoor inscription we find T^^+W RliiR) I fc and the rest of 

the msonpbon is mutilated If iRc^pp means JhRt^f 5 ^, *be coupling of It with 

+ftll<l0Kl would moan that their author was the same There is also a broken line in the 

Avanjisuadarf katha % ^ ft® ^IWR^ WT5?PPjfiri% *fcR?st ^dMI ' tdM I =? . » 
Srivara is the general name of Pallava kings, used in inscriptions. It is possible 
that thiB verse may refer to a work called Gandhamadaua by Mahendravikramar 
varmin See also the following verse of Rajasekhara quoted in Jalhana's SuklimuktS 

Here the word SahasSnki may refer to this king 

Eor relevant msonptione, see El, IV 152 and 8U , I 29*80 , aad Tfenkajrjw, Jn»; 
enptvmg %n tho Trwhvnoyoly oave {Aroh Bur Annual 1808-4, 270 ft ) j G. Sotmtim 
Dubreuil, Anctcnt Bistory of tlw Dcocan( Pondioherry), 68,. and The PaZZaww (amrBj; 
cherry), 39 , PaUava Ant^wtttes, I Oh 11 , T Ganapati Ssfltri, Int t MaQtiMliiar 


There is a doubt whether Bharau and DSniodir.i nere idemicc 1 
and Bharavi was another name of Damodara A\an$ibundcirlka{h2- 
sara is a \ersion in \er&e of A\ antisundarikatha in pro*e and the 
version is almost a faithful reproduction In Kd$ha»ara ^23) *he 
verse is 

The corresponding prose passage in Katha as printed b\ M R 
Kavi is mutilated and indistinct 

G Hanhara Sa<s«n has made an extract of this passage from another 
manuscript obtained from the Department of Publication of Sanskrit 
Manuscripts in Tmandram 

That is, this passage reads Bhuraii and the adjectnes attached to 
it m the objective declension so that the vord becomes an object of the 
verD anunMhya Hanhara Sastn sajs ' what we learn from the prose 
and metrical versions is that Bharavi was a sarvaite (mahasama) and great 
poet (giramprabhavah) attached r to the Pnnce Visnuvardhana and that 
Damodara, who was also endowed with poetical gifts of a high order, 
secured the friendship of the Prince through the medium of Bharavi m 
This does not however affect the date to be assigned to MaraM.* 

Besides tbese synchronisms, the name of Bharavi is mentioned in 
the Aihole inscription 8 of Pulekesm U, dated Saka 556 (=AD 634) 
Bharavi may therefore be taken to ha%e lived on either side of the 
beginning of the 6th ce ntury A D 

1 WQ.III 169 

2 S K Da, {IBQ, I 31, III 169) oancurs in this view S K De, aligns 
BhSravi to tbo ona o£ the 6th or beginning of the 7th Century A D 

3 1A V 67 71 where the whole inscription is published 

'May this RavAirti, who has obtained the fame of Kalidasa and Bharavi who 
flowed the noble path of poetics be victorious I May he flourish forever, whom his 
great wisdom had this temple of Jraa constructed, as firm as rock itself on a costly ana 

For adiaeuBsion of this t inscription, -see page 68 snpra, and W, VI 73, XYI 
109 ; OH, III 79 note 


49 Stones of Bharavi's po\ertj and affluence are current ma 
vanetv of versions Pargankar gnes aversion 

" Bharavi was ground by poverty and being ever immersed m 
poetic life, was often troubled b> the furious remarks of his wife She 
once reproached him for his dullness in as much as he did not stir himself 
about monej, and the poet, goaded b) necessity and the constant 
reproaches of his wife, did set out to trj his fortune to seek ro\al 
support \\ hen he had gone a few miles, he saw a beautiful tank 
Fatigued by the labours of the pumej, he stopped there and wrote 
the following verse on a lotus-leaf 

IScf ft R^WlftT W1WW WFft WK II— Kvrata, II 80 

The king of the countrj who happened to be on the very spot as 
as he had left his palace for hunt, -was so much delighted with it that 
he ordered the poet to see him m his palace at a particular time and 
then galloped off The poet, mean looking and dressed m rags, found 
no admittance to the ro) al presence, and had m despair to go back 
The king, however, had the verse painted m gold in his private cham- 
ber A )ear silenllv passed, when the ling set out with his chosen few 
to hunt, declaring that he w ould return after a week On the second 
night, however, his camp not being far off, he rode alone to his private 
chamber and to his extreme wonder and rage, found the queen lying 
with another person on his bed ! Suddenly he drew out his sword and 
was about to strike both dead, when the verse in golden letters atrac- 
ted his attention His rage abated and he resolved to awaken both 
and tell them of their heinous offence and then to pass the sentence of 
capital publishment on them But what was his surprise when, on 
awakening them, he was told that the youth was no other than his son, 
who being stolen away by a nurse from cradle, was discovered that 
very evening ' The king, immediately m tears thanked God that he had 
not rashly murdered his wife and his only son the sole heir to the 
throne It need hardly be added that the king afterwards sought out 
the author of the verse that had so curiously preserved the life of his 
son, and rewarded him suitably "* 

1 The verse was so popular that it 1B frequently quoted in Sastno chsousswns 
PrabbSiara in his BrhatI {I ] ) reaioules his opponent's want of sense by the 2nd line. 

2. Hoe anodher version, see M Suryanarayana Bastri, Life oj Sanskrit VoeU 
(Telugu) Amalapuram, 93-6 


50 Kiratarjuniyam * is his only poem known to us In eigh- 
teen cantos, it describes the fight between Arjuna and &va in the garb 
of a mountaineer On the advice of Vyasa to seek celestial arms bv 
penance, Arjana engages himself in severe penance in the Himalayas 
Siva cones to meet hun as a Kirata, wild-hunter, and a mighLy boar 
which came to attack Arjuna is slain. Both Arjuna and the disguised 
god claim the merit of having slam the animal and a quarrel is picked 
up and fight ensues When fighting in the air Arjuna holds the god bj 
the feet and on his appeal, Siva reveals himself and blesses the warrior 
with the gift of arms with which he was to win back his lost kingdom 
The poem bears Laksmi-pada-anka * The poem displays a vigour 
of thought and language and a lofty eloquence of expression rarely 
equalled in Sanskrit literature a In a well-known verse in Sadukti 
Karnamrta his words are said to possess a natural grace * On account 
of the beauty of a particular verse, the poet became known as Chatra 
Bharavi 8 

1. Ed Bombay, Calcutta and Madras and elsewhere and in Hat ward University 
Series No 15, with a German translation-by Csppeller, [reviewed in JBJ.S (1917) 
869 by F „W, Thomas] Translated into English (Cantos) 1 to i) by B N Nanii 
(Calcutta) , (cantos 1 to 6) by Subrahmanya Sasiri, Madras J (cantos 1 to 10) by L B 
Pangarkar, Bombay , (cantos 1 to 8) by M B Kale, Bombay. Cantos 1 to 8 by 
M B T^a with an elaborate introduction , Cantos 1 to 10 by Faogaikar (with an 
introduction) Abridged m verse in Dntt's Layt of Aadent Indut. 

On BhSravi generally, see Peterson, Subh 79 B Dutt, OX, II 387-92, Bbatt 
Ba& 3BBJL8. TX 815 , Bhandarkar, JBBA8, XIV 2* ; Fleet U, V «?,' YtO, flf j 
JEBJS, XVm 148 , JBAS, (1917), S69 , Oaoobi, VOJ, in, 14*; OoJebroka. AB^Xt 
389 K.ieth(Ck 61) plaoes him before BSna A Bangaswaml Sarasvatt, The &f$tsf 
Bharavt and Dandin, JMy, XTTT 870 88 , JOB, (1927) 198, Bah XVI 88, Elan's 
Bibliography appended to Edn in Harward University series. 

9 B V EMsanamaobarys ooUeeto such mads or «n*« m several poets 
[8ak, XVtn .998) 

3 It was Magba's ambition to view with BhSravi and both chose their plots 
tram the MahSbhSraJa For parallel passages, see C Oapeller, I o 

There is this traditional verse 

cjrasr *rcMfa trrptot for I 

Bee the verse anoted *upty». 
B. vt^BWkWfe«fl«MI ' >W*»4itl atfiTOFW' TOT- 1 

EirSta, V 89. 
See Bah. XV1H 89 1 or similar atles. 

152 MAH5.-KA.VYA 

His work is compact and meaning-leaden " He is a hard-thrak- 
mg poet, m whom we feel at work a certain intension of will " * 

I his poem has been the standard text book for ages for students 
of literature I he first three cantos are particularly hard and came 
therefore to be known as pa^anaprayam and m the 15th canto, there 
are verses in a variety of meanings and alliteration 

51 In the richness of a creative fancy, in true tenderness and 
pathos, Sdjs R C Dull, and even in the sweetness and melody of verse, 
Kahdasa is incomparably the greatest poet But neverthless Bharavi 
boasts of a vigour of thought, <md of language, and lofty elequence m 
expression, which Kahdasa seldom equals Bharavi's dramatic expres- 
sion is the subject of approbation when Saradatanaya says — 

Malhnatha describes Bharavi's language as nankelapaka and says 
that the sweetness of his poetry is enveloped in a garb of apparent 
ruggedness x The saying of pandits ranks Kahdasa's similes along with 
Bharavi's pregnant expressions * 

5 2 There is a prose abidgment by a Pandit Ayurveda Bhushaaa 
M Daraisw ami Iyengar* The same story of the flght between Arjuna 
and Siva ■ is related in the Sankarananda Campn of Gururama' in 
Partoalila* a poem of unknown authorship and is dramatised in the 
Kiratarjunlyavyayoga of Ramavarma, 8 and in Phananjayavrjayai 
vyayoga of KancanScarya T 

1 BhSravi's 3$jfU'4^ « proverbial Krsnafawi m his Bhara$a Canja (Tr 
Sans Series) wrote 

HiUlttqifir W£FcwJ SRsNRft Wfft^TRT I 

Colebroke's M*$ Essays , 84, Manning's \Aneient and Mediaeval India, JI 
184 5 

3 Ed Madras 

8 In the oave temple of Mahabalipuram there is Boulntae ret>resenfcine KuBia 
and Arjuna. See Kala, I 

4 DO, XXL 8803 

5 TO, HT 8450 

6 Ed Sahridaya, IV 

7 Ed Karyamala, Bombay 


S3 There are commentaries on the poem bj Mailing ^ha, 1 bv 
Vidyamadhava*, by Mangala, 8 by De\arajabhatta,* bj Ramacandra, 8 b% 
Ksitipalamalla,* by Praka6a\arsa, 7 bj Kpnakavi, 8 bj Gtrabhanu," bj 
Fkana^ha," by Jonaraja," b) Hankantha," b\ Bhara^asena, 18 b% 
Bhaglralhami^ra,**by Peddabhatta,™ b> AlladaXaraban," In Handasa, 17 
by Kasinatha, 18 by Dhdrmavyayagani, 18 by Rajakunda, 40 b) Gada- 
simha, 81 by Damadaramisra," by Manoharasirman, 08 b> Madha\a, S4 
b} Lokananda,* 8 b) Vankidasa, 88 b> Vijavarama or Vijd\ asundara, 07 
and Sabdarthdlpika,* 8 and Pra&anna Sanity acandika of unknown 
authorship,* 9 by Nrsimha," by RaviktrfT., 8 * by 6rrrang.ide\a, a9 by 
Srikantha, 81 by Vallabhadeva, 88 by Jibananda \ id j jisagara, 88 by 
KanakalHasarma and by Gangabharamisra 3J 

1, Ed everywhere 

2 DO, XX 77t>9 , TO, III 3924 He was m the court of Bhulofcunalla Somes" 
vara HI who ruled about 1125 AD See Y Smith, EH, 437 
8 TO, III, 8830 
a DO, XX 7883 , TO, II 2594; III 3319, 8831 Ha ww sou of Kr#}a4rol- 

6 ME, X 

6 £B, IV 22 , CASB, 47 , 10, 5*3 

7 DO, XX 7708 , Taylor, I 1174 

8 DO, XX 7701 

9 Ed, Tr San Series No 63 with a short msbroiadtion byT Ganapatht S<Wtri 
■Che commentary is very elaborate bat embraces only 3 cantos and is therefore called 
fraiaargika He says that his objaot was only to show the standard of what a coaHnea- 
tary should fas and that he did not therefore pcoosad further NoShinj la Iwwn about 
Ol JrabhSnu, bat he is also the author of two pcranu BhSei^ody^a anl B i3$»**to4yot* 
There is one 0ijrabh5nu, father of B£n» bat he is a different person 

10. P. 9 

11, BR, (1887) It Wis oompqSsd in 1418 A D the raiga of ZuaaUbhJ of 
Kaspum (1422 72 A.D ) tfonaraj* is ths author of a Blj*t«aa3tai BP, 51, 2H, 
866 (AD 1449) 


C1SB,47, JO, 548 


10, 843 


10, 884, 648 5 


DC.Xt 7878 




DC, XX 7888 


Kh, 65 , EulM, III 4 




Bep, VH , £, 2806 


L 2140, 






Op, 279S 




£, 1614, 




Crf, 6988, TO, IV 6597 


See&ft XIV 101 


DO, XX 7885 , TO, IV 5588 


TO, IV. 4722 


2-0, IV, 6649. 4716 


m Oafoatk. 


Ed' Bettaws 


S4 Magha is one of the most popular among Sanskrit poets 
Mediaeval tradition 1 has recorded that he was patronised by King 
Bhoja of Dhar Pressed by want the poet sent his wife to that king's 
court with a verse* describing the rising sun but indirectly deploring 
the sports of chance Delighted With its merit the king gave her a 
present of money, but on her way back the generous woman distributed 
it among the wandering beggars whose needs she thought were worse 
than her own So she came home just a& she left it, with a further 
throng of beggars behind her The poet saw the scene and became 
desperate He cursed poverty in a few verses and drooped down dead 
on the spot The king heard the story and with great grief himself 
performed the poet's funeral ceremonies To preserve his memory he 
named the village Bhmnamala a 

Magna was the son of Dat^a or Dattaka* His grand-father 
SuprabhSdeva was the minister of king Sri Varmalata 8 whose capital 
was the city of Srimala in Guzarat Magha was a great gram- 
marian* and his knowledge of grammar and lexicon is often 
apparent in his poem T He is mentioned by Somadeva, 8 Rdjasekhara, 1 
Anandnvardhana 10 and by Bhoja " Nrpatunga who became king in 
1814 A D refers to Magna in his Kavirajamarga 1 ' as an author of 


1 Bhallila's Bhojaoatijra , Meffujunga's Prubandha Ointamam and PrabhS 
oandra's Prabhavaka oarua For a full account, see Durgaprasad's Int. to SisupSlft. 
va4ha (Bombay) 

* « wi(i L *Kfi n* flft i tffatwcr fnftftsfeawf sr ftMr faTw it 

Bit XI 64, 

8 Probably because Magha Was a poet of Malwa There is a village named 
Binna Malava now known as Binnamala on the boundary Hue between Guzarat and 
Mar war. 

4. Peterson gives the name as Vattaka or SarvSSraya, {Iih to Svhh 88). 

5 See the description of the poet's family given by himself at the end of 

6 Dargaprasad (op olt S note) gives the oolophon of a manusoript whloh reads 
&r* Bhrnnamalava-vas avya Da'\aika sooner mahavaayakara*isya liBghasya fcttteu, 

7> It is a saying ^^frfcr flT^ *ffi SP^ T fNcf 

8. In the KSvyamlmSmsd (composed about 900 A D ) Oaek Or, Series Int. xsll 

9 In his yafestilaka oampu (oomposed in 960 A D ) See PB, 1383-84, IS, 

10 Contemporary of Avanjlvarmia, king of Kashmir (8S7 to 88* A D.) See bis 
DhvanySloka, 114, US 

11 In the Sarasvati KaaihSLbharana (Sis IX. 6 )■ See 00, 1 440, 

12 Int to K B. Pathak's Edition. Magha is also referred to In a Oanarese 
inscription TA, V, 46) dated Saka 1102=1180 A.D. 


acknowledged excellence and ranks him with the immortal author of 
Sakuntala These references distinctly prove that the tradition of 
Magha being a contemporary of Bhoja connot possibly be true 

In a well-known verse of fcisupalavadha, 1 Magha refers to the two 
grammatical treatises the Kasikdvri^i and its commentary the Nvasa 
The Kaiikavrit^i was the joint production of Jayaditya and Vamana, 
and according to 11 sing Jayaditya died al out 661 AD* The real 
difficulty in determining Magha's date lies in the obscurity of the cor- 
rect name of the king he refers to in his geneology It is possible that 
the correct reading is Varmalata 8 Ihis king Varmala^a is mentioned 
in an epigraphic record dated Sam 6S2 (625 AD)* and in collation 
with the references to and by the poet aforesaid we may not be wrong 
in relying on this inscription as giving the real clue to Magha's age 
Magha was the grandson of Suprabhadeva, the minister of this king 
He may therefore be placed in the latter half of the 7th century AD" 

sn^ifr sit mfa Wapflffarcw ll 

S MaxMuller, What cm Ind%a teach us?, 343, English Translation of 
ITsmg's work, ohap xxxw, 176 ITsing does not however refer to the commentary 
NySsa and from this silence E B Pathak (JBBA.S, sx 303) oon<sludes that Jinendra- 
buddhi did not flourish during the interval of 44 years that elapsed between JaySdiJya's 
death and that of ITsrag's departure from India ia A D 696. He therefore plaoes the 
composition of Ny3sa in the first half of the 3th century and consequently assigns 
Magha to the latter part of it, but it mast be remarked that the argumenhm ee 
stlmho cannot be of muoh merit and to the mind of ITsing the commentary might not 
have struck as important as the original work But Kielhorn adds " An Interpretation 
of this verse to denote the NySsa of Jwendrabuddhi is based solely on the outward 
form of the word and its proximity to the word Yr*Ji and would completely disregard 
the meaning and context of the poet's interesting and scholarly statement Jinendra- 
buddhi had freely oopied from HaradaJia's Padamanjan ana this would make 
Jinendra much later than Magha because that poet Is quoted by name more than once 
inthePadamaniari", JRA8 (1908), 499 

3 The name appears tn several forms Dharman5bha, Dharmanada, Dharma 
labha, Dharmatfeva, GharmalSta, Oarmaiata, Varmalakhya, Varrcanama and 
NlrmalSnfs, varying aooordlng to the sorlbe's ingenuity. Prabhaoaodra mentions the 
name as Varmalata 

t Bee Kdlhorn's article in Gottinger Naohriohten, (1906), Partjn, 1436, 
JBA8, (1908), 728 

5 PrabhSoandta mentions Siddhar.,i (riv, 10-16) as the first paternal oousin of 
MSgha. Siddhar* i was the author of apanutibhSvaprapanoakatb.5 composed in Bam 
962 Belying on this Dr V Klatt assigns Magfas to the beginning of the 10th 
century A.D Eurgaprasad refers to Ariandavatdhana'g quotation and disposes of 
Prabhavaka-oarita as based on pure hearsay and as of no authority. He agrees with 


55 The only work of Magha that has> come down to us is the 
Sisupalavadha * A Mahakavya of 20 cantos, it relates the episode in 
the Mahabharata of Kpna's slaying of bisupala Hie Raj.isuy.i sacri- 
fice of Yudhisthira is described and m it Sifapala-'b misbehaviour, the 
immediate cause of the conflict, is well delineated Ihc last three 
cantos are devoted to the description of the actual ^ai fare Asa 
classical poem it has always maintained its popularity and though the 
thoughts are sometimes voluptuous, a profound learning is everywhere 
apparent" His ideas reflict his life and the sullenngs he had lo 
undergo are often alluded to With a tinge of the consolation of 
fatalism * The anthologies* quote some verses under Manila's name 
These are not traceable in any known work and it is possililo that 
feisupalavadha was not the only poem of hit. composition 

Some of his fancies are quite original and it one oi them 8 
that brought him the name of Ghanta-Magha Wo connot be t ortam 
of the line of his religious persuasion, though the invocation in the 

Prof Jaoobi who OHmot plaoa Magha later than about tho mrldla of the Oth 
century , [VOJ IV 61, 286) R Dufct assigus him to tho 13th oontury (0»e 
II, 291} Mi* U Dafl (Chronology) to about 8b0 A D Mtulonoll (S/V 820) 
gives as the ninth oantury, undoubtedly before tho 10uh oontury A D WobM, (XL 
198 note) places Migha prior to Halayudha of tho 10l>h contuiy A D (sao IStr, I 
193) Taranafehi in his Encyclopaedia qaotoa a lino of Udhhatt, Tavat &'*« Jiharauor 
bhat* yfioaii'Maghayaa nodayah Udbhati wis a oontoraponry of Jiyapiliv, king 
of Kashmir (779 818 A D ) Bat Di Klatt oannob disoovoe thiH lino in Udbhata's 
work and draws attention to the gloss by Titinalha himsolf on tho word Udbhata 
where Taranatha says that the lino is of unknown authorship 803 aUo Aufrecht, 
ZDMG, xxvh 72, 00,1, 448, 3BBA8, XVI 176, Blradarkw, Rep 18')7, ],p xvlii 
and xxxix, E 1 Thomas, Ut to Kit) 69 (whom ill vowos quolol in the anthologies 
are oolleoted) 

X Bhimasena in his oommontary Sudha^khata on Klvyapralc'Wi says that 
Magha was only the pnrohaser of tho authorship of tho bojk from soini poot whose 
name has baan enppressed He says Magha waa a Viisya an! givoithi3 woik as an 
Illustration of a poam oaimased for nmey (artaitonto) Sjo Vamrtnohvyi's titt to 
Ravyaprdkafa (Bombay), 9 Prabhavakaawija also o»lh Mtjhi's unolo Subhan« 
karaas Sresthi', (xiv 15) 

2 He illust)ata3 Sibia oitn in Oaato IV, with miilnl dimIh of n, vory 
complex choraoter 

8 See for instanoe, Sis xvi, 64 , 

4 Subhantavah (Int 87,89), Iwnywuut lairoil of ICo'nw.Ju Zqffi 
&o See Dargaprasod (op at 6) 


SiB*up31avadha indicates that he was a votary of Visnu He must have 
all the same been much m the company of Buddhists and had a great 
regard for the teaching of Buddha He describes his grand-father 
Suprabhadeva as prime minister to a king "■who listened to his advice 
with as great respect as the enlightened public received the words of 
the revered Buddha" and with a similar desire he compares Han with 
Bodhisatva and the allies of bisupala with the host of Mara or the 
Satan of the Buddhist legend x To a certain extent he adopted the 
style of Bharavi, but in general merit M&gha takes a higher plnce 

I here are commentaries on Sisup&lavadha by Cantravardhana, 8 
Pedda Bh.itta, 8 Devarftja, 4 Handasa, 8 Srirangadeva, 8 fcWantha, 7 
Bharatasena, 8 Candrafi'ckhara, Kavivallabha Cakravarti, 10 Laksmi- 
natha," Bhava(ga)datta, 18 Valldbhadeva," MaheSvarapancanana, 1 * 
Bbaglrathn, 18 Jlbannnda Vidyaslgara," Gaiuda," Anandadevayam, 18 
Divakara," Prhaspti, 88 Rajakunda, 81 Jayasimhacar} a, 88 Mallmatha, 98 
[fenrangadevi and Padraanabhadatta, Vnsakara, Rangaraja, Ekanatha, 
Bhara^amallika, Clop.ila] 8 * and one Anonymous '" 

I See the oonoluclmg verses in oanfeoa II and XV 68 

Thore ib a trticlional anonymous verse to Bay so 

xffiti s^ *tr*M ?t>fa ll 

3 Tarn? Cat, VI, 2506. 

3 DO, XX, 7893 

4 DC, XV 7382 

5 DO, 7883 Ho was son of Visnndasa and Muladevi His grandfather 
Baltiimfra ard Iho son of Jycffcha of Rudra i irmly and of Kafiyapagofwi and resident 
of LSbhapura. Handasa quotes Kavysdarpnna 

DO, X\ 7885 , 10, IV 6588 

7 TO, III 8004 , IV 4721 He was Vanot by oaste and lived in Jayasimha- 
mangala on the banks of Daksinaganga in Malabar All the members of hia family 
were known by the name of Snkantha 

8 10, 8222 8 , L, 8176 

9, 10, 0282, 82 23 , L, 8040 10 10, 686 

II 10,173 12. 2,62 

13 Ed Kasi Sawknt Series, Benares , TO, IV 4714, 6649 

14 10 3222 8 15- ■&. 1689 
16 Pnnioa, <U«m»ta 17 B, 296 
18 B, 294 19 NP, 1B1 
20 10,8222 21 Ou, 2287. 

22 Cochin Stats Munusonntg 23 Printed everywhere 

24 Safe, XIX 208 

25 Ton}, Oat, VI 2510 (7th canto only ) 


56 Sivaswamin* was a poet of the court of King Avantivarman 
■who ruled over Kashmir between 855 and 884 A D 8 He was a follower 
of Buddha and an ardent admirer of his religion His only poem 
KAPPHANABHiruDAYAM opens with an invocation to Buddha In twenty 
cantos it describes the expedition of Kapphana, the king of Daksina- 
patha, against the country of king Prasenajif of Sravasti and in the 
course of the march through the Malaya mountains several seasons are 
passed and parties of lovers do not miss pleasant excursions m regions 
of sylvan beauty Though successful in his o\pedition, Kapphana 
turns philosophical and renouncing his worldly attachments he becomes 
a pious follower of Buddha The poem in general follows the plan of 
Sfisupalavadham and Kiratarjunlyam and verbal beauties of composition 
such as yamakas and bandhas are not rare * 

The following verse illustrates his prolific writings in Sanskrit 
though most of them have now become extinct 

f^r srriii'Hifc+iwiiiiii^ jfp^f^fj; 

1 Ha is also known as Bhattasivasw3rnm or Bhatfasri SivaswSratn 

suit qtrww'n«win*MPn#T u *«/, v 34 

8 For analysis of the poem, see SB, II (1899) 40, see also BB, (1807), xvili , 
Aufcustafi, ZDUG, xxvh, 92 , 00 I 65i, rcterson's (Stibh 129) Thomas (Kav m) 
oollaotB all quotations in the anthologies Rayamukuta and SarvSnanda quote frag 
raents, not traceable in this pOero For the beauty of his poetry boo tho following 

far v* fog^rfa^fa #*pfa^r ?*t w^i %RfcRsrf§t«r "frafat I 
fai^^wrntfiuhJr itaiffl<n foftssfapOT II 

UlSTCftfa <MW<Mf) Wf •ll4<M(i|<|^«flsnfH II 

fonr <^R^ f^ffiTft jfiwrft inPFr, ^rti% %*(% I 
m$® W<irfi f #*rcw #r 11% spfrrq; 11 

iff If^fC! gf • TfaffSft FP#?fr Ml ft^TrW: U 


57 Jraasona was the pupil of Vlracarya and was at the head of 
those who were proficient in the fragment of the sacred texts left after 
the time cu Subhadra and Loharya, sages who were conversant with 
the acaranga of the Svetambara Jain religion l Vlracarya and Jinasena 
converted the R/Lstrakuta king Amoghavarsa 9 into Jamism and the king 
abdicated his throne in favoui of his son m 875 \D Vlracarya was an 
illustrious mathematician and alludes to the king in the prasasti of 
Ganitasarasangraha s Jinasena's pupil Gunabhadra was the preceptor 
of king Kr-na II, Akalavaria * Among his works HanvamsV was com- 
posed in the reign of Kisnaraja I, 6 grandfather of Amoghavar«.a, m 
793 A D and Pavsvabhyudaya, 7 in 81 4 A D Of Xdipcrana, 8 42 chapters 
weie written byjmaseni and the last five were completed by his pupil 
Gunabhadn avoiding to his instructions as Uttarapuranam This 
was consecrated by his pupil Lokaseaa m the reign of Rastrakiita king 
Kr?na 11, AUlavarsa, on 23rd June 897 (Saka 828) 

Parsvabhyudaya is a poem in imitation of Kalidasa's Megha- 
sandeiam The last lines of the verses of the latter are taken and the 
first three lines are added The poem deals with the story of 
Parsvanatha, the 2.3rd Tirfehankara 8 

Jinasena's poetry is of a high order and often equals if not 
surpasses the beauty of Kalidasa's expressions 10 

1 Bee Padousuudira's Bayamdldbhyudaya, J?B, III and IA, XX 849, 
App. 250 (whioh oontains a pros' tfti at the end of Hanvamk) See also BB (188884) 
118', PB, IV 16? 177, xli, 1C B Pathak, JBBA8, XVXtl. 228 6, Bhandarkar, 

BSD, Sup 1 

2 For his msorjptions dated Saka 765, 765, 788, 789 A T> , see IA, XII. 216 , 
XIII 128, 188, 215 See Fleet's Dynasties of Kanareso Distrusts, 407 , K B Pathak*s 
paper in U, XIV 101 and XV. Ul 

8 See his A^manuJasana, verse 102. 

4 For his inscriptions dated Stika 822 and 831, see 14 XII 220, 222, IA, XV 


5 Printed Bombay 

6 For his inscriptions, dated Saka 675, see IA, XH. 238 

7 Ed by K B Pabbak, Poona 

8 Printed, Indore wJ8 Vols There is a doubt U Adipnrana and Barivamfe 
are by two different Jinasonas 

9 For fuller account, see under Meghas*ndos"a to|the Chapter on LaghukSvya post 
10 For Instance, the following — 



58 KaSaaknrn 1 was the son of Airrtahhanu 3 and descendant of 
Rajanaka Durghata, A\ho lived .it Gnngihrada Ho began his poetic 
career in the reign of King Cippala Ji} "ulitya,* and became famous 
during the reign of his siccessor, King Av.intm.rman, \vho ruled over 
Kashmir between S3S and 884 A D * He boio the title of Vidyapafci 
VaglSvara He was. praised by RnjaSekhara as a poet of vast learning 
and imagery" and is popular with rhetoricians 

His Haravij^a is ° lontf poem of 10 ranlos describing the tales 
relating to Siva" From the beaut \ of iparluulai \erse he has been 
known as Tala-Ratuakaia T 

■»fH«.jsVW rs3w #r»nnft I *,t8svn ^w^ftHwr s*r ftm II 
^erc^5^?<rnfttffciTft£ I Tra*Rfr&«r srrftufSfelwafitaT II 
tftsreROTlwif^asWV^ I itfErafirsiT <swr «r^r(!r^>i% ii 
aroteRPcsr TT^r*RFfq? «p$ I %sim sr?fr ^^mpm^^ il 

5^ Kl d^ H<i<44 J K taf^ft |l 

1 KitmsiuiUa, who wrotj Piudynmn icnutt MaMklvyn in Simvut 1071, when 
Hemaaoma was ohiof Sua of llio Tijn<ja<Hit is a rlifforonfc poison— sco PR IV List 
of suthois, and Pi?, \ 15* 

3 This person is diCferenli from tho pne+s Amrttd ifti (a <tfiuit poet of Shahn- 
buddmof 1362 AD) inlAmrtwaidhajm, -iiid Amrtidov* quoted m the Subba&ja 
vali See Peterson Int. to Siil, <*, 4 

8 He borethetHleof rain Lrhaapatiawl Ritnalnra calls himself Brhaspaj 
yanujivin, "aservaniof ynun« r.rhaapap " (SreTJtf IV (175) Ho reigned 832 844 
AD Between him and \vaiitl\ arma l tUroworo lUioammnr kings of tho Karkota 
dynasty See Buhlor, KB, 42 and rotorson lat, to Subh % 

5 JTRT *Fg ft T<m n# career & l 

as qaote.1 in Haravali and SfityimuktSvah 

6 rnntefl, Benaies with Atoka's commentary J*'or a full nooount of the poom 
soe Buhlcr's KB, 42, and Aufreoht, ZDMG, XXXVI 378 M Dull {Chronology) gives 
dafco for Eata3ka» as 840 800 A D 

ril?^?iWWr^^at^ II— llanvvljaja, XIX. 6, 


There is a commentary on it by Valldbhadevi, 1 an incomplete com- 
mentary by Alakd, a son of Rajfinaka ],n ".ndki, vmrh clops in the middle 
of 46th canto ALika vui3 a contemporary and pupil of Rafmakara 
Haravijaya was loft unfinished by Ratn"iL' a <tiid completed by Gana- 
pa$i It i!» possible therefore from the limit of Alnka's commentary to 
say that s>o far Rdtnakara wrote loo 3 

Vakrokji-Panctlsika is «i '■mall poem of My verses, being an 
imaginery dialogue between Siva and Pars'Tfcl, of ingenious intricacy, 4 
and Dhvanigadhapam ik"i is a similar poem ° 

59 Abhmanda was the -»on of Sa^anand.i a Soddhala, in the 
Introductory verses lo his Udayasundarl, praises \bhinandi and Raja- 
sekhara 7 The sequence, it is \ery bkel), shows tbat Rajasekhara came 
after Abhinanda 

Soddhala lived mostly in the first half of the 11th century AD 
Abhinanda mentions his pation King Haravarsa Yuvaraja by whom 
he was well honored and in appreciation ol his talents the King ac 
corded to him a seat on his throne 8 Ahhinandi and Soddhala class 
King Haravarfaci along w ith famous royal patrons of letters, Vikrama, 
Hnla and Sri Harsn In the v.uious verses m Ramacdnfi, Abhmanda 
refers to king ll,,t \uvuaj,idev.i as the son of Vikramallla, a 
scion of the house of King Dharmapfilu of the Paid, dyanasty 

1 Stein's Kaah Cut, fftgo 76 

3 He is not to bcocmbuudol with Allitt, who oomplefeJ the TvavyaprakSfe of 
Mnramala Sco Stem lid to Haj, xtvi 

3 PR I 13 , Bh.R, 4S 

i Prralod Kavyauul.i, Bombay Tbcro is a oonim'nUry on it by Vallabhadeva, 
son ol Anandadova Boo MR, X , PR I 14 Tho poem has ?H|^ 

5 Sao PR, IV oiv , 00 401 BKB, 4.2, 08, Sao al o Slem hit, to Raj (foot 
notes to V 31) 

8 So says Abhinanda himself 

Abhuiandi, son of JayanU, and autba of j^ad*nb«l Kajha'sa'M isa diffsreat poet 
Bahler wrongly identified those Wo poets (II, U 102) They weie soas of diSerenS 
persons AufreobA distinguished thura (00, 2'o)bco alai, Kjaaw's Infc to Karpura 
nwnjwi, 197 Is this §at3na»dt ilontiotl with th3 rhotttiolan Radnta Si{Snani», 
author of KSvyalankara ? 
8. So says Soddhala 


In the Pala dynasty of Bengal King Dharmapala was famous and 
he had two sons Tnbhuvanapala and Devapala In the Monghyr grant, 1 
Tribhuvanapala is mentioned as the Yuvaraja, but Devapala succeeded 
his father and became famous in the second half of the 9th century 
AD K S Ramaswami Siromam compares verses in this grant with verses 
m the Ramacanta, to show the punrty of ideas, and expressions relating 
to King Devapala and concludes rightly, that king Devapala was the 
King Haravarsa Yuvarajadeva a He says "The question m<iy be raised 
as to how a king of the Pala Dynast}, instead of bearing a name 
ending in Pala, should prefer to the called Haravarsa a name quite 
foreign to the Pala tradition The reason for this is not difficult to 
discover It is well known that Dharmapala married a Rastrakuta 
princess known by the name of Kamadevi Rastrakuta 
were very fond of adopting names ending on " V.usa " and it is very 
probable that king Devapala during his stay in his maternal uncle's 
household was known by the name of Haravarsa, while his elder 
brother Tnbhuvanapala was Yuvaraja in the Court of his father 
Dharmapala" Abhmanda must have therefoie lived in the earlier 
half of the 9th century A D 

His RAMACARirA 8 is profusely quoted by Blioja, Mammala and 
Mahima Bhatta and must have therefore ver> soon attained high 
celebrity It is a long poem relating the story of kauifiyaua In the 
Baroda edition recently published the editor says " 1 hese four cantos 
have two definite recensions, one attributing the authorship to Abhi- 
nanda and the other to Bhimakavi a fairly unknown author Hut this 
latter definitely says that Abhinanda left the work incomplete and it 
fell to his lot to complete the book by adding four more i antos Most 
of the 36 cantos which are undoubtedly's own contain 
besides the subject-matter of the poem additional versos wnllon ob- 
viously in praise of his patron king and describing the uionls of his own 
composition" 1 he ease of narration, the melody of versilic ation and 
the grace of poetic fancy are apparent everywhere * 

1 1A XXI, 258 

3 JOB, lit, 57 et seq whloh contains a loirnad dtaoufMon on thi«i ldoufcilicafciuu 

8 Ed by K S Bauwswimi S vstn Siromam m Clack Or soricw 'Pho manuscript 

in the Madras Ononial Manuaonpfcs library brcukaof in tna d.0tU oauto (SO, IV 01*71;. 

There is a manusoript with M B Kavi of Madras whioh stops with tho 07th vorao in 

the 60th oanto 

i There is a BSinaoanta by KaSmatha (10, 1181, 00, 1 IOC), and anotho* by 

San4hy5kaMoancJin (Ed by Haraprasad fcastn for Asiatic Eowofcy of Bengal) 


60 Abhmanda also called Gaudabhmanda, was the son of 
Jayanta His ancestors h\ ed in the Gauda Country until one of them named 
Sakti went to Kashmir and married there in the town of Darv^bhisara 
Sakti's grandbon Saktiswamm was a minister under King Lalifaditj a 
Muktapida of the Karkota d>n.istj, i who ruled at Kashmir about the 
year 726 AD From Saktiswamm, \bhmanda was the 5th m descent 
Jalhaaa m his Suktunul tavali mentions Abhmanda as a contemporary 
of Rajasekhara, and Abhinanvagupta quotes him m his Locana * From 
these references it appears that this Abhmanda lived in 9th century 
AD' But Jayanta, tlie father of Ahhimnda, ridiculing in Nyaj amanjari, 
the iungiua idea in Kuttinimata of Dainodaragupta incidentally men- 
tions binkaro.irinan as the King of Kashmir in his tima (Nya p 279) 
Sankaravarman ruled from 884 AD This allusion brings down 
Abhmanda to a generation later, to the first half of the 10th century 
His Kadambari-Kathd.b3ra* epitomises in 8 cantos the story of Bana's 
Kadamban in verse Uis poetry has been held in high estimation 
by later rhetoricians * 

61 Padmagupta, otherwise known as Panmala, 6 was 
the son of Mpgankagup^a He was a poet of the Court of Kmg Munja 
of the Paramara dynasty, who, among several other titles, bore also the 
name of Navasahasanka T His literary activity extended through the last 
and first quarters of the 10th and the 11th centuries He was a devotee 
of biva He was an admirer of Kahdasa and in descnptive imagery, he 

1 Theso fools arc given by the pool himself in the introduction to his KSdam 

2 See Kavytimftla Edition, p 142 But he mentions farther Jayanta as the 
author of the poom 

8 On Abhinaudiv, seo Aufrechfc, ZDMG, XXVII, 6, 27 , 00, I 24 , PB, IV. 7, 
(1887-91) 21 and F W Thomas, hit, to Kav , 20 22, where all verges quoted 
in the anthologies aro collected 

4 Tnvikrama, rnipil of Sakala VidySdharaoakrayaitin wrote a poem KSdam 
bariaSra in 17 cantos in about the 14 th oentury {TO, IV 429i) 

5 Rayimukuta in his commentary on AmarakoSa and Ksemendra in his 
Suvtttatilaka quote him and Somesrarn in his Kirtikaum udl (X 26) enlogises him 

6 DO, XXI, 86 70 , See Buinell's Tan Oat 163 , Peterson's Int. to Subh 51 

7 King Munja boro the names, VSkpafiritja I, Sahasinka, SindhorSja, UJpala 
rag i, Snvallabha, Prfhvivallabha, Amoghavarja He ruled between 974 994(977) 
aDd was flaally defoatod and beheaded by Taila II of the Ohalakya dynasty of Kalyan 
See Prabaudbaointamani (Tatoney's Tr ), V Smith, ED, 80 6 , 89B, 431 , also Buhler, 
EI, I, 222 294, 802 , Fleet, Dynasties of Kanartse Dxstrwts, 482, Bhandarkar, BED, 
214 , Haas, Dasarupa, OU8, xxlt, note 4 , Elliot, Oarnatadesa rnsoriyftow, I 
870, 418 , 1A, XII 270 , XXI 167 , XIX. 28 , XIV 160 , He was himself a great 
post and for his vorses oolleotea from anthologies, See F W Thomas Int to Kav 103t 


was a successful second to him It is possible that his influence et 
tended through the reign of lung Blu>j i, 1 the successor of King 
Munja, and that the poet of the name of Kahdasa, so often said to be 
a friend of that king is Padmagupt i himself, as shown by his iha< 
Panmala Kahdasa His only poem that his cume down to us if 
Navasahasanka.cariia In 18 cantos it describes the mam ige of his 
king Smijhuraja, with the Naga princess fcias'iprabba In one of hi' 
hunting excursions he shoots a deor with a golden ihnu on its neik 
The deer escapes It is a pel of oaSiprabh.1 and from the m irk on the 
arrow, she recognises the name of tho king So m pursuit of the deer, 
the king in his turn sees a swan on a lile, with a pearl necklac e 
hanging in its beak and when he tikes hold ofil, ht sees the name ol 
jJ3as*iprabha engraved on the pearls lhus the lo\e dawns, Miilprabha 
sends her maiden in search of the necklace and she interviews tho king 
To get at her the king is asked to invade Nasjaloka, i apturo and lull 
the demon Vajrankuia at his capital at Bhogav it* and bring the golden 
lotus from his pleasure pond 1 his the king easilj accomplishes and 
the lovers are married a 

Among later references to Padmagup^a .ire some b> Hhoj.i in his 
Sarasva^-Kanthabharana, by Kseuiendra in his Au< it) avii ,"irai .in a, by 
Mammala m his KavyaprakaSa and by Vardhamana m his ( 
mahodadhi Some of tho verses quoted there ns Padm.igupl.i's .ire not 
found in the Navasahasankacanta From some of those verses,* it is 
inferred that the theme of another poeni must have boon ovpedition 
into Gujarat despatched by lailapa under a gonor il of tho name of 
Basapa against Mularaja, the founder of the Chalukya dj nasty at 
Anhilapattana * 

Padmagup^a's language is highly ombelhshod and though 
oftentimes he appears an imitator of Kahdasa, whom ho holds in high 
esteem, his expression is original and verse melodious 

62 Bilhana was born at Konamukha' near Pravanipura, the 
capital of Kashmir He was the son of Jyesthakalasa and N.ig.idevl II« 

1 Ha ratal betaeon 1018 10C8 At) See for a fuller account under Bhrg i 

3 Ed BSS, No 63 For an elaborate account of the pooin, Soo Bullor la, 

XXXVI 149, based on Zucharlao's Essay in German , also Maodonoll, 8T,, 98t 
8 See Peteisons' M to Stibh SI— 63 , Aufreeht, ZDMG, fXVVL, 617 
& On Mulara]* who lived about 97 J A D , wo XI, X 70, J It 18, (1900) 209 He 

was killed by a Ohouhan Rjja VigrahatSja II Seo JRAS (1918) 26(5, 207, 269, V. Smith 

Bit, 381 

6 This is tho modern village o£ Khutimoh 3 miles north-west of P-tttpw. Seo 

Ounalagham, AQ, 98 , BKB, 40 and Stem's Int. to llaj 


grandfather was Rajakabiba and his great grand-father w as Muktikalasa 
His family belonged to the sect of Madhyadesi biahmms ofKaus"ika 
gctra His father -\ 'rote a commenlar} on Mahabhasja His brothers. 
IstSrama and Ananda were poets Fducated in Kashmir and particul- 
arly proficient m grnmmai and poetics, he commenced a tour At 
Mnthma he stayed for some time engaged m plajful disputations -with 
the learned of Brind.u an He visited Kanouj, Prayag and Benares He 
was. received well in the Court of King Kpna ofDahala (Bundelkhand) 
and in that Court probably composed a poem in honour of Rama 1 

He intended to see Bhoja of Dhar, but he could not He went to 
Anhilw id in Gujarat, but he was not heartily welcomed there and he 
complains of this indifference 9 He offered his devotions at Somnath 
and setting out southward, he visited Rameswara On his way back, 
he reached the Court of Kalyan, where Vikramaditya VI Tnbhuvana- 
malla (1070-1127 AD; 3 admired his learning and made him his Vidya- 
pati, or Director of Instruction, and his parosol when he travelled on 
elephants through Katnati land, was seen borne aloft before the king* 
Of the Kings of Kashmir Ananta had been dead and he probably 
knew Kalasa He lived to see Harsa (1084-1101 AD) * From the 
last verses of Viknmankadevacanta and some other verses attributed 
to him, 8 which are really characteristic of his self-conscious spirit, it is 
conjectured that latterly he fell into disfavour with Vikramaditya and 
had to leave his territories probably on an order for confiscation of 
his estates J his may account for the incomplete narrative of Vikrama's 
history in BHhana's poem, for it stops with his Chola war and does not 
refer to the expedition beyond the Narbada in 1088 AD' 

1 So ho wye 

tfcrmsHw^ <i*wi»nwNm il nft xviu, 94. 

2 Vik, XVIH 9T 

3 See I A VIII. 10 (Snka 99 9), Ttll 21 (Sato* 1018), VI 187 (Safca 1018) 
X 2d9 (Saba 1080) 

4. Bai, Vll 937 

5 Ba], VII 1781 et stq and JBBA8, in 208 11 

55^l , feW^cIT«l^ii , W f ^Tf^35r far H 
7 JBAS, IV. 15. 


63 His Vikramankadfvacarttaai is a poom in 18 cantos, des- 
cnbmg the glorv of King Vikramaditya Tnbhuvanamall.i of Kalyan 
" 1 ho mam theme of this laudator} poem is royal wars and royal 
marriages The poet begins with a short account of (he Chalukya 
race and the kings of the restored dynast) which begins with lailapa. 
he dwells at some length upon the exploits of Vikrnmadit) a's father 
and describes with all customary amplifications, the conquests of 
Vikrainaditya before his accession to the throne, his dethronement of 
his elder brother Someswara II, his defeat and capture of his younger 
and his numerous wars with the faithless Cholas "* 

His Karnasundari,* a piny in four acts alter (he manner of Katna- 
vah, must have been composed in the Chalukja, C ourl It describe^ the 
secret intrigues of a Chalukya prince Karnadevn, son of BbJmadeva, 
with Vidyadhara pnncess and their evential marriage wilh the consent 
of the queen 

His fonASiUTi is a small poem m praise of Siva 8 

64 His CAtfRAPANCASiKA,* is >i poem of fitly verses nfamalorj im- 
port, attributed to Bilhana By itself it describes only Iho ro< oik ( linns of 
a lover of the company of his darling princess But in some m.nmsr npts, 
there is an introductory part, relating its romantic origin * Bit liana was 
the tutor of Candralekha or Sasikall, the daughter of King \ ainsimha 
of Guzarat The pupil fell in love with the teacher and the intrigue 
went on undiscovered When at last when the sec ret was. out and Bilhana 
was condemned to death b> the incensed father and taken to the place 
of execution, he repeated these verses in remembrance of Iho graces of 
the princess and the joys of her company ihe e\eiutionors were 
moved and when they conveyed to the king the last invocation of 
Bilhana," the King was moved and the result a pardon and restora- 
tion to favour and a formal bestowal of the hand of Ihe pnncoss 

1 For a full account of Bilhana and this poem, see Bublor'B Int to Edn anil IA 
V 817, IA, V 824, IA, X 817 Durgapranad'fl Tut to KarnnFurdan (Bombay)' 
Peterson Int to Subh 66, where verses quoted m tho anthologies aw collected 

3 Ed Bombay (Kavyamala, No 7) 

8 OUy, 285 There is n Bilhanasjavam (T II. 186) Am thoso identical ? 

i Ed Madras, Bombay and Calootta and etanrhoe 8co Oolobroko Jtfw Jfo n 
95 , Bohlen, Introduction to Edn Berlin , ERR, d8, Bod, No 8<t6 ' ' 

6 See Bilhanwantn, TO, It 1196 2622 Ed by V Venkftttayafiasli i , Madras 

6 war as*5 w^ star te^ gsr 

sjtoW jtPiw wsxfts. «n% (^Fsnri^ 
351% iHw<(Hy«K #itsr«fr«nf St 

MAH5.-KAVYA 167 

A similar story is, told of a poet Caurasundara ind in the Beng-ih 
version Caurapaachasikti is attributed to that poet Sundara l 

It is apprehended that Caura was not identical with Bilhana, 
though many scholars have fallen into that error 9 and this suspicion 
has almost become a certainty when we see that Bhoja quotes two 
verses from PancdGika in his, Srngaraprakasa and Jakkana, a Telugu 
poet, in his Vikramarkacnnta praised Bilhana and Cora distinctly 
among several poets 

This introductory part is certamlv a later compilation, for it 
contains verses of different author* put together to suit the description, 
though indeed it is an admirable collection King Vainsimha of 
Anhilvid died in 920 AD,' long before Bilhana was born The name 
of the heroine and the king are given in manv manuscripts as "iamml- 
purnatilaka and Madanlibhirama, King of Laksmlmandira, capital of 
Pancaladesa Bilhana himself in his autobiographical passages never 
alluded to his long sojourn and relationship with any king of Guzarat 
or Pancata 

1 here are commentaries on Pan< aiika by Ganapatisarma and 
Ramopadhyaya* and by Basavefa ara 5 

65 Vasudeva* was the son of Ravi and desciple of Bharataguru 
railed also Mahabharata-Bhattatn He lived at Viprasaty ama (Papana- 
thur) in Travancore I radition m Malabar gives the following story 
about his early life " He used to be particularly interested in listening 
to the te\ts oSPuranauu and Shastras repeated by the pupils of his master 
As he could not for want of education pronounce words distinctly, his 
associates used to taunt him by calling him Vathu, a lisping form of 
Vasu his. correct name One day, as usual, while he was coming back 
from a temple at I iruvllakkavu, where he had gone to worship, it 
rained heavily and the ferryboat, on which he was to cross an inter- 
vening stream which was in high floods, was on the other shore 

1 CASB, 64 Ed Kavyasangraha, Oalnutta BSna's mention In Harsaoarita 
does not refer to any poet of that name, but only a general abuse of plagiarists. 

2 See for instance, Peterson, Subli. 66, Durgaprasad's Itttrodnotlon to Karnasun- 
dari where the whole story iB given 

8 See Forbes, Basmala, I 42 
4 100, VII, 1888 
6. T0,U 1622 

6 Etor other Vasudevas, see Iudes and article on Rumnhathu— A Study by K R 
Pisharolsi, Bull of Or Studies, V. it. 

108 MAIl5.-KA.VYA 

Bh.iltrft'n retraced his steps to the temple, where lie spent the whole 
night It was mining heavily and he had only one wet cloth od bis 
waist In despair he appealed to his favourite deity who gave him 
some fuel <md lire to warm himself and a buuch. of plantain fruits to 
nppease hit. hunger with After eating of the funis he became by 
inspiration a poel uf a high order The sweeper woman who came 
early in the morning to the temple learnt from him where he threw 
awnv the rind of the fruits and ate it herself She also became a 
poetess. ' 1 lie eulogises his patrons King Kulafekhara and King Rama 
and lived in the 9th centun AD* 

In \uDHrsinxi4AMjA\ \, a poem m 8 as\asas in tlcy.i metre Kmg 
Kulafiekhara is mentioned as the reigning king It describes the story 
of Mahabharata from the hunting sports of Paudu to the coronation of 
\udhisthira after the war 8 lhereis a commentarv on it by feokkanatha, 
son of Acciamba and Sudarsana of Sattanur nc tr* 

SAURiKArnoni\A, and Tru'Uhadviivnv mention the name of the 
ruling King as Rama 1 he former n.tirntes the bfo oi Kj ->na from 
birth to the conquest of Banlsura as related in Hanvumsa 6 I here is 
a commcntaiy on it 1-} Nil.iknnth.i, son of liana of MuktiHhnla ° 1 he 
latter desenbes the story of destruction ol tho I hiee Cities b> Siva T 
There is a cominenlar) on it by one who calls himself son ol Nit\ apnv.i 8 

1 Travanooio Stats Mtiuuil, II 427 

3 This King KuUSltua cannot be tho autboi of tho Mukund inula wbioh 
must have been the work of afu eiilioi author, who was tho fnmonB KnlafckharSlwac, 
the saint of tho Vaisnivra Tlio pation of Vasud wa mn>-t havu boon tho author of the 
dramas Subhadiadhananjiya and Tapati<wmvarana (T» Salt bit), On several 
Xulafakharas, see article by A 8 Ramanatha Ayyai, Tr At oh J\ 1 ol V pt 2 

'Fot detailed information, see under Kulasokhara m the oliaptor on N&trtka frost, 
Tradition gi\es to the saint 28th Kali, Parabhava Koralofcputtl mentions YSsudova 
as oontemporary of Kul a" Mmra Perumn-1, v,ho\e diath it givoe ns 383 A 1> , For the 
identification of Hulas' khara and Rama, tee A S Raintuatnt Ayyar, Nalodaya 
and Ub at'thot (J My, XlV 802 11) 

8 Printed Kavyawaln, Borab»y There tho poet and his patron oro wrongly said 
to bavo lived in Kashmir 

i DO, XX 7808 

5 S'0,11 2689 

6 DO, XX 788G Obis wis written cluuiiR the roign of tto nSmav»rjn» and 

7 TC,Xl 2589 

8 TO, III 8873 



All these three poems ,ire illustrations of \ ainaka composition * It 
has recently been suspected whether Vasudeva was also the author 
of the similar composition Nalodaya atttnbuted to Kalidasa 8 

66 Dhananjaya was. son of \ asudeva and Sride\I He was a. 
Jain By his time Dvisandhlna, or poem of double entendre narrating 
different tales in the same expression became, as it were, a generic name 
Pandin inaugurated it and his poem of that name is mentioned by Bhoja 
in his fermgaraprakasa, but it is not now available Subandhu adapted 
the device to prose and his Va.savadat$d indicated the heights to which 
a poet can work upon the innate excellence of Sanskrit vocabulary, to 
express his imagery m brief punning phrases Dhananja^ <i followed'and 
he narrated the story of Ramayana and MaMbharafca at a time zn his 
Dvisandhana" in measures at once fluent and heavy He is conscious of 
his merit and deems himself almost a combination of Valmiki and 
Vyasa, who, with pandin, were in his mind the only three poets He 
cla«ses his work as one of the three gems, as unblemished as Akalanka'i. 
NyayaSastra and Pujyapadn's Vyakarana He praises Anandavardhana 
and Rafnakara, is euloguised by Somadeva and Jalhana and is 
quoted by Vardhamana He must therefore have lived in the 9-10lh 
centuries AD* He also wrote a lexicon Dhananjayanamamala * 

1 Bee for instance ~ "■ 

ffafftenfa *flfi>Hl'H'#ffe ^WfrTT II 

2 This view has bean elaborately propounded and may vary likely be oorreot by 
A S Bamanatha Ayyat in Nalodayi and its Author t JMy, XIV 862. tn a manus* 
oripb of Malabar {DO, XX 7886, B No J1852) all these three poems are found wntten 

8 Ed. by |ivida{{a in KavyamJla, Bonibiy with a prefaoe 

& M Dull (Ouronology) identifies Dhanaajaya with &nj>kirfi Traividya and 
gives him the date 1180 A D Srujakirf i is mentioned in an insoription [li, XIV 14) 
dated Salsa 1015, But this identification Beams to be wrong as Pampa says that 
i3ru{akir{i's work though embraoiug the subjeot of EamSya^a and MShSbharata was a 
Gatapr*{ySgaJa (read to and fro) poem In the Iofcroduotion to Kavyavaloka, (Bio. 
Cat. 4) Scuf'ikicjl is unatioaed as the author of a ESghivap3ndaviya , this Pampa 
and Meghaoan4ra were contemporaries and Mejh*>»udra's so i wrote woikmSak* 
1076(14 XIV 14). 

8. E V VeenraghaViohariar (JABS, It 181) plaoes Dhananjaya between 
760 800 AD and KavlrSja as earlier than Dhananjaya in 650 725 A D Bhandarkat 
[BR (1894) SO] saya Dhananjaya borrowed th ) idea from RavuSji 

6. Printed, Bombay 

170 mAh5.-k.XvyA 

67 Atula's Musikavausa is a poem of 15th cantos About 
Atula nothing more is known The poem relates the story of <i long 
lxne of kings that ruled over the Musika kingdom, which according 
to Keralotpatti was South 1 ravancore When Parasurama was slaugh- 
tering the KSatri) as a queen of a king, who was lulled, hid herself m a 
mountain cave One day, a rat as big as an elephant entered the cave 
and when it threatened to devour the queen, fire arose from her eyes 
and burnt the rat The soul of the rat appeared in the form of the 
ParvatarSja with his attendants and the Parva$nraja astonished at his 
own change said that he had been cursed by sage Kusika to become a 
rat and his curse thus came to an end at her ■* jew 1 he queen con- 
tinued to li\e in the cave and brought forth a male child 1 he Purohit 
who was all this time helping the queen educated the boy, When 
Parasurama was performing a sacrifice and was on the look out for 
a Ksa^nya to act at a particular ritual, this boy was t ikon to him 
and pleased him, he made him the king of Musika coming under 
the name of Musika Ramaghata because he was consecrated with 
potful of water He killed Madhavavarman, the king of Magadha, 
m battle and married his daughter Bhadrasena He installed the 
son of Madhavavarman on the throne of Magadha Ramaghata 
had two sons lhe elder Vatu was made king of Haihaya and 
the younger Nandana of the Cola kingdom lie returned to forest 
and spent the rest of his days in retirement I hen follows a long line 
of kings and their story, ending with Snkanlha, Valabha and his son 
In the time of Snkanlha the poet lived and composed his poem* In 
canto 14, it is stated that king Valabha joined the king of Kerala in 
opposing the advances of Cola King towardb Kerala It is thought 
likely that the Cola King referred to was Rajendra Choladeva I, who 
ruled m 1014-1046 A D In cantos 12 and 14, the temple of Buddha 
at fenmulavasa is described as on the verge of ruin an account of the 
inroads of the sea This temple was in a flourishing condition and had 
royal grants in 868 A D a It is conjectured that that the poem must 
have been composed in the 11th century AD 

68 Ksemendr& s surnamed Vyasarjasa, was the son of I'rakaien- 
dra and grandson of Sm dhu His father was a great patron of Brahmins 

1 2V Aroh Senis 87 et eeq la the Mahakula inscription (liTxiX 7) it ia 
stated that King Kirtivar*mm I (489 to 5fi7) ruled over the kings ol tfetftliv, Musak* 
&o Seo JMy, XXI 62 

'i lbti I 198 8, II 116 

8 On Ksemondra, see Bublei (BKB 46), JBBAS (1877), XII Extra No, 
JBBA8.S.Y1 167. PB I 4, 75 , 3 A Jerw, VII 100, YH 216 M Dufl (ltd, Chr J 


and e\pended three crores in various benefactions He was himself a 
devotee of feiva but latterly, under the teachings of Somacar) a, it is said, 
he became a Vaisnava Bhagavata He studied under Abhinavagupta 1 
and was m the court of King \nan^a of Kashmir (1029-1064 AD * 
He wrote manv works, and among them are some independent didactic 
poems and narrative abstracts of older poems 8 

His Rajavall is a history of Kashmir like Kalhana's Raja^arangim 
Brha$kabhamanjari, 4 Ramilyanamanjart 8 and Bharafamanjan* are epi- 
tomes of Bihajkathd, Ratniiyana and Mahabhfirafca 

Among his works known only by name are Sasivainsa-mahakavya 
Amitarangakavya, Avasaras&ra, Muktavali, LavanyavajT, Dedopa- 
desa, PavanapantaSika, and Padvakadambari , and among his known 
and printed works are, T Avadana-Kalpalata, Nlfcikalpa^aru, Lokapra- 
kaiakosa, Sevyasevakopades*a, NTtilata, Vmayavalll, Darpadalana, 

givos thti date Irak* 12 11 and A D 1037 and notes the dates of some works 
Bnhntkathanianjui (Loka li), BaiuayamatrkI (Loka 25), DasSvatara Can^i (Loka 41) 
Laukika era oommenoed in year 25 Kali oi 8076 — G B A Laukika century oommen- 
oed in 1025 A D Sao Stein's Int to liaj , Maoclonnel (SL, 290, 376) calls Ksemendra 
contemporary of Somadeva 

1 Ksomaraja, the author of. 85mbapanoas'ika' vivarana says he was a popil of 
Abhinavagupta Ho may probably be identical with Ksemendra (PR I 11) But 
Bublu (BKR 16) says otherwiso Ho identifies him with Ksemendra, author of 
Spaudamma^n J\s.emondra son of YadusSrman of Guzarat and author of Hastijana 
prakas » is a different porson 

2 The king is referred to in the oouoluding verses of SuvrtUf ilska and other 
poemb Ho was a contemporary of King Bhoja of Dhar — 

qjfr ciferc; #f pt smrf ^rF«r^ II b* 3 vn 255 

3 For a list Of his works, see S Levi, J A, (1855), 309, Peterson's Int to Subh 


i rnntad, Bombay DO, XKl 8105 Bee the paper on it by Levi, 3 A (1886), 
Fob April Buhler (I A , I 802) fixes Souttdeva 1088-82 A D and makes Ksemendra 
his contemporary Levi does not agtee and says that Ksemendra's work was anterior to 
Somadeva's Kajh5san{sagara and that the latter was written as a direct orrfioism upon 
or it is a kind of reply *ddtcssed by Somadava to Ksemendra This being assumed, 
Levi refers to a quotation from Brhajkatha in the Dafatapa and differing from Hall 
ooacladeds that the latter work is posterior to the BxhatkajhS aud autorior to Kajha 

5 Printed, Bombay 

6 Printed, Calcutta 

7 Printed, KSvyamato. Parts I, IV. ana VI, Bombay C. Bofi 88b and Bcrl 

Oat No 801. 


MumrndtdmlcQamsd and Kavikanthabharana * Dasavataracant t gives 
the story of the incarnations and the story of Buddha is related 
according to the Buddhist -works Kalavilasa a m 10 parts describes 
several arts with illustrations frcm traditional Idles 

69 Carucarya 8 is a century of moral aphorisms, easily expressed, 
each with a sanction of the orthodox kind appended, -which gives a 
quaint and pleasing picture of virtue's ways of pleasantness in the 
Kashmir of his time Chaturvarga Sangraha,* is a concise exposition 
of the four great motives of human activity, duty, wealth, love and 

SuvRnATlLAKA* is a treatise on metrics and is v.ilu ible in 
literary history, for its quotations fiom several works with the names of 
their authors 6 In three chapters, it describes the collection of metres, 
their faults and merits and their proper application * 1 he particular 
merit of this composition is that the illustrations seem at once to the 
eye and the ear as a versus memorials both of the < haractor and of 
the name of the particular metre 

In Samayamatrka, "one of his most original pooms which is 
intended to describe the snares of courtesans, he gives us among other 
stones an amusing account of the wanderings of his thief heroine, 
Kankali, through the length and breadth of Kasmir I ho numerous 
places which form the scene of her exploits can all easilj enough be 
traced on the map More than once curious touches of true local 
colour impart additional interest to these references To Ksemendra's 

1. On this work, se^ 8 K D», SP II 361, and T Sohonberg Wion 

3 It contains the stoiy of Muladeva alias Karnlauja rtforrad to by Bana and 
Subsndhn On Muladeva, gee page, 

8 m Bombay, K&vyamala, Part II PR, I. a , JBRAS, XVI Kxtra No Pot 
instance there Is the version of the proverb, " The airly bird oatobes tbo worm " 

strt* %$& $*f# «i%cT sft&rwr II 

4 Ed Bombay, Kavyamgla, Part V PR, I 6 

5 Ed KavyamSla, Part I Bombay, PR I 5 11. 

6 Among the authors mentioned are Abhinani}*, Bhabba ludariji, Utpalaijla, 
Kalasaka, KalidSsa, Gandinnka, Cakca, Tuo]Ina (King, Bi/ II 16), Dfpaka, Bhatta 
jjjSrayana, Parimala, Bana, Bhartri Mentha, Bhortrlhari, Bhuvabhnti, Bbaravi, 
Mukjabana, Yafavarman, RatnSkara, BajaGekhara, Bissu, Lata DimUna, Bhabba 
Vallate, Viradeva, SShila, Bhatta Syamala, §ri Harsadeva, Bhattl, Bhauinaka 

7 Kshemendra says that Abhinand* excelled in Anastubh, Panini in UpajSff, 
BhSravi In Vam iasjha, BatnSkara in Vasanjajilaka, Bhavabhuji In likharmf, Kail 
d5sa in MandkSranJS and Kajaiekhara in (Jardulavikndita 


poem we o\\ e, for instance the earliest mention of the Pir Pantsal Pass 
(PancalaJhata) and its. hospice (viatha), lhere, too, we get a glimpse 
of the ancient salt trade which still follows that route with preference 
Elsewhere we are taken into an ancient Buddhist convent, the Krtyas- 
rama Vihara, wheie Kankali's conduct as a nun is the cause of no 
small scandal " 

Lok\pr\kas\ "supplies us -with the earliest list of Kasmir Para- 
ganas Besides this w e find there the names of numerous localities 
inserted in the forms for bonds, Hundis, contracts, official reports, and 
the like which form the hulk of Prakasas 11 and IV The Pargana list 
as well as these foims contain local names of undoubtedly ancient date, 
side by side with comparatrvely modern ones Some of the latter in 
fact belong to places which were onl> founded during the Muham- 
madan rule " 

By far the most valuable work of Ksemendra is the Aucityavi- 
caracarca l It is> a book on literary criticisms and treats of rhetorical 
stjle His enunciations of literary canon are accompanied by discus- 
sions He has no regard for individual fame or dignity and he deals 
out praise and censure as a true critic His illustrations are sometimes 
his own and often taken from eminent poets, whose names he gives a 
1 hese illustrations fonn as it were an anthology When he gives the 
date of composition for instance, Samayama^rka as the 25th year of the 
Kashmir Cyde, or 1030 AD he furnishes a regular land-mark m the 
history of Sanskrit literature 

70 Hemacandra was born at Dhanduka in Samvat 1145 (1088 
AD) and was the son of Chachiga Sresthi and Pahml When his father 
was away, a monk Devendrasun of the Vajra Sakha asked his mother to 
give away the child then 5 years old, to be brought up in the monastic 
order 1 he mother parted with him very willingly and he was initiated 
under the name of Changdevu His father was put out at the news 

1 Ed Kavyamala, Part I, Bombay See also reterson'u paper, JBBAS, XYI. 
167 180 , 8 K, De, SP, II 856 61 

2 Among the pets mentioned there, are Padmagupja ahas Paonmala, Dharma- 
fefrti, EdjasMshara, Bbatta NSrSyana, Obandiaka, Medhavirudro, MSlava Kuvalaya, 
Syamala, MStrgupJa, Pravarasena, MuktSplda, Yasovarman, UtpalarSja, Amaruka, 
KomSradSea Cakra, brother of Mukpkana and contemporary of Ratnakara, Bhallata, 
Yamana, YarShamihira, Yatfovarmadeva, Magna, Bhatta t an t a » Gangaka, Dipaka, 
Panvrajaka, £n Yakra, Harsa 

The lost work Kuntesvaradautya by KahdSsa referred to He ako refers to three 
plays by himself, and Ohitrabharata, and LahtarajnamSla 


and discovered the son, when it was too Into, all-engrossod in his 
ascetic serenity To demonstrate his pow ers he set his arm in a bla/ing 
fire and his father found to his surprise the flashing arm turned into 
gold 1 hence came the appellation Hemacandra He studied under 
Devacandrasiiri of Ptirnatalliyagaccha l He Mas consecrated m 
Sam 1154 and made a sun in thirteen }enrs later At the court of 
AnhiKid in Gurerat he spent many \ears under the p iti image of kings 
Jayasimha Siddharaja (1094-1143 AD) and his suuessoi Kurn'rapala * 
He was in facta minister at the rovnl durbar and hi his influence 
jaimsm became the stale lebgion Vihnrns HOO in number, were 
bmlt and laws against consumption of meat and < rueNy u> animals were 
enacted Though a Jam bv adoption, his reverent e lor the hrahram 
was not an3'thmg less He was a genius o( gieal \usalili(\ and his 
works embrace every field of literature in Prakrit and Sanskrit 8 lie 
was the ongina'or of a new school of grammar* His works contain 
35,000,000 lines mall and he called the Omniscient of (he 
Kahyuga Great Soul that he was, he passed awn) bv self-starvation 
m 1173-4 AD 8 

His Koivrapu acarita, .i poem of twenlv-eighl cantos, describes 
the history of the Anhilvid d) nasty, particularly of Kum.lrapala The 
first twenty cantos are in Sanskrit and the Inst i ight are in Prakrit, and 

1 He v\as tho wthoi of §antln5thajiii|-> m Piakut, (See Jtsx Cat i(> , PB, I. 

2 On KumScapSH, gee Mango! msori|>fcion dato.1 Ram, 1202 in ImI oj 
ticm Rma%n» (Bombay) 180 Kielhorn, hR, (1880)110 gives tho da to of a Ms of 
Kalpaoumi &a Samvafc 1218 as in tho tnno of KumSrapSla Roo also Manfnnga's 
Prabandhaoir,t5mam (Tawuy's Translation, CnlouttA, V Smith, BTI 181) ana B 
Dosabbai, Eutory nj Quzw %t (Ahmolabal) 83 30 An aoooant of haroanpain in 
containod in the Praktit Kavya KumAtavaiii I rajibrdha, {TO Qik Or sorios, Baroda) 
of SomaprubbSoarya, about whom see poet 

1 On Hcmaoandra gonor illy, see. retortion, 6th Rep ; A K Forties, lias Mala, I 
189 204 (whiob. says thAfc he died in sirovnt, 1229 1174 A.D. in 84th yoar) , Lassen, 
lilt III, 667, 1196 IV 808 ft ,SK De, SP, I 203 Oolobrookit, Mis 10$ II 206 ff, 
rattavali of Upadeaa Qaoaha (mentioned as tho oontompoiaBy of Sn Kakk* Sun, Ram 
1154) Buhler, Ubct das £(.&>» des Jama Vouches /ft iiuManaYa , M Ruff, Chronology , 
Aufreoht CO 768 , Bod Cat 170, 179, 180, 185a , ZDUQ xllu 848, 1A, IV 11, 
VI 181 BKR 78 Stevenson's Beart of J«in«»»,184, '287 Taoobi (Eno qfSeh 
andBOuH.Vl 691) gives Homacandra's dates as 1086, 10391173. R Shamashastey, 
JMy, XIII 668 72 and Ohandrvprabhasun's Prabhavakaeharitu (Ohaptor 22) givo in 

2 Eoe Peterson, PR IV 0, I, 08 Svbh. 389. All works of Hemaoacdra are 
preserved in Patau Library For a lui of his works, see Int. to Kevyanuaswaua, 
( Kavyamala) 

8 See Belvalkar, Systems of Sanskrit Grammar. 


this continuation has given it the name of DvySfSrayakavya * The 
portion that is in Prakrit was intended to illustrate his aphorisms of 
Prakrit grammar and comprises the si\ different dialects of the Prakrit 
language' Some say that the poem was begun by Hemacandra in 
1160 AD, and left unfinished by his death, and was later completed 
by Abhayatilakagani in 1 255 A D , but the latter say s expressly that he 
is the author of the gloss only 

In Tn-.astisal&kapurusacanta, a long poem, he describes the lives 
of Jama Saints 8 So is his Sthaviravallcanta * Chandonrtiasana is a 
•work on metrics 8 

Kavyana^asana with a commentary on it called Alankara- 
cudamam, in eight chapters, is a valuable work in literary history * It 
discusses the poetical theories of Bharata, Lollata, Dandin, Bankuka, 
Mammata, Bhattanay aka and refers to several works of which some are 
not extant * 

Among his works on I exicography 8 are Deslnamamala, 9 Abhi- 
dhana Cintamani, 10 and Anekarthasangraha, 11 and Nighantuieja " 

1 Edited, Bombay, BSS, No 60, with an Introduction by 8 P Pandit See 
I A, XVItl 811 These is a commentary on some chapters by Abhayajilakagam (com- 
posed in Sam 1312) and on one ohapter by Purrwkalasagnm (composed in Sam 1307) 
There is another Kum5rap51a"»ntn by (Jinasimhasuri ?) JiyasimhaEU-i (fee Kirtaae's 
Int and Cat of Bikaneer Stabe Library) , J3B, (1888 4) 

2 On the treatment of Prakrit by Hemacuidca, see D Dalai, Int to Hbavi 
sattakatha (Quale Or Series), 63 65 JinamaDdana, pupil of Somasurdvra, wrote 
Kumarapalaprabandba in prose and verso in Sam* at 1492, [P.B IV 82] 

8 Ed by Jaaobi, Bib InA PB , V 4 For a summary and extractc, see USC, 
(1909), 108 et seg, 

4, Printed, Bombay 
8 PB, V 184 

6 Printed, Lavyamala, Bombay DC XXII, 8686 See JBBA8, XII. 

7 These are BSvai.ivijaya and Hanvijaya (Sanskrit poems) AVdhrmathana 
(apabramsa poem) , Bhima kavya (G-ramya apabramsa poem) , Lilavati (as a 
Padyamayl kajha) Sgdraka (Sudraka-katha ?) a parikatba , DarnayantSkatha of 
Tnvikrama, and Hayagrivavadha of Mentha 

At p 97, Hemacandra quotes a conversation between OitramSya and B5ma as 
from a drama Unmattaraghava This is not traceable in Bhaskam's OhmaJta 
rSghava, and the work quoted must therefore be a different one 

8 See Int to Kalpadrukofo (Gaek Or Series) 

9 Called also Bajavari Ed by Pisohel, Bombay 

10 PB III 4pp 58, 103 with a commentary by the author (1 c- 1D9, 154), Ed, 
by Bodfalingk add Eieu, St Petersburg 

11 With a oomraentary by the author's pupil Mahendrasuri, PB.ail SI, App. 
89 Ed byZaohanao Vienna 

13 PB, V 38 It is a botatuoal glossary 

1^6 MA.HA.-KA.VYA 

Syadvadamanjart 1 and Jinendrastotra,* are hvmns, in praise of 
Vardhamfina £fabdanusasan rt * is a treatise in Sanskrit grammar, of 
which the Prakrita grammar is m the eighth book \ ogasastr** is a 
companion of Jain doctrines I inganusasana is a treatise on gender 5 

71. 1 he history of Kurnarapala is narrated by Somaprabhacarya 
in his Prakrit poem Kumarapala-pratibodh. -Mahakavya * Somaprablu. 
was a pupil of Vijayasimha and was fifth in descent from Mumcandra 
and Munadeva in the pontifical line His father bripald,* was a poet and 
friend of Siddhipala, a colleague of Hemacandra at the Anhilvid 
Court The poem gives an account of Kurnarap.lla's conversion into 
the faith of Jina* at the teaching of Hemacandra and was composed at 
Patan in Sam 1241 (1195 AD) It ends with a prasasti in Sanskrit 
His other works are Hemakumaracantd, and Sumatmathacanta, 19 
and fealanfakavya 

72 Mankha known also as Mankhaka or Mankhuka ivas born m 
Kasmir " His father was Viivavartha His brother Alank.lra, 18 also a 

1 PB, IV 127, III app icQS Webar, 1st II 040 

9 Bhau Dap's Int (op. at ) xvm A oommantary on il> is dated 1292 A D 
PB, V. 110 

3 Called also Siddha Hemaoandra Ed by Fischel, Halle For nn aoooont of 
the work and literature that grew around it, seb Pekison, PB, T 14, Weber, ISt 
H 208 251 Pischel De Qramatuyii Praartttcia , Lassen'B Imhtuh Linguae Piaen- 
Hcze (Bombay) Bhau Daji, JBBAS, IX H24 

4 With a oommantary by the author PB, II b5 Eil yartly by K Wmdisoh, 
ZDUQ, XXVIII. (1874) 185 ft, Weber IL, 207 note So is hia Praro3namimamsa, 
(PB, V 147J 

5 Ed by Eranke, GoMangen 

Of the Culukya dynasty, the prafasti gives the following Kings , Mularaja {Sam 
993—1063), Ctmundaraja (Sam 1053—1966), r>nrlabbaia> (Saw 1066—1076), 
Bhimadeva (Sam 1076— 11U0), Karnadeva (Sam 1120—1150), Bidilharaja aim 
Jayastmha (Sam 1150-1199), anl Kumarapala (Saw 11991280). 

6 Ed byMuniraja Jinavijaya (QaeTc Or, Strtei) PB, IV, V, Index Of authors 
She author gave It the name Jtna-dharma-pratibodha 

7 The poet was honoured by Jayasimha with the titlo cf K.mnilm He is quoted 
in Ssrngadhara-Faddhati as Sripala KavirSja See PB, V 38 

8 The same story la given m the SantinSthnoantara of Dov&Rtin, in Sanskrit 
verses, PB, I 59 

9 PB, V 24 

10 It deaonbes the life of SamatmStha, the 5th TirJliankMa, and is ■written 
mainly in Prakrit It is preserved m the Bhanflnr of l\ilan 

11 On Mankha generally, see Durgaprasad'a note In AuvyamulU , URB, 50 
(where an aooount of the poem is given) and Peturson Sttbh 88 and 100 The poem has 
spfuf^Kf*, saysJonarSja 

12, Known also ss Lankana and referred to in BSj, VllI 2058 

MAHA.-KA.VYA 17*7 

poet, was a minister of kings Susala and Jayasimha of Kasmir King 
Jayasimha 1 ruled from 1127 to 1159 A D Mankha went to Konkhan as 
ambassador His other brother Srngara held the office of Byha^an- 
tradhipaji Ruyyaka was his guru" Mankha wrote his poem 
Srikanthacariia about 1140 AD* In 25 cantos it describes the 
destruction of the Three Cities by Siva The last canto is particularly 
interesting and it gives the names of some poets, predecessors or con- 
temporaries * The whole of the 1st canto is devoted to benediction 
and every deity has a salutation Many of the verses have a double 
meaning and in spite of his wonderful mastery of language he lacks 
lucidity of expression and is a hard author for the scholiast A com- 
mentary on the poem by Jonaraja* helps however towards an apprecia- 
tion There is a dictionary called Mankha Kola current in Kashmir. 

Alankarasarvasva is a gloss on Ruyyaka's Alankara aphorisms and 
is his work * Besides commenting on the KSnkas of Ruyyaka, Mankha 
appears to have himself written some Alankara Sutras In Mankhu- 
kasu^rodaharana these Sutras have been illustrated by a pupil of his, 
probably Samudrabandha, who also commente'd on Alankarasarvasva 
In these illustrations King Ravivarmabhupa is praised ' 

73 Sriharsa* was the son of Snhlra and Mamalladevj His father 
was a poet of the court of King Vijayacandra of Kanouj Disappointed 
in a poetic competition there with Udayana, HIra retired from public 

1 See Bai 

9 Snkanthaoanta, XXV — 30 

5 Ed Kavyamala, Bombay la the oolopbon he 1b (jailed BajSnaka Sri 

4. MurSn, BSjasekhara, Jalhana, Enlhana, Bilbana, Alakadatfa, Ananda (son 
of Sambhu), Padmar3]a Jalhana referred to here is the author of the poem SomapSUa- 
vilasa and is different from the author of Sukjlmukjavali of the same name (JBBAS, 
XVII 57) Tne latter is oalled AoSrya Bhagadatta Jalhana See Durgaprasad's note 
in Srikanthaoarita, page 347. £ambhu, the father of Ananda, is the author of Anyokp.- 
muktaiajS and Eajendrakamapura [Kavyamala, Bombay] See Ibid, aoteat page 351. 

6 He was a contemporary of king Jainulabdin (1417 to 1467 4 D.) Dunng this 
reign he oomposed the second Ba]a{arangini, the continuation of Kalhana's work He 
has also written commentaries on XiratSquniya and other poems 

6 See Ttivandrum Sanskrit Senas with Introduction by I Ganapathl Saatri, In 
this book the name of the poet is given as Mankhuka 

7 He alsoSrefers in this work to Vidyaoakravarfa's commentary on KSvyaprakafa, 
TO, IV 4307. 

8 The oorreot name isStihwfa andnotHw ? s, seethe lasblm ofthe|poera 

.■I r> , fti ...iSi .Si. f\ 


ga#e> and with a request to his son to avenge the disgrace he soon 
gassed away Sbriharsa at once set out to study and with the aid of the 
Qtntctfna'ii-manfram 1, kindly communicated to him by a venerable sage 
he attained the summit of his learning in a few years He tame again 
tp th,e royal court and was received with distinction I here at the 
request of that king 8 he wrote his Nawidhlyacanta lhe work met 
with wide approval in the various assemblies of Kasmu* and was 
honoured by the personal appreciation of Saraswtfl He was dignified 
with the title of NarabhSra-fci The jealous queen, who called herself 
Kalabharatl, Vv ould not tolerate this presumption Unable to bear her 
persecutions, Sriharsa spent the rest of his life in ascetic serenity on 
the banks qf the. Ganges 

This is the account that Rajasekhara gives in his Prabandhukosa * 
Jayantacandra, son of Vijyacandra ruled over Xanouj in the latter half 
of the 12th century AD * It is elsewhere said by Rajasekhara himself 
casually that the nrst manuscript of the Nai adha brought into 
Gujerat by Hanhara during the reign of Vlradhavala aud his minister 
Vas^upala made copies of it and gave it a deserved publicity ° Candu 
Pandita in his commentary Dlpika composed in Sam l*i" J (l^9G AD) 
calls the poem new and refers to the existence of the only commentary 
of Yidyadhara before him 7 oriharsa must therefore havo flourished 
m the latter half of the 12th century AD 8 

1 Naisadha, Canto l.ooncluding versa 

2 ESjasekhara gives the date of composition as about 1174 A I) 

3 Oanto XVI, concluding verse 

4 JDomposed m 1348 A D , 

5 IA XV, 11 12 Grant dated Bamvat 1225 (A P 11G0) Various details given 
as. his surname Papula, contemporary of Kumacapala, his dynasty destroyed by the 
Unsalmana &o show that Jayanjaoandra was tho same as Jayaoowlra, who roigiwd at 
Kanyakubja 4nd Benares between 1166 1104 A D 

S See the' lives of SomssTaca au-1 Vasjuplla, yost Int toNarandrdyioand* 
(Qtksk Or Series}, vu 

7 qj|3*r qw^. See Sivadatfm's Int, to Naisadha (Bombay) 15 

8 Bohler (JBBAS X 83, XI 279 S7 , 14 I 80), B*m Pas Son {IA, HI 81), 
P N Furaniya {U, III 29) ana Sivadattn {op <*t 1-15) adopt this Viow F K Hall 
■wa K T, Telang [IA, 297, 353 and II, 71) and Bhandarkw (M, \Lir, 83 noto) assign 
him- tothe 9th or the lQbh century on tho ground that vorseB from Noiswlua aro quotrf 
by Bhoja in the Saraavatikanthabharana and that Vaoaspajimis'fa of the 11th oentaty 
has written a ontioiem of g'Ib.arsV« Khandanakhandakhadya SivadaJta assures ra 
that thew are no such quotations from Natsadha In tho SaraavaJikanUnbharana (see 
Index of. authors quoted Auf 00.) and thattha Vacaspajimis'ra rotaod to must be 
some late author, Aufreoht gives four persons of that namq and eight of tho oww of 


74 Naisadhiyacartta, or Naisadha shorth is a Mah3k3v)a 
of great repute m India It describes the story of Nala, king of 
Nisadha, his love to Damayanli, princess of Vidarbha, his message 
through the swan, the intrusion of the Dikpalas, the marriage after 
Swa} amvara and the sojourn of the lovers at the ro3 al abode The 
e\t?nt work contains twenty-two cantos but tradition carries it further 
to the length of sixty or one hundred and twenty * 

The poem as it is now available and has been commented upon 
stops with the marriage of Nala and Damayanti The rest of Nala's 
history, as the name should indicate, is not in it Nilkamal Bhattacarya 
shows how the last four are spurious and says that Srlha^a 
finished his poem but the rest of it is lost to us " If a continuation of 
the Naisadha is admitted, we must either say that the sequel is lost, or 
that the poet could not finish the book But when we look into two 
facts it is well nigh clear that the book was finished , one, the mention 
of the Naisadha in the Khandanakhandakhadya" and the other, the 
appreciation of the Naisadha by scholars m Kashmir ( Vide the con- 
cluding verse of Canto 16) For, by the first, though the priority of 
the Naisadha up only to the end of the 21st Canto (which forms the 
subjec t of the poem referred to there) is conclusively proved, yet it 
would be too much to suppose that the author could think of leaving 

Vao3spa£i (See Sivadatta op oi{ 11 12) F B Grouse relies on the order of poets 
enumerated in Canda's Prthvirajaraaan composed in the 126h oen&ury, in which Sn- 
harsa is mentioned before KSlidtsa (1A, H 218) and argues that BSjafekhara's story is 
lnoorreot He places Snhar§» in the 10th century A D But Telang remarks 
(Id, III 81) that Sriharsa alludes to KSlidSaa'a works in his Ehandanaihanda- 
ihldya All the particulars necessary to show that RSjaiekhara's account most be trne 
are collected by SivadaJJa Bam Prasad Ohanda (14, XLII, 83, 186) says that BSja- 
i akhara mentions the name as Jayanjaoaadra and not Jayaoandra and calls hurt the 
son and not the grandson of Govindacandra, King of TSranSA Iff Dnfl (Clironolay) 
gives the date 11 50 A D and makes him contemporary ot King Jayaoandra of Kanou] 
whose initial data falls between 1168 and 1177 A D and of the Ghalakya K^ng 
KumarSpSla of Guzerat (1148 1174 A D ) Maodonel (Sir, 880) and B Datt (G*t>, II. 
291) adopt this date 

1 In canto 17, Kali vows that he would separate Nala and Damayanji bat the 
extant poem stops with the marriage and the pleasures of their oorqag&l life. Snharsa 
says aa usual that the S2ud canto was finished and there are four more verses added, in 
praise of his own work The last verse appears to be an unnecessary repetition. The 
four verses most have been later interpolations, the real poem ceasing with the oanto 
enumerating verse It is therefore not improbable that the rest of the poem is lost to 
us, unless w» imagine that, Snhars* left the work, incomplete in fact many manus 
enpts do not oontam these four verges at all See DC, XX 7758 

»• <m^w pr ^pnferar m^watft tft n 


book unfinished at an advanced stage reaching up to the close of 
Canto 22 (up to which it is availaDle) and beginning another so 
different in character and so stiff and bulky as the Khandanakhanda 
As for the second, the appreciation of a Mahakavya is not possible 
when there is only a portion of it (viz 22 Cantos) there For besides 
poesy, it requires character- sketch, correlation of the parts, and many 
others for consideration This, therefore, is our final conclusion that 
the sequel also was written, but is now lost , and this is probable loo, 
for, a good many of our poet's works whose names \v e find are lost 
to day In connection with the above conclusion of mine, I may 
casually remark, that in my solicitude to learn whether tradition lent 
any support to my view I referred the matter to manv of m} friends 
and acquaintances, and, among them, to Pandit Ramagopal Smnlibhu- 
sana of Benares, whereupon the last gentlemen emphnlicall) supported 
my view and said that many years back he had witnessed -with his own 
eyes a manuscript of the sequel in Unya character with an Unya pupil 
of his named either Damodar or Rudranarayan (he did not recollect 
which) He also quoted two verses (one in full and the other m part) 
belonging, he said, to the same 

The late revered Mahamahopadhyaj a Rakh.iladnsa Ny.Iynrntna too is 
reported to have used to quote a half verse which, he said, bolonged 
to the Naisadha, but is not found in the 1wenty-two « .inlos t urront of 
the poem 

wm z **rwrr f&F%w$ ^i*Ki»flTO*wi<**%ir I" 1 

It is hoped that it is still lurking m some corner and nw} one 
day be restored to us 

The ideas though at times far-fetched, are yet fine and true In 
fancy and imagery, his descriptions see no limit * His vocal mlary is 

1 Essays in SaraBvafci Bhavana socles, Benares, HI \JSOi Tliera ha argues thai 
Sriharsa was a Bengali 

2 W fe^W^ is a proverbial expression Sriharsa seonu to have wantonly 
made his composition hard ZpUfflfffi^.,. . .This however is one o( the four con- 
cluding verses whioh might be an interpolation, 


extensive but the language lacks lucidity and the reader can rarely 
approach the poem with confidence Sriharsa inaugurated a new 
model of poettc composition x He was a logician, and philosopher 
and the ideas of those sciences are often imported into his descrip- 
tions * He has no particular regard for the artificial precepts of poetics 
and in many instances rhetoricians discover faults of composition a 

75 8rlhar-.a mentions several works of his authorship, but his 
poems have not come down to us His Vijayapraias^i was a panegyric 
of king Vijcijacandra, father of Ja} antacandpd* and Chmdaprasasti, 
of King Chandas, the Chmda Chief of Gaya" GaudorvlSakulapras'asti 
and Sahasaakdcan^a were probably of similar import e Arnavavarnana 
is obviously a description of the beauties and traditions of the 

ocean 7 His Khandanakhandakhadya is a destructive critique of 
the views of Udayana, Sivabhaktisiddhi, a religious work devoted 

to the worship of Siva and Sthairyavicarnaprakarana, a disquisition 
on philosophy 8 Amarakhandana, a critique on Namalmganusasana, 
is also attributed to Sriharsa A number of lexicographers are 
mentioned in it 

1 See Cantos VIII, IX, XIX and conoluding veiseg 

2 See owto X, conoluding verse , XI, 129 , III, 64 

8 These are notioed in propar pl*ce3 in Nlrayana's oonimentary There is a 
tradition that when Snhi«si was ab Kaamir, the poem was shown to Kammata and ha 
humorously remarked that he was then writing bis KSvyaprakSSi and this poem saved 
him the trouble of finding illustrations for his chapter of Kavyadosa (or faults of 
poetry) Seo also artielo entitled Naisdhaoanja auoityaoaroa by Sivakamesvara Bao, in 
Munansa, I 5 (Torwli, I92i) and Jl of Sam Sah Bar, Vol XIII 

4 Vijayacandra rule! 1155 9 AD Bam Prasad Chanda says that this refers to 
King Vijayapala of the PrafihSra dynasty of Kanouj (Inaomption dated 960 AD ) 
Bhandarkar (BR, 1907) mentions that in an old oatalogue of Jayasalmir Bhandara 
a poem named Vijayaprasasti is referred to But it is not found in the published 
oatalogue in Gaels: Or Series 

5 In soma editions, the name of the work is given as Ohtmdas prasasU, Eama 
Prasad Ohanda says that this refers to Lalla of the Ohinda family, whose Dewal 
Prasasti is dated 992 AD 

6 Bama Prasad Ohanda siys that the latter refers to the paramount king Smdhu 
ra]a of Malwa and that the formsr to King MahipSla I of Gauds 

7 Bhandarkar says that this was nob a description of the ooean, but of King 
ArnOraja of the Ohahauxvna dynasty of Sambhar, oontemporary of king KumSrapSla 
(A D 1189) There is a stuti desonbing the vanquishmeut of Arnaraja by KumarapSla 
(se&Jes Cat 6i ) 

8 See ooneluding verses, Cantos V, VI, XVIH Dvirupakofa also goes under 
the name of Snharga (Ed Arsha Prase, Vizagapatam) 


76 There are many commentaries on the poem bj Ananria RTiia- 
naka, 1 Kanadeva, Udayanacarya, 2 Gopmiitha,* finfiraja, 4 Narahuri," Can- 
dupandita,* Cantravardhana, Na,rayana, 7 BhagiratbA 8 Bhnr.itdmalhka 
or Bharataiena, 9 Bhavadatt i," Mut Quriinfttaa, 1 1 Mallirutb.a, i? Maha- 
deva/" Vidyavagl^a, Se->a Ramacandra, 1 * Srlniitha, 16 \ amslv.ldana, 
Vidyadhara,'* Vidyaranya Yogi, ViSveswara, 17 Srldatta, Sadauancja, 

1 Author of KSvyaprakast mdarsana soe Hi, I 31, II IS IV Index of 
authors, BKB, 10 , De, 181 

2 Distinct from Udiyana, the author of Kirmavuli, etc 

8 Commentator on Ravyaprakasi, Dasikumrirncanta and Raghuvamsa 

4 Also oalled Jiniraja Han [CDB1, Katbawate's oollculion, No 482) 

5 Ibii, No 483 Nwahari savs he was born m Saka 1298 (1376 A D ) and was son 
of Mallinatha different from the well known oommentator He became an nsiotio and 
assumed the name of Sarasvatitirfcba His father was a native of Tribhnvanagui m 
the Ouddapah district, in Madras Presidency See Nandargikor, lut to Bagh, S 

6 A E Cough's Bccards of Anaicnt Sanskrit Liteiatuie, 3 30 Caudupanditn 
was the son of Ahga, a Nagari Brahmin of Dholka near Ahiuedahod He wrote a 
commentary on Bigveda He composed his commentary in Sam 1513 or 1486 A D 
daring the time of Sanga, Obief of Dholka 

7 Ed Nirnayasagara Press, Bombay Ha was the son of Nitosimkabhatta, who 
bore a title VedSkara 

8 Commentator on other poems and Kavyadarsi 

9 CSC, VII 39 

10 CSC, X 39C Oommentttor ou S\sap21avadha 

11 Commentator on T uvalaySnanda, 82hi$yndirpan», H3ra\ah, rribodha- 
oandrodaya and author of Subhasitamuktavah 

12 Printed everywhere " Vaisyavamsa sudbarnavi is one of tho most intero&ting 
works written by Malima'tbasuri uudor the orders of Ka^adhirSja KfJ]a Paiamcrfvara 
Viraprajapa Prudhadevaraya of Vijayanagar to determine whether or not tho words suiJi 
as Vaisya, Hagaravauik, Vamja, Vam, Vyapan, Urma, Tritiyagati, Svajatiyabhedaja, 
Uttarapatba, Nagaresvara, Dovatopasaka, found in an inscription in Kaucbi (Oonjee- 
varam) mean a Vaisya, as distinguished from ono who is aallod Komnti Krom this 11 
follows that Mallinlthasuri lived at tne court of Praudtu Pratapa Dovaraya 1419— 
1446 AD and that he was one of the judioial officers in tho empire of Viiayanagar " 
[Mys Arch Sep (1927), 26] 

13 Commentator on Anaud-jlahari 

14 PS, II 16, 81, IV 27 Tamil Cat 2S60 Cat Bod, 20S Ho boloagod to 
the Sosa family of Benares and was probably the same as tho son of LakHimduarn 

See under Seshakrpna post 

15 Tom Cat VI 2656 Probably thosamo as tho Tolugu pood Srhiatha who 
tianslated Naisadha into Telngu in tho 15th conttuy A D 

10 CBB1, Xathawate's Colin No 454, Jm Oat (QOk>), 18, lfi 
17 TO, III d90, Tanj Oat , 2660 


Gadadhara, 1 Lakshmanabhatta, 9 Govindamisra, 8 Premacandra* 
(•(rldhara, 6 Paramananda Cakravarfi, Sarvagna Madhava,* Vidya Sn- 
dharadevasun, 8 Peddubhatta, 9 Venkata Ranganatha t0 Some of these 
have been mentioned by Aufrecht in his catalogue 

77. Story of Nala — The name of Nala, king of Nisadha, goes 
back to Vedic antiquity ** The Nalopakhy&na, or the episode of Nala, 
Is related by Brhaijasva to Yudhisthira in the Mahabharata M King 
Bhlma or Kundina announced the svayamvara of his daughter Dama- 
yanfci Several princes assembled and the Gods themselves were not 
indifferent It was however a foregone fact that DamayantI was 
enamoured of Nala, king of Nisadha Indra and other guardians of 
the quarters were anxious to press their suit and they prevailed upon 
Nala to carry their message of love to DamayantI, but the errand was 
in vain The bndal of Nala and Damayan^ was a joyous affair They 
spent some years of pleasant company and the disappointed Gods 
would not forget the slight They induced Kali to get hold of Nala 
and brmg.him to rum Possessed by the evil genius, Nala played at 
dice and lost his all He wandered out in the woods with his bride, 
ill-clad and ill-fed and at last unable to suffer the sight of her suffering, 
he abandoned her while asleep and went his own way She lamented 
in vain and after much distress reached the court of her father at 
Kundina In trying to rescue a serpent from a wild conflagration, the 
serpent, no other than Kali himself in that form, bit Nala and he became 
deformed He entered the service of the king of Omdh as a charioteer, 

1 This oommantary Is noticed by Bhandadtar Gadadhara gives an account of 
firlbarsi and says that he wrote his Naisa^ha In the Court of Govindaoandra at 
Benares and not as Rajafekhara says, In the Ooart of Jayantaoandra Gadadhara'g 
aooount would therefore place Snharsa half » centner earlier 

3 PB, IV 27 Kaah. Cat 69 He also wrote a poem Padyaraoana 
8 Kash Oat 70 

4 TO, IV 4688 He was oalled NyayavSgifo, 
5. ffO.V 4730 

6 DO, 178. 

7 He was the son of Natay&oarya of Vasisthagotra He seems to be the 
daughter's son of Kesava, the author of Kamaprabhita, TO, III 8897, 5900 

8. He was the son of Savi];ri and Keijva of Vasisjhagojra of tfarkobhatta 
family. He and his brother Govmdawere poets of the Court of SSlYam&Ua TO, 

111. 8948. 

a He was the son o£ Kapardin and grandson of Mallinajha of Kolaohala family. 

See DO, XXI 8213 

10, Toe manusoript is with the Proprietor, Arsha Press, Vizagapatam. 

11. It is mentioned in the Vajaeaneyi Bamhtta. See Weber's IL, 182 
13, Vana Parrot, ohapters 49 70, 


184 MAHS.-Kl.VYA 

and from the story of his skill in his art, Damayanti recognised in him 
her lost lover Soon they were united His deformity disappeared 
He played at dice again and regained his kingdom For the rest all 
was well * The story is very popular in India and there is not 
a household where its narration does nol serve as a real solace in many 
a grievous calamity Tradition has likewise accorded to it a religious 
sanctity and a recapitulation of Nala's tale destroys sin and ill luck a 

78 Nalodaya of Kahdasa, Nalabhyudaya 8 of Vamanabhatta Bana, 
Damayanfi-ka^ha of Tjivikrama, Damayantipannaya of Cakrakavi, 
Raghavanaisadhlya of Haradafta, Abodhakara of GhanaSyarna, Kalivi- 
dambana of Narayanasasfnn, Nalacantanataka of Nilakantha and 
Nala-Haris'candrfya of unknown authorship are noticed elsewhere 

79 Sahrdayananda is a poem of 15 cantos and covers the 
whole story of Nala * The author Kpnananda was a Kayastha of Pun 
of Kapinjala family and was a Mahapatra or minister probably to the 
local long His poetry is very charming and in this respect contrasts 
very favourably with the work of fenharsa, on which tradition says he 
wrote also a commentary He calls himself the mnbter of Vaidarbharty 
and is not far wrong m his own estimate He is mentioned m the 
Sdhityadarpana* and must therefore have flourished about the 13th 
century AD 

80 Uttara-Naisadha, 6 a poem of 16 cantos by Vandarubhatia 
(or Arur Bhattatlin), describes the later life of Nala, it replaces m a 
measure the lost portion of Sriharsa's poem and must be regarded as a 
sequel to it Vandarubhatta or Vandarudvija Mudhava lived about in the 
Kollam year 1010 {1825 A.D ) He was the son of Nilakantha and 
Srldevi and a brahmin of the aduthlruppada sect, of the family of Arur 
in the village of Peravana He was educated by the queen Subhadra 
and was tutor to the then prince of Kotihnga or Cranganore lie was 

1 See Maodonel's BL, 296 Nalopakhyana, ed with translation by M Williams 

3 There is a drama of this name, (DC, XX 7848 ; XXI, 8879) referred to as 
the work oE King Baghnn5cha of Tanjore, In the prologues to the drama of Raja* 
cudSmam Dlksita There is a mannsonpt TO, VI «787 of a drama of this name 
domplete in 8 aots hut the name of the author is not given. It remains to connect it 
with either RaghunStha or some other author 

4 Printed, ZZvyamiila, Bombay, and Vani Vilas Press, Srlrangam (6 oantos only). 

5 Nirnaya Sagam Press Edn page 429. 

6 DO, XX. 7693. Bee JBAS, (1901), 163. 

MAHl-KiVYA. 185 

patronised by queen Manoraina He had an initiation into the Bala- 
mantra, a charm, probably as effective in promoting the power of 
poesy as the Chmtamam-mantra of £rlhar.a He came to Cochin and 
at the court of the king composed his work As a mark of appreciation, 
the king bestowed on him a munificient pension For this composition 
Snharga's poem was the model The closing verses of each canto take 
a similar form and indicate the number of the canto that ends there 
There are many instances, where he has adopted the style of Sriharsa, 
but it must be said to his credit that his poem is more lucid than the 
original he sought to follow 

Kalyaga-Naisadha celebrates the marriage of Nala and DamayantT 
m 7 cantos for the delectation of King Ravivannan The author's 
name is not known * 

81 An excellent poetic summary of the Naisadha" is contained 
in the Saras"ataka of Kpna Rama There Is another summary called 
Aryanaijadha by Pandit A V Narasimha Chan, Tnplicane, Madras 
Pratinaisadha is a poem by Vidyadhara and Lak^mana, composed 
in Sam vat 1708, during the reign of the Moghul emperor Shah Jahan • 

82 The story of Nala has also been dramatised Manjula 
Naisadha* is a drama in seven Acts by Venkata Ranganafha The 
author was an eminent Sanskrit scholar of Vizagapatam and bore the 
title of Mahamahopadhyaya, He lived between 1822 and 1900 A.D. 
He was an exponent of the rational basis of the tales in Indian mytho- 
logy Among his several works* must be mentioned a gigantic 
Encyclopodia of the Sanskrit Language and Literature which has not 
yet found jan editor In a particular scene of this drama, a charmer 
is introduced and by the merit of his magic was he presented before 
Nala the condition of pamayaatf's pining love in the company of her 

83. Bhaimipakinaya is a drama in ten Acts by Ramasas^n of 1 
Mandikal He is the chief Pandit of ike court of Mysore His father 

1. TO, IV 4810 

3 Naisadhaoarita Sara is prefixed to Slvadatta's Edition KrsnSr&ma Was a 
Pandit Of the court of Jaipur, of great merit! He was the writer of other poems, 
ArySlankaraSajaka Ohandasoharibamandana, Kaooh&vamfo, Jayapmavllasam 

8 BR II (1907) 

& Ed Arsha Press, VLaagapatem, 1896. 

6 Among his other works is a small poem, AngalSdhirSjya Svagata, Kumbha* 
karnavi]aya, two grammatical treatises, a philosophical work, and two incomplete 
oommantaries on the Naisadha and Anargha r gghava, 


Sn Rama occupied a similar position during the days of Kysnaraja H 
The plot of the drama covers the whole story of Nala and in depicting 
the succession of events, the arrangement of the scenes dis.pla.ys at 
original talent To descnbe the wanderings of Nala after the des»erboi 
of Damayanfcl the author introduces an Anta/-Ntit/la, and its. effect u 
very impressive * 

84. Nalananda Nataka 4 of Jlvabudha in seven acts relates the storj 
of Nala Jiva was the son of Konen, who, though a brahmin, became a 
ruler. He belonged to the Upadrastj Vamsa, the family to which 
Panditaraya Jaganna^ha belonged and lived about the end of the 17th 
century A D Nalavilasa 8 is a similar drama in seven acts by Ramacandra 
a pupil of Hemacandra Nalacantanalaka of NJlakantha,* Nala 
Pamayantlya, of Kalipada larkacarya of Calcutta,* Anarghanala 
can$ramahanataka of Sudarsanacarya of Pancanada, 6 and Nalabhiimi- 
palarHpaka of unknown authorship embrace the same theme * 

85 Damayantfkalyana is a drama probablv in five acts by Ranga- 
nl$ha of which only a fragmantary manuscript is available It was en- 
acted during the festival of Sn Paramesvara m the town of Sucmdram in 
Travancore on the bank of the I amrap.irni 8 Another drama of this 
aame in 5 acts by Nallan Cakravarti Sathagopacarya was to be staged 
at the festival of Padmasahaya, probably of brirangam a bathagopacarya 
traces his descent from Uruputhun Achan, one of the &even desciples of 
Nadamuni, the great Vai^aava Acarya lie was of Vatsagofra and 
fiounshed about the end of the 18th century A D .uad among his 
descendants are men of repute and scholarship Among bis other 
works now extant are Kalyanaginm.lhatmya, brinivas«tst.iva, and a 
musical poem in praise of God brinivisa of lv.Lly."njagm " 

1 Ed. Government Press, Mysore, His othor works are Moghai>ratU*ndes» 
(a sequel to KSLidasa's MeghasaDdesa) and Kumbhabhisckao.Mnt>u (Sah XXI ) 

S BTO, 168, DOS. 10685, 6284, 

8. Bd. Qaek Or Bines, Baroda On this author, see chapter on Sanskrit 
Drama Post 

4 Printed, Balamanorama Press, Madras. 

5 Printed, by Samskrta SShtfya Panshat, Oaleutta. 

6 Printed, Ohoukamba Office, Benares. 

7 CO, HI 60" 
8. TO, TV 4202. 

9 Ed Srirangain with the commentary and prafaoo of Vadhulam Xattai SrinU 
fasaohariar and an English introduction by A. V Gopalaohanar. It in not knows 
whether the drama referred to in 00, 1 416 is the same. 

10 These works are now with the author's descendants H NaraelmhachanM, 
High Court Vakt], Earur and K. T, Parthasatathi Ayyangar, Miraswlar. Velar. 


86 Kaviraja was the soa of Klrtin&rayana and Candramukhl 
and a brahmin of Gautama Gotra Kutinarayana was the generalissimo 
of the forces of Kadamba kings of Vanavasi, 1 and Kaviraja himself was a 
poet of the court of king Kamadeva of the Kadamba dynasty a This king 
was a Mahamandalesvara and ruled over the provinces of Hangal, 
Banavasi and Puhgere or Lakshmesvara He was a feudatory of the 
Western Calukya kmg SomeSvara IV, 8 and began to rule about the 
year 1104 Saka* The city of Hangal was beseiged by the Hoysala 
king Vira Ballala II and after some vicissitudes the Kadambas were 
completely subjugated and their territory annexed The later history 
is not traceable Tradition says* that the founder of the Kadamba 
dynasty, king fnnetra,* was a worshipper of the god Siva installed at 
Jayantipura and brought with him 12000 brahmins of 32 gotras from 
Ahicchatra 7 whom he settled m the Agrahara of Sthanugadbapura 
From the fact that Banavasi in the North Canara District i& still known 
as the Jayanf Ik&etra, and Kaviraja refers to this immigration of the 

1 These details are given in his Panjatahara^a (E Ns 2960) where he gives his 
name as Kaviraja only This is also oonfirmed by the oolophons of the BSghava* 
pandaviya, where it is said <t>ftl'l->W>f"k'fcl'2)Cj]r Itlfl therefore seen that Kaviraja was 
not a cognomen KajaSakhara in his KSvyamimSmsS uses the name Kaviraja to denote 
a olass of poets, who are good in various languages or in several species of oomrioslfcion, 
But the term is also used as a proper name Thare was a Kaviraja among the ancestors 
of Bajaiakhara himself (.See Balaramaywa,, 1. 18), There was another Ka?ir5ja, 
friend of Jayadeva (author of Gitagovinda) who was probably Dhoyi, the author of 
Pavanadut* There was a Kaviraja, probably of the Qanjam Distrust, who wrote 
KavirSjastuji m praise of Ktsija and Mfg»y£campu describing the hunting expedition of 
a hag named Violtravikrama who ruled all Kalati in Qanjam, Madras Presidenoy. (170, 
IV 181fi, 478s) 

2 This dynasty must bo distinguished from the KSdamba dynasty, whose capital 
was Palasika Among those kings were Santivarman, Kakasjjhavarman eta The date 
of their arst king is given by Bioe as 588 A.D They were Jams in xehgion Sea 
Mys Arch Bep (1923), 26 7, Ibtd, (1926), 16 

8. He was also oalled Tribhuvaaamalla etc. See Y, Smith, JSH, 487 

i, J" F Fleet's Dynasties of the Kanartse Districts of the Bombay Presidency 
p 81 fi Insonptaon No 90 m The Pali, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscription*, 
compiled by J F Fleet (London) gives Ihe same information Ineoriptions No. 106 
and 107 are also useful One of them is dated in the 16th year of king KSmadava, 
Nala samvatsara, Saka 1118 (1196-97 AJD,). This gives 1108 tfaka (118182 AD) 
as his initial date. See Gar. of Bam Presy, I. ii 668. 

P 8 and Inscriptions (op, ett ) No 221. 

6 Mayuravarman I was probably another name 

7, Cunningham identifies it with modern Bamnagar, and Lassen with Farokhabad, 
In the United Provinces. 


Brahmanas from the Madhyadesa* we may safely conclude that the 
Kamadeva of his eulogy rnust be of the hue of Banavasi Lastly m 
his mtroduUion to the Canarese Pancnt in$ra, Durgasimha praises 
several Sanskrit poets, of whom all were brahmins, except Dhananjaya, 
the jam author of another Raghavapandavlya This naturally makes us 
presume that if Durgasimha had know n Ku vi i aja ruid his work he woold 
have substituted there his name for Dhauanjaya Durgas>imh i was the 
minister of war and peace at the court of the Calukya king 
Jagadekamalla II, who reiqned between Slika 1061 and 1072 It is 
therefore probable that Kaviraja flourished after 8 ika 1072 All these 
considerations combine to assign K lviraja around the yenr 1104 Saka, 
that is, the latter part of the 1 2th century AD 8 

1 See Baghavapanaviya 

stiver ^wRjR^r^n Swn wT§r°irci — i 25 

though the refecanie there is to Kamadeva himself, whioh may thithot moan thai the 
poet wantonly attributed the pious aofc to hia protege oc that kamadeva also imported a 
further eot oJ brahmins from Madhyadcs i 

2 Pablished in the Kamataka kavyamanjan, 6-7 Dnrgasimha says that he 
proposes to give to the world a Oanarese translation of Vasubhaga Bhatta's Sanskrit 
Panoatantra, who extracted five stones from Qmwdhya's B'hatkajhd. in Pn^saohi and 
translated them into Sanskrit He me ltions aunadhva, Vaiaiuoi, K3Ud3sa, B3j», 
Mayura, Yamana UdbhafcsbhiiiiJ, Bhavibhati, Bhjcwi, B'laUi, M'igha, BajassLbara, 
Kamandaki waH Dandin Dargasimha also mentions Iho Canaroso poet Kannamayya 
of whom Abhinavii Parnpa was a contemporary (adya\ana), Soo Karnula Saibdanu- 
iasana, Int 88, To Pampa's oonbemporwies, there was only ono Rngh»vap2ndaviva 
ana that the Jain work was known It is soon to be so from the way in which Iho work 
is referred to in the Pamparlmayam aid the inscription at Sravroa Bolgola 

3 Maodonnel (S£, 831) gives the dati 800 AD Bhandwkar (BR, 1804 20) 
mentions that Kaviraja and Dhanaujay* mast have flourished botweon 990 and 1111 
AD and Dhananjaya imitated KavirJj * Web» [IL, 190) places him in any oaee 
later than KSlidasa {IStr I 871) K,B Pathak in his discussion of Kavtraja's 
date {JBB4.S, XXIV) says that tho teal name of KavirSja was Madhavabhatta. 
In a Kadamba copper plate inscription (BO VII 314) thore is a grant by King 
Soma, a grandson of KSmtdava This KSraid wa moit bo identical with the one of 
that name mentioned absvo, and the mines of the son, father and grand father are the 
game (See also BO, III 27anlIA, X 252) The grantoe is ono KavirSja Madhavs 
bhatta, This grant gives only tho oyolio year, Vilambi Atfadha AinavSsyv, on which 
an eclipse of the sua occurred Rtoa assigns this grant to 1118 A D. Pathak thiafr 
that the date must b; incorrect, bxsauw Fleet, basing his opinion on a stone inscription, 
opines that between 1009 and 1129 A D , the Banavasi province was governed by the 
Kadamba King Tailapa II and not Soon If Bios has plaood his reliance on the 
solar eclipse, I find from a o<*loai»tion from South Indian Ohronologioal Tables (Madrai) 
that Monday, Ashadha AmavSsya of Vilambi answers tho year 1118 A.D. as well as 
1178 AD but not the next oyolo 1238 AD. Either Rica or Float must ba wrong la 
their enumerations of the dates of Kamidcva and Somes vara. Sawell and Dikshit (la&tcm 
Oaltndtxr, 132) give the dates of eclipses as 32 5 1118, 18-9-1178 and 31-8 117 8 

MAH&-KA.VYA 189 

87. ParjJATAHARANA,* a fine poem m 10 cantos, describes the story 
as told m Bhagavata of the focible removal of the Panjata tree by Krsna 
from Indra's garden Free from the restrictions of double entendre, 
Kavirfljja here shows himself in his best He wrote it to please his 
father KirtmSrftyana and was probably his earliest work 

88 By far the work with which his name is gloriously connected 
is the poem Raghavapandaviya It describes at once the stones of 
Ramayana and Mahabhara^a by a resort to separable compounds and 
punning expressions It bears Kamadevanka a In spite of the limi- 
tations of the double entendre the language is lucid and melodious • 
He ranks himself with Subandhu and Bana in the style of vakrok$i * 

There are commentaries" on it by Laksmana,* R3mabhadra, T 
Sasadhara, 8 Premacandra Tatk-ivagiia, 9 Cantravardhana, 1 ' Padma- 
nandi," Puspadanta," VisVanatha M 

This device of handling different tales in the same poem has been 
very fruitful in later imitations 

1 TO, IV 4395 Bhoja in his Sragaraprakas* refers to PSnjataharana 

2 This colophon for mstanoe is lnfoimiag 

Some understand SR under the word ^oft making it ^Vfl^TT 0E Kailasa, but it 
seems to be a mistake for the origin given In inscriptions of the fist Kadamba king refers 
to g<C 3T>ft ana not SR. 

8 For instance, a Sarva^obhaora 

oHttftoSRcT W HT M'fckdlWI 3SN 131- 

5. See 00, 1 50a, 

6 Printed Bombay Tmj Oat VI 3664 , Z 66 Laksmar^a was also the author 
of SuktSvali or Sukjimnkjavali {PR, III. Ap 54, IV ovu) and commentary on VSdi- 
rSja'a Yosodharaoarija {TO, Til 8834). 

7 Jittra, X. 

8 Printed, Bombay It was written at 'the instanoe of King Amarasimha son of 
Budrasimha The poem is also oalled there Dnsan^hSna. 

9 OASB, 161 Printed Calcutta The author was professor of Sanskrit, Sanskrit 
College, Calcutta, 

10 Kh 85 U £«' 80S 
13 B«,804. 18 £.108 


89 Vidyamadhava in his ParvatT-Rukmir^a, 1 descnbes the 
marriages of Siva and ParvatI and Kpna and Rukminl He was a poet 
of the court of the Culukya King Somadeva, very probably Somei. 
vara IV of Kalyan who reigned about 1126-1138 AD" He was a 
ndtive of Nllalaya near Gunava^t He was proficient in all the sciences 
and the Vedas He wrote commentaries on Kiratarjunlya* and other 
poems Like Kaviraja who says that besides himself Bana and 
Subandhu were the only poets skilled in Vakrokti, he says that he is 
the fourth of them besides Bana, Subhandhu and Kaviraja He was 
probably a younger contemporary of Kaviraja 

9D. Venkatadhvari treated the stones of the Ramayana and 
Bhagavaja together in Yadava-Raghavlya * He was the famous author 
of Viivagunadaria of the first half of 1 7 th century The language u 
rendered extremely hard" by the introduction of alliterations of an 

1 DO, XX 7777 

Pot a typloal verse , 

^wrs crw^TMr^rFTr m 5%r°fr ^^itsFq. | 
mmt ?rw pnar for far sftaiT%#r ?Nr ll 

a He also bora tildes Bhnlokimilla and Sarvagaa (Soe V Smith, EH, 481 
487) He wrote ManasollSsa, a work oa all arts in 100 oantos (Tanjore Library) Sea 
Ii Eioe Mysore, I 880 

There were four Somefiwaras of the Oulnkya dynasty of Kalyan, whose epigraphies! 
dates known are (I) AhavamiUa anl failokyamalla 10101063 AD (£4,1X96)' 
(H) Bhuvanaikamalla, 1074 (14,1V 208), (III) Bhulokamalla, 1127,1180,1141 
A.D (14, X 181), (IV) Tnbhuvanamalla, 1162 AD (24, 1.80) InMys Arch Rep, 
(192fi) pages 58 1 there is a grant by a feudatory of Tribhuvanamalla whoso date is 
given as 1097 A D who is Vikwrnadltya VI See V. Smith, BE, 431, 487 
My& Avah Rep (1928) pp 112 3, (1927), app E The grants to Uyt. Aroh. Sep. are 
dated in the Oalukya Vikwma ora, whioh is said to havo oommonood in 107jS A J), 
Vikramadijya, patron of Bilhana (para 62 supra) was the brother of Somea>a*a II and 
ruled 10,'6 1127 A D The following is the goneology of too Western Oolukyas of 
Xalyaa Jaila or fallapa I (978 997 A D -son SatyaSraya (997 1008 A D j-nephew 
VikrarnSditya— brother Jayasiinba-Somcsvara I (1040-1069 A D ) son Somasvan II 
(1070-1095 A D )-brother Vikram5di{ya (1076 1126 A D )-8ome«vata III (1126-1188 
A D )-J»ya«imha Tagadekamalla (1188 1150 A D )-son Jailara II-son SomerfvaMlV, 
He lost his throne by revolution In 1189 and with him Western Oolnkya dynasty oame 
to an end Descendants of SomeSvara ruled as petty chiefs in Konkan till 18th 
aentnry A D 

8 DO, XX 7709 

4 DO, XX 7956 , BR, II, as the author see post TO, IV 00J9. 

5 For instance 

MAH5.-KS.VYA i$i 

advanced type for which ha is an adept and m this respect lacks the 
beauty of the work of Kaviraja which it seeks to imitate There is a 
commentary on it, probably by the author himself 1 

91 Somesvara was the son of KrSnasun of Vinjiman family of 
Gautama gotra In Raghavayadavlya, he narrates in 15 cantos the 
stones of Rama and Kr*.na He proposes to use words adopted 
by Kahdaba and Bharavi and only those monosyllabic words used by 
Amara The poem is at the same fame a work on prosody There is 
an anonymous commentary * There ^are works of this name by 
Raghuna^hacarya and Srinivasacarya and by Vasudeva * Rasikaranjana 
of Ramacandra is a collection of verses with Sjngara and Vairagya 
meanings Ramacandra was the son of LakMnanabhatta and wrote 
his work in 1524 AD* 

92 A further development of the device was the use of a treble 
entendre, relating three stones at a time Raghava-yadava-pandavlya 
in three cantos describes the tales of Ram a) ana, Mahabhara$a and 
Bhagava-$a at a time s The author Cidambara was the son of Ananta- 
narSyana and Venkata, grandson of SaryanSrayana of Kausika gotra 
Srlnlvasa was his brother Sivasurya was his maternal uncle His 
Bhagavata Camptt relates the story of K j ->na * He appears to have been 
a resident of Mullandram, the place of Dindimas and to have been 
patronised by King Venkata 1 (1586-1614 A D ) of Vijianagar * There 
is a commentary on it by his father Anan^anarayana, which interprets 
every verse thrice to carry the meaning threefold 8 In his Panca- 
kalyana Campu he shows further advance in the art and relates at once 
the story of the marriages of Rama, Kjsna, Visnu, fW and Subrah- 
mapya with a commentary by himself 9 

1 DC, XX 7967 See also TO, IV 6049 
3 TO, IV 6489. 

8 TO, IV 6624 , Opp, II 728, 1148, 4118. 

i. Ed Bombay (Kavyamaia, Part 4) For similar roteroletaTicfas on. Amaruka, 
Hameasanijcift, Glfagovinda, see notes under those works. 

5 DO, XX 7829 Foe a typioal verse 

M<4' W$^ 1 5Pf$ ^FIWWT^rft«n II 
There Is another work of the same Ipattem by Kajaondamani rhlrsit**r^fciaU» 
Mani4arpana (TSS, No 84) 

6 Tmj Oat VI 2706,12707, DO, XXI 8259. 

7 He oomposed an Insoription of King Venkata I in Baka 1624 See 1A, XLVH 
94. Bee VivekapsJramSlS under Dirvdlmas, post 

8 There is also an anonymous commentary, see DO, XX 7908 

9 TC, IV 4267 8 



Anantacarya of Udayendrapuram of M)sore wrote a poem 
Yadava-Raghava-PSndaviya. He was the father of 1 nveni, the prolific 
poetess of whom the reader will hear ia the coming pages A similar 
work Abodhakara by Ghanasyjima relates the stories, of Kpna, Nala 
and Hanscan<Jra,* with a commentary on it 

93 Meghavijayagani was a Jama monk' He was a pupil of 
Krpavijaya and 5th m heirarchical descent from HJr.ivijaya He was 
well-versed in grammar, astronomy and logic, and his writings on these 
branches of learning are now appreciated, As a poel, his greatness is 
sufficiently proved by his Saptasandhaaa, a poem in which seven "tones 
are at a time narrated, in very felicitous language all the same In Deva- 
nandabhyudaya, of seven cantos, he relates the life of \ ljnyadevasBn 
This was composed in Samvat 1727 (1671 AD)* In Slntinatha- 
can$a he narrates the life of Mntmatha In these two poems, he 
has taken the lines of Sisupalavadha and Naisadhn, as for Samasva, and 
constructed his verses to complement them * 

In Sapfasandhanamahakavya, Meghavijayagam applies each verse 
to Vyjabhanatha, SantinStha, P2rivani"$ha, Nemmatha, Mahavlruswami, 
Kfjna and Baladeva, (known as Ramacandra) Of theso the torsi five are 
some of the 2+ Jain Hrthankaras In nine < ante >s, the poet narrates 
these several stones in easy and flowing langu igo and has thus 
illustrated the potency of expression in Sansknt literature * Homaoandra 

1 MB, Tit s and 66 

3 Printed Bombay, with an Introduction by Iiargovuad Das Soo also IA, VIII. 

8 Ed in pait in 8n Yuiowiaya JaMaqrant,hamTilti, 

4, Forinttanoe — 

cPTPwft ?nnrc§nfi'^fNN5cJRrr | Tr^R?rf^+iu &ns II 
*r*rr w?r#s fataawmsraiflp^ * g«rr gsrrcft I 

5 For a typloaljVerss 


was known to have composed a poem Saptasandhana, but as it -was 
lost, Meghavijaja proposed to fill up the gap 1 

Based oa MeghasandeSa is his similar work Meghadfl$a-Sainas} a- 
lekha, being a co nmumcation from the poet to the lord of his Gaccha, 
Vijayaprabhasuri * la his DigvijayamahakSvya the life of Vijaya- 
prabhasuri is described in 13 cantos* His Yuktiprabodha is an 
allegorical drama intended to refute some rival philosophical theories * 

94 Somaprabhacarya* reached the highest degree of variable 
interpretation la his lbatar$hakavya he interpreted a single verse, 6 
in a hundred ways On account of this composition he got the 
name feat^rthika It was written about 1177 AD At the beginning 
of its commentary, he has written five ver»es, in which he has given an 
inde^ to the hundred explanations intended by him "In the beginning 
he has given the meanings of the 2+ Tirthankaras of the Jain religion, 
then ia the middle he has given ths explanations of the Vedic deities, 
like Brahma, Narada, Vishnu and others and at the end he has brought 
out references to his contemporaries, like Vadidevasuri and Hema- 
candracarya, the great religious preceptors of Jainism, Jayasimha^eva, 
Kumarapala, Ajayadeva, Mularaja, the four successive Caiakya kings of 
Guzerat, poet Siddhapala, the best citizen of the time and Amtadeva and 
Vijayasimha, his two preceptors After this, at the extreme end, he 
has elucidated references to himself and m the final conclusion he has 
quoted a short prasasti in five verses written on himself by some 
disciple of his " His brngaravairtgyatarangml is a didactic poem * 

95 These poems so far adopted the principle of differentiation in. 
reading to denote the different stones, though the verse was kept in its' 

1. So he s*ys 

2 Ed Bhavnagar The last verse says . 

*rpsr<Ers?r ^5tiif«r^r ww I 

8 It was oomposei in Bam 1717 (1691 A D ) 
4 On BomaprabhSoatya, see para 71 supra 

s<?Hw^rtr^*sfo^ ii 

6 Muni»]» Jlnavijaya's Ink to Kum Jt4pStep»Mb!)4h<» (Quit Of Serm vil)« 

7 OR, Hi 405 Panted with oommeataty KSvyamSla, Bombay 


natural order A further complication was resorted to, ^hich was not 
only a simultaneous narratne of two different stones, hut a feat of 
verbal ingenuity 

96 Nala-Hariscandrts a was a work m this direction but with a 
slight modification In its natural order> the vorse relates the story of 
Nala and m the reverse order the story of Hanscandra Ihe author's 
name is not known and a commentary is added * 

HaradAtta's Raghava-Naisadhiva describes the slorj of Rama 
and Nala Haradattawas the son of Jayas"ankaia of GIrgya gotra 
In his commentary on the work, he quotes Bhattoji DIksiia anil a list 
of lexicographers, Bhattamalla, Keaava, RamakrSna, Rabhasa and 
Yadava* It appears to have been composed about the beginning of 
the 18th century AD 

Anantasuri's HariscandrodAya is a poem of 20 cantos on the 
story of Hanscandra and refers in double entendre to Hanscandra 
the mythical ruler and a poet's patron of the same name * 

Ramakrisna-viloma-Kavya is a short poem of 38 verses * If 
the first half of each verse is read in the reverse order in the second) 
the former narrates the story of Rama, the latter that of Krishna 8 The 
author Suryakavi or Suryadasa also called Daivagnap.uidija 8 was the 

1 TO, II 1718, 

Vox instance 

refers to Nala and in the reverse order to Hatisoandra 

The last verse is all the more interesting in tb it each plda rouuius the sdme 
though read in the reverse order 

W[WTf*rqmrcr wow cr^r arr ^m II 

2 2C0, xxx 290 Ths Ms is incomplete containing only 3 oaafcos, 

3 CMy, 361 

i Printed, Oalouttn (Zavyasangraha) and Bombay (KaotjimSlS, XI) DO, 
XX, 7960 61 , Tanf Oat, VI 2333 There is a commentary by tho author MmsoK 
printed there and another by Kr^nidasa. (B, II 100 , CO, I 608) 

5 For instance, 

6 Probably Suryap&ndita, the author of Xrya BamSyana {DC, X.X. 7909) and 
Arya Burya, author ot VijayaViktam* VySyoga (TO, II 1751) aro different persons, 


son of Jnan&dhiraja of Bharadvajagolra and lived at Par$hapura His 
seventh ancestor Rama was in the Court of king Rama of Devagin x 
As an astronomer he wrote SuryaprakSsa in 1539 and commented on 
Lilava$i in lo-'-i A D His Nrsimhacampa m 5 chapters and Bala- 
bodhika comment try on DevesVara's Kavikalpalata, are available * 

97. Anothe. feat of poetic genius is Ka.nkanabandha-Ramayana 
Iheie is only one ven>e 8 of 32 letters arranged m a circular form (in 
the form of a bangle) and by reading them from left to right and right 
to left, s artmg from anj letter we have 62 verses forming, if rewritten, 
a regular poem A commentary interprets these verses so as to 
describe the whole story of Ramayana 1 he author Krsnamurti was 
the son of Gauri and Sarvagna of Vasisthagotra, probably of the 
Circars and lived m the 19th century AD 4 

This idea of Kankanabandha was improved by Charla Bhashyakara 
Sastri in a similar composition He lives in the Agraharam of 
Kakaraparti m the Krishna Dislnct In his Kankanabandha Rama- 
yanam he interprets each verse so formed m two ways, by splitting 
the compounds, so that, in effect, there results from one single verse a 
poem of 128 verses in all r 

1 s 

98 Sripala, son of Lakgmana of Pragvata family, lived at Anhilvid 
between Sam 1151 and 1210 (1095-1154 AD) He was a poet of 
great renown and received the title Kaviraja and Kavicakravar$i from 
King Siddharaja Jayasimha of Gujarat He was blind In Sam 1181, 
there was a dispute between the bvefambara and Pigambara Jam sects 
on some questions of liturgy and m an assembly presided over by the 
King Kumudacandra of Karnata represented Digambara view and 
Pevacarya of Gujarat the Svetambara, and Sripala took a prominent 
part in the discussion This dispute is descnbed by Yaiascandra in his 

1. Davagiri (Doulatabad) was the capital of the YSdava bugs. Bamaoandta was 
defeated by Allauddm In 129a A D. 

3 100, VII U7S, 1519 , 00, I 87a, HI. 19a 

4 10,111 2874 
C. The veese is this 


play Muditakimud icaadra * He wrote a poem Vairoc wapykajaya 
and several prasastis printed ia Jain Priiclnalckhaiuala 

&rlpala's son Siddhap'ila, also a poet, lived till about Sam 1250 
(1199 AD) Siddhapala's son Vijayapala has been imn.h piaisedasa 
poet by Somaprabhabun King Kumarapal i was his Incnd His 
patron, King Siddharilja Bhimadovn of Calukvn dwi is|\, nourished m 
1109-1241 AD At his instance he wrote the t >l,i> Draupulisva}am- 
vara 1 in two acts on the wedding of Draup.uII \ ija\ap 11a seems to 
have lived till about 1244 A D 

99 Mumratnasun was the pupil of SimiulraghoM of Q& 
Candra Gaccha " Jivasimha, his pupil, wrote ti pi.iSasti in praise of his 
master* He wrote his Amamasvamicant i, at the lujucst of Tagaddeva 
son of Yasodhavala, treasurer of a Caluksa king of the ferimalakula at 
the city of Varahi* He had alread) distinguished himself ,is aa 
eminent poet at the court of King Naravarman at Dhara 6 The poem 
in 30 cantos describes the life of Amnmaswami, in melodious verse* 
It -was composed at Patan in Sam 125-i and in the tomple of 
Sanfinatha in praise of Purnapala \asahpala, (110+ AD) Mana 
and Mahananda His other poem u uita, of 2 \ ianlos, des- 
cnbes the lives of some of the suns of his dan 7 

100 Vidyacakravartin 8 In the Court ol the llo\sala Kings, 
flourished the lines of poets, three of whom bore the name of \idya« 
cakravar$in The poet known as Cakravarlm was called <is the ro}al 
pnestto the Court of Viraballala U (1172-1219 AD) He was tho 
author of the many poetic inscriptions engraved on stone during the days 
of his patron. His son Vaidyana$ha was in tho Court < >f V irauarasmiha II 
(1220-1235 AD ) Then came Vaidyanatha's son Vjdyac akravar$m 11, 

1 Printed, Bhavnagar flripala is quoted in §3l>ang&riharapndil »ti, 04, 

3 Bee PB, IV, xov 

8 Bee PB, III app 95 He was a pupil of Dharmaghcwwun and contemporary 
of Sl44haraja, king of Gujarat 

i Ibid 

6 Basmala, 185 Tn tho oopperplate grants (7V of HAS, I 830 89 , Oolebroke's 
Mis Ma , 297 314 , JA.0S, VII, 21, MX, 315) of tho rnbr of Milwt, gmoobgy is 
given as Bhoja— Udayaditya— Naravacmra— Yafovurtfun Yminarmau'b grant (14, 
XIX 857) is dated Sam 1191 (1186 A D ) 

6 PB, lit app 96, 

7 PB, TO. app 144 

8 Trmkrama or VikranMdeva, son of RljjMjvdova, wIm wrote tho poem 
KadambMisariSiuigr&ham, m 10 cantos, calls hlmiolf tho pnpil of SjkkaUvidya 
4h»raoakravarp, probably ono of thesa throe {TO, IV. 4229 ) 


the author of the exquisite romance Gadj akarnSmr^a of which we 
shall know more in the chapter of Sanskrit prose He calls himself by 
the titles, Saknla Vidy3cakravarti, Kavirajaraja Abhinava-Bhalta-Bana, 
Kah-Kala-Kalidasa, Kahdla-Ka\i-Sarvabhauma and Kalakavikalabha 
His son Vasudeva was. called fori Vallabha His son was Vid)a- 
cakravar^in III He wrote commentaries, on Kavvaprakatla and 
Alankarasar\asva with illustrations here and there in praise of the 
Ho) sala. kings King Ballala III (1291-1342 A D ) was his patron His 
RuxMWiKAn ana 1 is a poem in 16 cantos describing the marriage of 
Sri Kri'-na and Rukminl In the 1st canto the poem gives the geneology 
of the Hoysala Kingt.* and a short account of his own family His 
melodious poetry justifies his claim to rank with the foremost of poets 

101 Abhayadevt* 8 was a Jam monk He was pupil of Vijaya- 
candra and son of Devabhadpa, and was fourth in succession from Jlna- 
sekharasun who flourished in Sam 1204 For his eminence m learning, 
he was given the title of Vadisimha by the King of KaSi Under him the 
Rudrapatljagaccha rose to greatness His Jayantavijaya, a poem in 19 
cantos, relates the birth and life of Jayan^a,* and was composed m 
Sam 1278 (1222 AD) It contains elaborate descriptions of lb e 
seasons, sunrise, sunset, sports, and expeditions 

102 ViranancU's Candraprabhacan^a* in 18 cantos, begins 
with a description of King Kanakaprabha and describes the life of 

1 10, IV 5425 The following foems embrace the same theme , (l) Bokminl 
parinaya of Mah3p5tra PatamSnai da of Otissa (TO, IV 5632) m 11 cantos, (n) 
Rukminiparanayam of Govindaratha contemporary of King Mukurdaof Onssa, of more 
than 5 oantos [TO, IV 5687), (in) Eukminikalyana of Rajaohudamani Difobifa 

2 Hoysaia- Enyanaga — Visnuvardhana [1101 1141 AD] He had two brothers 
Ballala I ar.aUday2ditya]--Narasimha I (1186 1171)-Vf» Ballala II (1173 1312)— 
Namsunha II (1320-1285)— Some svara (1338 1264)— Narasimha HI (1254 1291)— Vlra 
BallSH III (1291-1842^— Ballala TV (1842 1846) The dynasty onds here For 
inscriptions relating to Hoysala Kings, See Mys Arch Bep 1923 1928 See also 
3 E Iyengar's So«f7i India and her Mtthammadan mvations, 176 tt scq and 
M B Kavi's Kalakalabhakavt, in Bluvrah, Feby 1928 

8 Abhayadeva' pupil Devabhadra Is mentioned iin an Inscription dated Sam 
1296 14, (1894), 178 4 , El, I 112 For other Abhayr devasuns, ree TJ S Tank's 
Diohanary ajJaiia Biography 

4 Ed Bombay It bears §risabd5cka, PR, I 98, I V 187 90 vu , Weber, ISt 
II 1089 , Klalt, U, XI 248 

5 Printed Bombay There is a commentary on it of unknown authorship, TO, 
III, 8S48 Yasodova wrote another poem oi the same came m Achilwid in Sam 1178 
(1122 AD) SeeJcs Cat 89 There is Oard-aprabtlyakSvya by Dhanan]aya (Opp. 
II 484) and CardraprabLSvijayakavya by Ravignija {CO, 1.181) 


Candraprabha, a Jain Tn^hankara In the last canto, tenets of Jamism 
are summansed and the poem ends with Indira's incarnation as Tina 
Viranandi must have lived not later than the 13th century A D 

103 Manikyacandra or Mamkyabun of Rajagaccha was the 
pupil of Sagarendu * He describes his geneology in his commentary 
Sanketa on Kavyaprakasa, which he completed in Sam 1216 (1160 
AD) He wrote his poems Parsvanathacanta and &antmathacanta m 
Sam 1276 (1220 AD)* 

104 Purnabbadra was the pupil of Jinapati He lived at 
Prahladanapura He wrote DaSasravakacanta m Sam 1275 and Dhanya 
&alibhadracan$ra and Kjtapunyacantra in Sam 1285 and Atimukta- 
caritra in Sam 1282 

105. Padmaprabha was the pupil of Vibudhnprahh«i He wrote 
Kunthunathacanthacar^ra and Mumsuvrntacantni m Sam 1294' 
These poets lived at the first half of the 13th centurv AD* 

106 Jinaratna was the pupil of finesvara, who was the pupil 
of Jinapa$isun He lived in the first half of the 13th century AD His 
Nik.vanaula.vati is a beautiful poem in 21 Ulsahas bearing Jmanka, 
being a Sanskrit version of the prakjt poem of the same name (not 
extant) written by JinesVara in Sam 1095 Jinaratna's pupil Parna- 
kalaSa wrote a commentary on Hemacandra's Dvyasrnyakav) a * 

1. MSrukyasuri of Vatagaocha who wrote the poem Nalayana or KuborapurSna in 
lOOoantosoi 10 8tandaB, a play SetunStaka and a rheterical work, Sabityae&ra is a 
different author [Jet Oat 49, PJS, II 887J One manusoript of NalSyana was put m 
the Jessalmero Bhandar in Sam, 1659 

3 yagne^varapanaita (In his 4ryavidiSsudhakara, 226) saya that MSu'kya, 
pnpil of Devasun, is mentioned by Meru$unga in hia Prabandhaohlntamani as haling 
lived at grjpa ttam, under King Jayasimha about Sam. U50 and as having comiosed 
Sanketa This oonfllotB with the author' b own statement in the work 

W^f^tfTSftB^ (*=U5) qn%HT«ra I 

See VSmanaoarya's Int to KSvyaprakafa 27 , Ja <Cat 6,49- 
3 Jes Oat 49. 

i Ibid,, Padmaprabha, author of Parsvasjava and Bbuvanadinika is a differen 

5 Jes Oat 60 61 LilSvatikaJha by BhusftnabhaJtatanayn m prakrl W*teJ 
olates the story of the loves of King Satavahana and Lflavajl, daughter of King of 
limhala (Ibt& , S6) For this work see under Salivahanaeant* pott 


107 Laksmitilaka studied under Jlnarafna InPratyakabuddha- 
canta, a poem of 17 cantos, he relates the lives of four saints Karakandu, 
Dvimukha, Nairn, Naggati It was composed in Sam 1311 (1255 AD) 1 

108 Munidevasun 9 and Satyaraja wrote the poems Sahti- 
nathacan^a 8 and Pythvlcandracantra* in Sam 1439 (1383 AD) and 
Sam 1534 (1478 AD), being Sanskrit versions of the Prakpt poems of 
these names by Devacandra and feantisun" written about Sam 1200 
and in Sam 1161 

109 Devaprabhasuri surnamed Maladhann was the pupil of 
Municandra,* and master of Devananda of the Har-^apuriya Gaccha In 
his Pandavacanta, 7 a long poem of 18 cantos, he describes the story of 
the Pandavas with the mam object of conveying lessons of virtue 8 He 
was a contemporary of Udayaprabha, and Naracandra, 9 and lived about 
the middle of the 13th century A D 

110 Amaracandra, also called Amara, 10 was a resident of the 
town of Vagata near Anhilvid He belonged to a heirarchy of Jain priests 
He was the disciple of Jmadatta San " Having been initiated with the 
Mantra of Siddha-Saraswa$i he attained eminence by penance and the 
Goddess Saraswati conferred on him the boon of poetry Once Vls'ala- 
deva, the king of Gujarat, heard of his greatness and sent for him to his 
Court Dhavalakkaka He was there examined by a number of Court 

1 J«s Cat 51 

2 VSdidevasun, who wrote Nemina|haoan{ra in Saw. 1288 {Jes Cat No 1) is 
a different person. 

8 Jes Cat 46, PR, I 50, Ap 6, III. 108. Ap 165, 1A, XI 254 

4 Jes Cat 63 Seeing this excellent poem Munlbhadrasurl wrote another poem 
§antioarit> In Sam. 1410 PR, in Ap, 167 

5 lb%d , 53, 54. 

6 He gave diksha to Oalukya king Anala 

7 There is Pandavaoarijakavya by LaksmidaMa, L 2004 

8 He was the author, PR, I 98, III, app 181 

9 See PR III app. 19 • IV. lxnii He wrote a oommeatary on AnarghnrSghava 
andPrakrltadipika SeeKielhorn'sOolleotions (13301 Ms 288, 234) PS IH, App 184 

10 Amwaruidra, author ot KiwySmnaya and Amitaoaudra author of VanamSia 
NStikS {Jama Granthavah) are different .authors On other Amataoan^ras, see U S 
Tack's Diahonary of Jatna Biography, 

11 Author of VlvekavUSsa and Sri]lnen4raoftn{a See PS, I Ap 2,1V xxxvi, 
118 BB (1888-9), 6, 156 (where date 1265-85 Samvat to given ) See the Kavipra- 
faB|l at the end o! Baiabhara$a He died at Ajmeer In 1145 A D. See Elatt's paper 
on Historical Records of the Jattuu, tA (1882, supra) 



poets, Somes"vara and Nanaka 1 among them, and pleased with his great- 
ness, the king honoured him well * King VIsalade\a, son of Vlradha- 
vala, ruled between 1243-1262 A D 8 and Amaracandra must therefore 
have flourished about the middle of the 11th cenlun Hib description 
of sunrise brought him the title Venlkppana* 

Among his -works Baiabhakata* is the most known It narrates 
the story of the Mahabharnta in the order of the Parvans and is 
therefore a poetic epitome of it" His poetry is of a high order and 
placed by the side of the Raghuvamsa, it may not be possible to 
discern disparity in literary merit 

He wrote treatises on poetics, Kavyakalpalatt and Kavisiksa,' 
on metrics, Chandorafnavali and Muktavali and m toclinu al subjects, 
Kalakalapa and the poem Padmanandakavyn, otherwise known is Sri 
Jinendracanfa which describes the life of Jina 8 

Amaracandra completed the Kavyakalpaldtd- of his friend 
Ansimha and wrote a gloss on it Kavisikpavnth • 

HI Vastupala" was the son of Acaraja (As\ ir.iji) and Kumora- 
devl of an illustrious family of Pattans His grand-falhor ( handapa 

1 IA, XI 206-207 (dated Sam 1328), Ibid 102-3 This pr>iiih$i was com 
posed by Er^na, son of Rajna, said to be the author of Kuvuliy uvaciufv 

3 This aooount is taken f com Rajns'okhata's Prahuidh ikr>4t and Merotunga'a 
Prabandhaointamani (Tawneys Tr p 167) 

8 Sam 1800-1813 SeeB Dosibhai's History ojOvjarat (Ahmodi.bacl), 45 47; 
Mahipatram's Short Swtory of Qniarat 19 14, VI 210-212, IA, XI 08-108, 
BR, (1883-84), 318. 457 Also SomeSvara's Suruthot&ava, Cuoto \V 

JSulabh~trata,l i 
6 Printed KSvyamSla, Bombay The poem is called Virlinki 

6 It imy be useful to oompace otitioally this abridgement with the original tozt 
of the BhSraja, and that will give us an Idea of the acta il recension thon used by 

7 PR, n 17 

8 Composed In Sam 1297 (1241 A D ) , PR, I 2, 58 , IV vn 

9 PR, IV. vu. Ba>s"3khara In his Prab mdhakotfa nays that Ansimha aad 
Amaraoandra were fellow students and hvel in the thus of Vlsalndnva, boforo he oamo 
to the throne of Pattaa, about the middle of tho 13th oontury Sue Bli, II 6, 

10 "Onoe apon a time, In the august city of Patlana, on tho occasion of an oxposl 
tion, a certain very beautiful widow named KumScadova, was looked at again and 
again by the Beverend Dootor Haribhadra and so attracted the attention of tho minUtei 
Acaraja, who was present at the oeremony After tho congregation had batn dismissed, 


was the " sua of assembly of councillors " He had four sons. Canda- 
prasada, Sura, Soma and Afivaraja The eldest always had the minis- 
terial seal Ihe other sons also held high positions in the state His 
wife was the daughter of Abhu, a Dandapafi or commander-in-chief 
He was the prime minister of VIradhavala, Ruler of Dholka As a 
warrior his prowess was great and he defended with his army the 
kingdom against the attacks of the allied forces of the Kings of the 
Deccan, the Lata and the Godraha. In Samvat 1277(1221 AD) he 
made his memorable pilgrimage to Mount Abu and the temples of that 
place with the inscriptions m his praise are monuments of his glory 
and philanthropy * He died in 1242 AD* In his KIrfikaumudI, 
SomesVara, describes the life of Vas^upala in all detail He says 
" Sri SomesVaradeva delineates the character of Vastupala seeing that 
that master's de/olion to himself is extreme, that his family is illustrious, 
his personal appearance splendid, his conduct excellent, his chanty 
accompanied by courtesy, his elevated position such as humbles his 
foes, his talents such as defy those of the Bnhaspati, his mercy such as 
crushes all germ of fear, his fame an ornament of the earth, his 
administration regulated by justice " 

Himself a poet, he appreciated poetic merit in others* He 
received Harihara at the Court of Dholka in spite of the jealousy of 
SomesVara He established three great libraries, where he collected 
valuable manuscripts He encouraged good writing and the Ka$ha- 
ra^nasagara (15 tarangas) of Naracandra San and Alankaramaho- 
dadhi (8 chapters) of Narendraprabha were the result of his incentive 
His learning is of a high order He is called "the God-son of Saras- 
vati,"* besides the titles Kavikunjara and ELavicakravar$m By his 

the teacher bang questioned by the minuter said by a revelation of my favourite deity 
I foresee that the sua and moon will desoend and be oonoeived in her and therefore I 
looked at the marks on her boJyagun and again " The minuter, having thus ascer- 
tained the truth from the holy mm, carried her of£ and mde her his wife In ooursa 
of time, those two heavenly bjdias desoenied and were oonselvadln her, as the two 
ministers of Vastupala aad TojiaptLV'— Meraj ingi's Prabandaaoin(anuni (Tawney's 
Translation, 1S5-6) 

He was namsl VasanjapSls by 3 )m 4«r» aad others See HtranarSyanSnanda, 
XVl 33 This nam) is adopted in BaLmndra's Visanjwilasa 

1 Qx Kathavata's Infcr to Kirtiktumudi, viu, app A ft B 

2 BB, (1887-91), lSui 

3 Kirj;ikaumadi, I 48 47. 

i Klejikaumudi, I 29, NirwIrSyajSnittla, XVI 40 , Dharmibhyu4»ya, 
XV. 64. 


patronage he earned the name of Laghu Bhojaraja Several biogra- 
phies describe his patronage * Among the poets he patronised were, 
Someivara, Ansimha, Hanhara and Nanaka 

In his Naranarayanananda,* a poem of 16 cantos, he describes 
the friendship of Arjuna and Kjsna who are incarnations of Nara and 
Narayana and their rambles in Mt Girnar and the abduction of 
Subhadra by Arjuna * The poem is full of descriptive imagery It is 
on the model of feiSupalavadha, but the language is. more easy and 
melodious Vas^upala was fond of stray poetry (SiU(is) and many of 
these are collected in his biographies and in Jalhana's Sukfcimukjjavah 
His ISvaramanorafchamaya Sto^ra is devotional * 

112 Udayaprabhasun was the religious preceptor of Vastu- 
pala and Tejahpala He was great as a poet, theologian and astronomer 
His Arambhasiddhi is an astronomical work and Upadesamala KarmiLa, 
a commentary on UpadeSamala composed in Sam 1299 * His Dharaa- 
bhudaya or Sanghadhrpa$ican$ra is a Mahakavya composed on the 
occasion of Vas^upala's pilgrimage to Jain shrines of Western India 
Narendraprabha was a collaborator in the poem 8 His Sukj taklrji- 
kallohnl is a panegyric m praise of Vastupala and Tejahpala com- 
posed on the occasion of their pilgrimage to oa^runjaya T The latter is 
of great historical value in that it gives the geneology of Vastupala 
and descnbes the Capotkala and Calukya kings 

113 Jayasimhasun 8 was the pupil of Virasun and the Acarya 
of th3 shnne Munisuvrafa at Broach He was a Jam &ve$ambara Once 
when Tejahpala, the brother of Vastupala, came to visit the shrine, he 
recited a poem containing a request for a donation for twenty-five 

1 Other works that treat of Vastupala' s career are — Ansimha's Sukrtasaukirtana, 
(Sea JBRAS, X 85), Memttraga's PrabandhaoinfSumni, Bajaiikhara'S Prabandhakofo, 
Jmav»r§a's YasfupSlaoarija, Jinaprabha's Tirfhakalpa or VastupSlalasankjrjana is 
composed la Sara* 1385 Also App to QOS, No II. 

2 3d by B Dalai, in Gaek. Or Series with an introduotfon 
8 Sorfleswara's UllagharSghava, Act VIII 

A Printed as app to NarauSrayanSnanda (op nt) 
8. PS, I 83,111 81 

6 Ee was the author of Alankaramaho4ftdhi and Kaka«$hakelt (PR, IIT 28) 
and immediate suooasaor of Davaprabha, author of TSadavSyana oantra 

7 Printed as app bo Hainmicamadamardana (Gaek Or Series ) 

8 JavasirahasUEi of Krjaarsi Gaohoha, pupil of Mahendra who wrote the com- 
mentary on Kumarapaiaoanta in 1865 A D Is a different person He was the spiritual 
grand father of Nayaca&Sra, the author of Hammiramahak5vya and who ooinposed his 
Kumarapaiaoanta in Samv. 1422. 

MAti5.-KS.VYA 203 

golden staffs in Sakuir ka Vihara of Ambada * and as that request was 
granted, he compo^J a panegyric Vastupalapraiasti in praise of the 
brothers," and with the same object of commemorating the gift he 
wrote the dra na Hamnilramadamardana at the instance of Jayantasimha 
or Jaitrasimha," son of Vastupala, which was enacted at the festival of 
Bhlmesa in Cambay In five acts, it describes the alliances of Vira- 
dhavala, the greatnes of Vastupala as a politician and the repulsion of 
Mohammedan invasion of Gujarat His poetry is charming and 
abounds in choice similes * The earliest manuscript of the work is 
dated Sam 1286 Vastupala became minister of Vlradhavala m Sam 
1276 and this drama must therefore have been composed between 1220 
and 1230 AD" Jayasimha's Vastupalapraiasti gives an account of 
Calukya genealogy from Mularaja I and is of historical value 

114 Naracandrasuri wrote several prasastis in Sam 1288 
(1232 AD) preserved in the Girnar inscription in praise of Vastupala ' 
Naracandra was the pupil of Maladhan Devaprabhasfln of Harahapuri- 
yagaccha He commented on Anargharaghava At Vas^upala's request, 
he wrote Katharatnasagara and his pupil Narendraprabha wrote 
Alankaramahodadhi He revised the poems, Devaprabha's Pandava- 
canta 7 and Udayaprabha's Dharmabhyudaya 

1 This was turned into a mosque after the Muhammadan conquest 

2 This is printed as an appendix in Gaek Or Secies No X and summarised in 
the introduction 

3 He was patron of Balaoandra, author of VasantavilSsa He was Governor of 
Oamb&y for Samvat 1379 (See qvinar inscriptions) and laterly Governor of fetlad 

4 For instance 

** in I., ^i. II ^* i i _.^ ill l 

^dfa *%%*$ $fo lift Hf^ II 

sqRfor ^crr®r«T(^i^nij^r II 

5 Printed Gaek Or Series, with a valuable introduction by D Dalai 
Singhana or Bimhana, the YSdava king of Devagin (1162—1347 A D.) and 

iankha or Sangramasimha, king of Lata, are referred to in the drama This Singhana 
was the patron of VardhamSna who wrote the Ganaratnamahodadhi at Devagin in 
iaka 1151 (1529 A D.). Similar accounts of wars are referred to by contemporary poets 
in Kirfakaumu&i and Vasantavilasa 

6. Jts, Oat 83 

7. PR, I 98, HI. 183. See farther para 108 »W<*, note II. 


115 Balacandrasuri was the pupil of Haribhadrasun of 
Candragaccha He was an admirer of Vastupala, the minister of 
King Vlradhavala of Dholka aud after his death, at the instance of 
Vastupalas for Jaitrpsimha he wrote V.isantavilasa a poem of 14 cantos 
describing the like history of the Vastupala's mmistrv * Vastupala 
died in Samvat 1296, and this poem must have been composed sam 
1300 In the 18 cantos, he gives, a short account of his life In the 
first canto, the poet has given the account of his earl) life " la the 
town of Modheraka (m Kadi District in H H the Gaekw id's tern- 
tones), there was a famous Brahmaaa, named Dhar.idev.i He gave 
protection to the distressed from all sides and was acquainted with the 
doctrines of Jainism Ihe mendicants, coming to his house always re- 
turned with hands full of money given by him He had a wife named 
Vidyut They had a son named Munjala, who, though living m his 
father's house, looked on the world as an illusion 1 Living got from 
Hanbhadra Sun religious enhghtenmont, he took the vow ol the Jam 
mendicant with the permission of his parents J tanking he will 
be gradually full-orbed with all phases of knowledge, H inbhadra Sun 
made him his pupil with the name of Balachandra, and at the time 
of his approaching death, put him in his place Padmaditya, whose 
feet w ere emblazoned by the light of the rubies of the crown of the 
Chaulukva king, and who was the real hereditary abodo of learning 
was his tutor, while Udaya Sun of the Gaccha of V.idi Dcvasuri g,m 
him the Sarasvata Charm The Goddess of Learning once appeared 
to him in his Yoganidra (contemplation-sleep) and told him that 
she was pleased with his meditation and devotion to her from 
infancy, and that he was her legitimate child like Kiilidusa and other 
mighty poets of yore " The Prabandha Cintlmani says that Vastupala, 
pleased with the poem composed mhls praise by Balacandr.i spent 
one thousand drammas for getting installed as an Acarya 

116 Somesvara Deva, or Soma&irman, as the poet at times 
called himself, was the son of Kumara and Lakfiml His eighth ancestor 
Sola was enrolled as the State Purohit by King Mularoja tho founder of 
the Calukya dynasty of Anbhilvid This office of Purohit was held by the 
descendants of Sola* under the successors of Mularaja, Kumara was in 
the Court of Kings Kum&rapala, AjayapMa and Mularaja, Kumara had 
three brothers Sarvadeva, Munja, and Ahada Kumara was made a 

1 Ed by D Dalai, Gaek 0c Series with an inteoluobion 

3 Sola, Lalla, Munja, Soma, Ama, KumSra, Sarvadova, Amiga, kumara aad 


generalissimo of the forces by Mularaja II and he vanquished King 
Vindbyavarman of Dhar 

Somesvara was a friend of Vastupdla An account of Someevara's 
sojourn in the court-, of King "Viradhavala (1219-1239 AD) and 
Visaladeva (1243-127 L A D ) is given in Rajasekhara's Prabandha- 
kosa Someavara seems therefore to have flourished about 1179 AD 
and 1262 AD The poets Hanhara, 1 and Subhatd 9 were Someevara's 
friends and thej praised his poetry 8 In his Klrtkaumuiji* and Sura$ho$- 

SomesVam were in Older lbs Puroliits o£ the King Mularaja. MularSja's geneology is 
there givtn in V Vaidya's History of Mediaeval Bmdu India (III 209) 
Mularaja, son of R»]t (961 996 A. D ) 

Camunda (997 1009) 

I I I 

Vallabha (1009) Durlabha (1009 1021) N5garS]a 

Bhima I (1021 1068) 

I I 

Kama (10G3 1003) Ins 1019 K§smar5ja 

J-iyasimba SiddharSja (1093 1143) Hanpaia 


I I 

Mahipala KumarapSIa (1148 1173) 

AjayapSla (1178 1176) 

Mularaja II (1170 1178) Bhima H (1178 1241) 

TribhuvanapSla 124S 
ForMularap, see H.VI 197, XI 219, For* Jayasunba, see JBBAS, (1848), 
319, U, X 168, It 253 , For KumaiapSla, see SI, VIII , For Ajayapala, see 1A, 
XVIII 80,344, For Bhima II, see IA, XI 71,220, VI 250, For JribhavanapSla, 
see Id, VI 209 , For an aooount of their dynasty, see Bombay Qaxeteer, Vol I 
Part II Hem>w»ndrj,'s Pvyasiay* KSvya and Merujunga's VicSrafoni 

1 HanhAKi'ti works aro not available Hib lather Mohshaditya is mentioned in 
prasasti of MahnkiilcS'vara, Porbundhor State dated Sam 1820, Vyasa MoksSdifya, 
author of Bhimaparakarma vyayoga oomposed in Sam 138S [B«»t<J Cat 278 and In 
Baroda Library ] was pupil of Hanhara and son of Bhiaia This Harihara, is different 
from the author of Bhartrbirmirveda who was a Mythila 

2 Subhata was the author of the play Duj;auga4a (Printed, Bombay) 

Swra\ho\sava, I. 46 
4 Printed, Caloutta 


sava,* a campu and poem, lie sang the glories of his patrons In the 
latter in 15 cantos he narrates the life of Suratha of Caitra race and 
description of the Himalayas is superb In Ullagharaghava a he drama- 
tised the story of Rama In Surathostava he eulogised YuvarSia 
Prahl&dana author of the play Parte aparakrama His Ramasataka 
is devoted to Rama* He wrote Kavyadarsa,* and gloss of Kavya- 
prak&sa s 

117 Arisimha was son of Lavanasimha He was a protege of 
Minister Vastupala He had the appellation Thakkura Amaracandra 
was his friend and coworker in literature It is said Amaracandra got 
Siddhasarasva^i charm from Ansimha They jointly composed Kavi- 
kalpalata sutras Ansimha wrote Kavijarahasya In his Sukrtasan- 
xirtana., a poem in 11 cantos, he describes the glorious Life of Vastu- 
pala • In the first canto, he gives the geneology of Chapotkata Kings 
beginning from Vanaraja who founded the City of Anahilla Pattana, in 
the same manner as is given in Udayaprabha's Sukrtdkallolml In 
the second canto, the reigns of Calukya Kings from MSlaraja to 
Bhlmadeva II are described, leading to the advent of Vastupala and 
Tejahpala The remaining poem narrates the pilgrimages and chari- 
table works of Vastupala At the end of every canto, Amarasimha 
added four verses of his own. The poem mentions the niche of 
Malhnatha built in Sam 1278 and as the inscriptions of Mt Abu are 
dated Sam 1287, the poem must have been written in the interval 

118 Nayacandra" was the spiritual grandson of Jayasimhasun 
who lived at the time of Vastupala He was a poet is six languages 
He wrote a poem on Kumaranrpaji, that is, Kumarapala, His poem 

I. Printed Bombay 

3 The mannsonpb Is in Batoda Library, 

8 Eh 85, BP, 263. 

i Eh 86 

5 Birl Akad (1874), 282 

6 Jalhaija in his SukMmuktavali quotes font versos under Arasi Thakkura, who 
is probably idenfcioal with Ansimha Two of these ace very fine 

srcrr wreFRRfflfa §r$ trtcI sjftft Rnftr II 


Hammikamahakavva 1 in 14 cantos is the result of a revelation imparted 
to him in a dream by King Hammlra himself, of the Chohan race of 
Ranastambhapura Born in the noble hoube, Hammlra tried to uphold 
the mdependonoe of his race and was for a tame well successful In the 
3rd year of his reign Allauddm demanded the extradition of a Mughal 
nobleman who had taken refuge with Hammlra, but it was refused. 
The capital was beseiged and in defending the capital the king fell and 
his women perished on the funeral pile* Ihe poem describes the 
heroic deeds of Hammira and the advice of King Javjrasimha to his 
son Hammlra on politics ib very informing Hammlra was the last 
of the Chohans He ascended the throne in Sam 1330 (1283 A.D ) 
and died in July 1301 A-D 8 Nayacandra says he was incited to com- 
position at the behest of King Torama Virama's courtiers that no new 
poem could be as good as the old King Torama Virama lived 70 
years before Emperor Akbar 

119 Merutanga's Prabandhacintamani* is a work of great 
historical importance It was finished at a Wadwan on the Vaisakha 
full moon of Sam. 1362 (1306 AD) It is divided into five prakafes, 
and each prakaia into prabandhas Each prabandha relates a story 
It begins with the story of Vikramaditya, the traditional founder of the 
samvat-era Then follows a short story of a previous birth of Satavahana. 
Then comes a long history of the Calukya kings of Anilvid and in 
their connection King Bhoja and Munja are noticed Then comes a 
detailed account of the Vaghela king Lavanaprasada -and VIradhavala 
with their minister Vastupala and lejahpala The last chapter is 
miscellaneous of which the tales of Lak^manaseaa and Umapafi and 
Bhartphan may be of interest His Mahapurusacan^a gives an account 
of some Jam saints " 

. „ ,. - ,. „ - ■ -. , r ■■ | - 1 - | -. r f f ■ -p. , - ■■■ • ■ ■ • *■ 

1 Printed Bombay IPor an abstraoi, see 14 VIII 65, 

S tfor an aooount. of death of Hammlra, see lA, VIII 934 

Another work called Hammiramardana is referred to by Battler in his intwdnd 
faon to Banana's Vikraraankadevaoanja Tod in his Bajasthan mentions Hammlra' 
kavya and Hammira Btsa by Sarngaijhara, who himself admits that his grandfather 
Baghtmajiha was that prinoe's guru In his Paddhafci he quotes some verses relating to 
Hammira not found in this book So does Appayya Diksita in his KavalaySnanda (e g- 
Atisayokti Alankara) not found in this work These works may be different 

The oolophon in a manuscript reads " The presonb oopy was made for ihe purpose 
of reading by Nayaharasa, a pupil of Jayisuulnsuri, at Firuzpor in Sam 1542', 
(1496 A.D.) 

8 M Bombay See for an aooount, PR, II 87 Translated into English by 
SCaiwney. See JBRAA (1887), Extra No. 

A PB t IH.Ap S6S 


120 Venkatanatha was the son of Anantasuu and Totaramma 
He was bora at Tuppal near Kanci in Kali 437 J (126S AD) He is 
said to be an incarnation of the great bell (Ghanta) of God Venkatesa 
at Tirupati He studied under his m iternal uncle Atreya Ramanuja 
His ability in composition and disputation brought hiin the name of 
Kavitartikasimha His exposition of Vedanfi, made him known as 
VedfintadeSika 1 he versatility of his learning gavo him the title 
Sarvatantra-sv.itdntra Many are the talcs related about him and his 
supernatural powers He was bora poor and he was pleased to be 
poor and when he was offered riches, he refused them quito poetically 1 
He lived for sometime at liru\ahindrapuratn near Cuddalur and at 
Snrangam He visited the Court of S irvagna Smga During the 
invasions of Malikaufer he escaped to M> sore and on the eve of his 
flight composed his Abh?|it>tava He passed away on kaitika-l'iiraraa 
in November 13G9 AD Vedlnt i Desika is the foundei of the Sri- 
vaijnava sect of Vadagalais, by whom he is now worshipped as a 
Saint and his image is installed in almost every Visnu temple m South 
India. His life was one of unceasing literary activity ] lis collected 
works numbered 121, on various subjects, of ■fthuhmmy are on 
Vi&stadvai$a philosophy lo him goes the cicdit of preserving the 
commentary Sni$.iprdk3Mka 

121 lo vie with Meghasandesa, Raghuvamsa, Kum.lrasaml)hava, 
Bharavi and Magha, he is said to have composed Il.unsasandesa, 
Yaduvams"a (or Tfadavabhyuiaya), Murasambhava, Bharavi and Ph.llguna, 
but only the first two are now available Yadavabhyudaja is a long 
poem in 21 cantos on the life of orlkpnaand the history of Yadurace* 

Padukasahasra is a thousand versos in pr.uso of Kama's sandals 
composed in a single night in a competitive literary duel • 

Sankalpasuryodaya is an allegorical drama in tho manner of 
Prabodhacandrodaya * 

1. He said < 

3 DO.'XXX 7807 Kd« partly un Nagan and partly in CiMntho (Madras and 
Snrangam) There is a oommentary on it by Appayadiksija DO, XX 7808. 

3 Ed Mysore and Bombay 

i Ed Madras, Snrangam, Bombay ana Bobbili Translated into English by 
NarayanaoSrya and Raghunathaswami (8nrangam) There is a wommentary oa it 
by NSrayana, son of H<w£igiri9»jha of Snvajsa family (OML, iNo, 14609) and othere 


Acyut^sataka is a Prakrit poem in. praise of Visnu * 

Among his minor poems are Hayagrivastotra, Devarajapancasat, 
Gopalavimiati, Dehalistuti, Yathoktakanstotra, Astabhujastaka, Para- 
marthastuti, Bhagavaddhyanasopana, Das"avatarastolra, Abhitistava, 
Nyasadasaka, Nyasavimsafci, Nyasntilaka, Srlstuti, BhGstuti, Nllastuti, 
Godastuti, SudaflSanasataka, Sodasayudhaatnti, Garudapancaka, Yati- 
rajasaptati, Dhatipancaka, Vairagyapancaka * His Raghuviragadya 
and Garnd.idandaka are prose pieces m praise of Rama and Garuda * 

Subhashi^anlvi is a didactic poem of wise sayings like Bhartn- 
han's Nitisafjiaka * 

1 22 In AcaryavrjayacampE, Kavitarkikasimha Vedantacarya, son 
of Venkatac.Trya of Kansika Gotra describes in exquisite prose and verse 
the advent and life of Venkalanatha * There are other poems and 
works dealing with the life and work of Venkatanltha Nigamanta- 
c5r} acantd,* Vedantadefiikagadja 7 Vedantades"ikacanta 8 and Vedanta- 
desika Mangalasjisana 8 

His son Varada or Nayanacarya was bornm kali 4418 (1316 A D ) 
He was a great scholar and wrote two poems Kokilasandeea and 
feukasandesa to 

anonymous (DO, XXI 804G 49), one by a disoiple of jirjmvaaa of Kouiikagofra 
(DO, XX 7977} For a learned comparison between this and Msghasandesa by 
A Y GopalaoSrya see artlolos headed Sandesadvayaaurasvcidim in TTdpanapainka, 
Tirovadi and K. Knahnamaoarya, Hamaasandosa, a study, JMys, XVIII 246 

1 Ed Madras 

2 On Vedanjadesika, generally sac GurupararnparaprabhavaijMysore, 114 et seqs 
where all works are narnod T Rajagopalaoarya, Vawlmavaite Beformers of India 
(Madras) discusses on the dato of his death See Udyanapat%ka, (Tiravadi) II 

8 These Sfotras are ill colleofced m>the Oriental Mauuaonpfes Library, Madras and 
have been edited by R V Krishnamaoarya at Kambakonam and elsewhere There are 
oominantaLies on Srisfnp, Gopalavimiati, Dasavatarasfotra by A V Gopaiaoarya 
and on Yaprajnsapti and Dayasajaka by RamSnuja, TO, I 814, 864 

4 Printed Kavyamala, Part VIII Bombay There is an unfinished commentary 
by Srimvasa TaJaoSrya of Oonjeevaram who lived in 1860-1904 

5 Printed, Madras (in Telugu) This work shows exquisite 00inp03ttion in 
prose and poetry DO, XXI, 8290 . 

6 DO, XXI. 8129 

7 DO, XXI 8409 , TO, I. 922. 

8 TO, HI 8059 

9 TO, I. 899. This is by his son VaradSrya 

10 For his other works, see GhirapMamparSprabhava (Mysore)) 199, 


Mahakavya (could) 

124 WUh the advent of the Empire of Vijayanagar came a revival 
of Sanskrit literature in South India About the year 1330 AD, the 
brothers Bukka and Hanhara founded the City of Vijayanagar,* 
Madhava Vidyaranya was their minister At the instance of Bukka, a 
commission of learned men was constituted undar Madhava and fkyana 
to collect comment and preserve all works bearing on the Vedic 
religion Hanhara died in 1343 and Bukka continued the work of 
consolidation and within a decade his sovereigns extended to the 
eastern and western oceans and he became the acknowledged Emperor 
of Karnata Bukka I railed till 1374 A D and was succeeded by Han- 
hara II (1379-1404 AD) Hanhara extended his sovereignty to 
Mysore and to the banks of the Kaven to Tnchinopoly After Han- 
hara II came his two sons Bukka II (1404-1406 AD) and Devaraya I* 
(1406-1419 AD) one after another Then came his son Vijaya 
(1419-1421 AD) and Vyaya's son Devaraya II (1422-1448 AD) 
Devaraya had two sons Mallikarjuna and VirupSksa and their sons 
were Virupaksha and Praudhadevaraya. These ruled from 1448 to 
1486 AD Here ended Sangama dynasty 

It was in the year 1486 A D that Saluva Narasimha, a feudatory 
ruler of Candragin, deposed the last lingenng ruler of Vijayanagar and 
proclaimed himself the Emperor He died in 1392 A D His son and 
successor Immadi Narasimha was killed by his general Narasa Nayaka 
m 1505 A D This ended the short-lived Saluva dynasty. 

Narasa Nayaka assumed sovereignty and lived for a year He had 
three wives and sons by them Viranarasimha, Kjsnadevaraya and 
Acyuja These ruled in order 1506-9, 1509-1529, and 1539-1542 A D 
Acyuta had a brother Ranga Ranga's son Sada&va succeeded him 
and was the last of the Tuluva Dynasty 

I Gangafievi writes 3TOf) t5 iqt m IfoMJSlflN* II 

Here the name of Oijy is given as VijayS It is also (railed by poets VidySnagara, 

9. His brother Timpaksa was the author of the play NSrSyaijiviiasa IBVH, 68). 

212 MAHA.-K5.VYA 

AUya Rama Raya, who marned Tirumalamba, daughter of Krsna- 
devaraya, was practically the ruler of the State during the days of 
Fmperor Sadasiva During his time there was the war with the 
Muhamadan Sultans headed by the Sultan of Byapur nnd at ihe battle 
of Talikola m 1565 AD , Alnn Rami Raya vns killed, Vijayanagar 
was pillaged and SadSsiva fled awav with Ramarly i's brother I lrumala 
to Penugonda Some time later 1 iramali prorlaimod himself the 
Fmperor and started the Akavjdu dynasty 

Tirumala ruled from 1~70-1">95 AD He was suneodod In his 
sons Sriranga I (1 "573-1 ">S3 A D ) and then by Venkaia I, whoso name 
is remembered m religious and literary history His sue ce->sors lost 
that position and continued to be of C antlragin, from one of 
whom the Fast India Company received the grant of Madras in 
1639 AD 

These emperors were themselves poets or patrons of pools <\-iluva 
Narasiraha and Kpnadevaraya have composed poems and pl.ijs of 
merit and they will be noticed m the coming pages hi tlio courts of 
these emperors, flourished many men of lore and it is Ihcxr works that 
adorn the field of Sanskrit literature for <t period of four < ontunos 

For convenience of reference the d.ilos of Iheso emperors are 
given below * 

I Sanoama Dynas rr 

A D 


Hanhara and his brothers 



Bukka I 



Hanhara II 



Bukka II 



Deva Raya I 



Vira Vijaya 



Deva Raya II 



Praudhadeva Raya 

n Satuva Dynasty 



Narsmga Salnva 



Immadi Narsmga 

1492-1 "505 

1 See History of India, Part 3 by Garrett ana Sivawn, Chapter IX 


III Tuluva Dynasty 


Narsa Nayaka 



Vira Narsinga 



Knshnadeva Raya 



Achyula Raya 




IV Aravidu Dynasiv 












Vidyaranya was the name assumed by 

Madhava, \f. 


became the head of fermgen Mutt He was almost the founder of the 
kingdom of Vidyanagar (Vijayanagar) Kings Bukka and Hanhara 
were his favourite disciples whom he was helping with his counsel 
in the administration So he was called Karaataka-simha&ana-stbapana- 
carya He was the son of Sayana and Srimati of Bharadvaja-gotra 
His woiks on law and philosophy are too well-known for enumeration 
His commentaries on the Vedas are a unique production* His 
Devyaparahasotra, a lyric in praise of Parvati, testifies to his poetic 
genius ' His Sankaravijaya relates the history of Sankara * He lived 
85 years and died about 1387 AD* 

His brother, Sayana, was minister of Kings Bukka I and Harihara II 
of Vrjianagar He had three sons, Kampana, a musician, Mayana, a 
poet and Smgana, a Vedic scholar He died m 1378 A D He com- 
mented on the Vedas His Subhasitasudhdmdhi is an anthology and 
Alankarasudhanidhi m 10 Unmesas is a work on poetics * 

His other brother Bhoganatha was a companion of King Sangama 
II He was an excellent poet and among his works are RamollSsa, 
fnpuravijaya, ^ringaramanjari, Udaharanamala, MahaganapatisfjOtra 
and Gaurina$has{;otra * 

1 For an aooount of Vldyartnya by S Vankatadn, see Andhrapatnia, Annual 
Number (1931-22) 158 9 See Taylor's Oriental Bwtorted Mammnpti (Madras}, 92 
tA, XEiV 1 and Sowcia ofVijayanagat History 47 51 

2 873, SO 

S Printed Madras 

4 CO 771 

S ' SB, II, 7fi 80 

8 X4,XliV, 24 See for inatanoe 

srcsftg; ^ fowr s"*t.<jf8t mifikft at s^iro^ 11 


126 Agastya was d poet of the court of King Prdtapaniilra lieva 
of Warangal (1294-13^5 AD) aad was probably patronised by King 
Sangama and Bukka 1 of Vijianagar His Balahhakata, a poem in 
20 cantos* relates the whole story of the Mahabharata, beginning with 
the origin of the Kuru line of kings from the Moon Uis poetry is 
highly musical and the felicity of expression is remarkable His name 
was admired by Rajacudamani Diksita * 

As the master of literary art Gangadevi mentions him as the 
author of 74 Kavyas,* and as a poet of great [erudition 1 [is learning 
brought him the name Vidyanatha and under that name he wrote his 
Pratsaparudrayas'obhusana * 

There is a commentary on this poem called Manohara by Salnva 
Timma Dandanatha, the famous minister cf Knijadeva Rjjya, 5 king 
of Vijiaaagar (1509-1530 AD) e 

His Kjsijacanta is a prose work on the life of fcsrl Kpsn.t * H« 
NalaklrtikaumudI is a poem on Nala's story available only in 2 cantos " 

1 TO, II 2228 , DO, XX 7784 Tanj Oat, VI 2589 lb is not a Omnpu as 
and by Burnell (Ton; Oat ) or by S Kishnasaml Iyengar {87S, US). 

RukmvSHTtalyaVi, I. 18 

3PT?5rw suTstf^pj; ?£§*fa>T * ^tf^; tl 

Madhut avijaya, I 14 
i This identity is seen from the following verse 

Foe this work, see ohapter on Mankara post Brataparadradova wroto YaySJioanta, 
a play in seven Aofcs on the searefc loves of YaySjl and 8»rmisfcha and their ultimate 
anion with the oonsent of Qaeoa DavaySni See chapter on Drama post 

6 DO, XX 7784 5 , Tan] Oat 71 2606 

6 SVB, 143 His sister's son Nadindla Gopa Mantnn was the * author of the 
oomrmntary on Pralndhaaandrodaya (seo tbid , 144), See S V Btarasiraha Baol 
Srishnaievaraja and his hmes (Ini Rev VII 888) and Anclhra Po4rtft«, Annua, 
numbers (1917), 206, (1914), 181, 195 

7 BIO, No 10208 

8 The mwusoKpt is with Pendysl* Sabramania S»sM. 


\mong his other works are LaksmTstotra, Sivastava,* Lalifcasahas- 
ran-ium, Mampariksa, Sivasamhita and SakaladhikSra 

127 Gangadevi was consort of Kampana or Kamparaya the 
second son of Bukka 1" (1343-1379 A D ) who predeceased his father by 
two years In Madhuravijaya or VlrakamparSyacarita,* a poem, now 
extant only as a fragment, she narrates in melodious verses the 
exploits of her husband and narrates the history of his expedition to 
the south The city of Vijianagar with its temple and suburbs are 
described with all magnificence Then comes the moving army and 
its relays on its way to Kilnci, where it is quartered for the winter 
Inspired by the exhortation of a Goddess in his dream to exterpate the 
Musalmans and to restore the country to its ancient glory, he advances 
to the South, kills the Sultan of Madura and commemorates his 
victory by munificent grants to the temples of the country * 

12$. Vamanabhatta Bana was the son of Komatiyajvan and 
grandson of Varadagnici^ of Vafcsa Go$ra He was the pupil ofVidya- 
ranya In his early days he was at Vyianagar and saw the glory of 
Harfhara's reign There he wrote Smgarabhusana Bhana enacted at 
the festival of ViriJpak^a In narrating the amours of Vilasasekhara, he 
describes the advanced state of civic bfe there in melodious verses, and 
fanciful imajery * When about thirty years old, he migrated to the court 
of Peda Komati VemabhOpala, ruler of Kondavidu (1403-1420 AD)* 

Among his poems are Nalahbyudaya/ in 8 cantos, Raghunatha- 
canta, in 30 cantos, 8 dealing with the lives of Nala and Rama, and 
Hamsasandeea an imitation of Meghasandesa 

Parva$Ipannaya, 9 a drama m 5 acts, describing the marriage of 
Parvafei and S"iva is now believed by many to be his composition, Jn 

1 00, I 1 , DO, XIX 7416 

2 EO, Mysore, Dfc No 46 and see also EI XII 162 But Sewell {Forgotten 
Empire, 29) gives to Bukka reign, 1343 1379 AD 8ee also TO in, 3986 

3 SSJ By Hanhitasaatn, Tnvaatoun, with a historioal introduction by T, A. 
Qoplnatha Bow TO, III 2985 

i For an aooonnt of this poem see Sources of 7*1aytmagar\H*stor]/, 

5 Ed KSvySmala, Bombay and Madras 00, HI 187 

6 The name of VSmana is mentioned in a ooppei plate grant dated Bafea J38B, 
1441 AD) On Vamanabhatta, see Prabhakara Sastci's Smgar* Mrmutty, 78, 

E V Knshnamaohatya, Introduction to ParvaMparwaya (Sncangam) 

7 E-l by T Ganapatl Sastri, T. B 'Series The manuaonpt breaks off with the 
3rd vewe of oanto 9 

8 Tanj. Oat 71, 2684 , OA.L, II . 97 

9 Ed Araha press, Viaagapatam by K T Telang. Bombay ; by Hatnam Iyer, 
Kumbakonam , by R. V Krishnamaobarya, Srirangam For oritioal studies, see 



his Kanakalekba,* in 4 acts, he describes the marriage of Kanakalekha, 
the daughter of Viravarman with Vyasavarman, both of whom were 
Vidj adharas, born in human world, on the curse of a sage 

Of his Erhakathamanjari,* only the portion of it, dealing with the 
story of Kddambari, is now available 8 

He also composed two le\icons Sal dacaudnka,* and feabdaratna- 

His learning was versatile and his poetry was admired These 
brought him the titles sadbhasavallabha and Kavisarvabhauma His 
ambition was to emulate Bana of Kadambarl fnme in the field of 
romance and as he says, his resolve was to remove the deep-rooted 
ill fame that after Bana there was no poet capable of a fine writing in 
prose Bana was of the Vatsa golra and in that same gotra, Vamana 
was born He thought he had a quasi hereditary claim to gam a name 
in the same field He thought he was Bana incarnate and called 
himself" Abhmava Bhatta Bana Bana glorified his patron Harsha in his 
Harsacanta, and this suggested to Varna the theme, that is the life of his 
patron, Vemabhupala, known also as Viranarayana Thus came Vira- 
naradaoacnta or Vemabhupalacari$a Of this the reader will hear more 
in a later chapter 

129 Lolambaraja 1 o Hanhara's court belonged Lolambaraja, 
son of Divakara, a descendant of Siiryapandita In Hanvilasa,' m 5 
cantos, and in Sundara Damodara 7 he describes the history of Kr^na, 
ending with the death of Kamsa He was a great physician and his 
works on medicine, 8 written in excellent poetry, .ire much admired 

K T Telang, 1A, III 219 Seo K V Krishuamaoharya's TJie Autltoralnp of Parva\% 
Partftctya (Kumbakonam), -where views to the oontrary are answered. In the English 
Introduction a play Usaharana is also given as Vamana's, But it is not known where 
the is available See also Sohuyier, BM 26 
1. See Kuppaswami Sastn's Btp (1010), 41-2 

2 The manuscript Is in the Adyar Library, Madras OAL, II & At the end it 
is said that ltwas this story that was expanded by B2na is his romanoo of Kddambari 

?3pfa 3>*iniT>NT SigoStf cfT ^^'SfiwI^T. In the colophon it is stated that the 
work was written by B2na. It is therefore inferred that this pooh o version (Bnhat- 
kathamanjari) must have boen written by a B5na, not the author of KSdamban, 
and likely orajVSroonabhaUa B2ij t This story does not find a parallol In Ksemendra'a 
B rhatkajhamaniari 

3 OMy, 609 

4 TO, III 3380 , OMy, 009 

5 OAL, II, 16 

6. Printed Kavyamala, Bombay, Tanj Oat Vt 28H, 00,1 760. 
7 OAL, H IG 8 00, 1 646. 


130 Virupaksa known as Udayagiri Vuupanna Udayar I was 
the grandson of Bukka and son of ILinhar 1 11* of the Sangarna dynasty 
ofVidyanagar * His mother was> Mutladeu and mother's father Soma- 
bhupa He appears to have been Viceroy <it Marakatxpura about 1384 
AD In his Naraj auavilSsd, 8 a play in 5 ads, he calls himself the 
Governor of Karnala, Cola and Pandya mandalas and claimed to have 
planted a pillar of Victory in Simhala In his play Uhmat$a Raghava,* 
m one act, he describes the lamentations of Rama on the loss of Slta 

Madhava 8 was poet of the Court of King \ irupak-.a of 
Vijianagar 8 and was patronised by his minister, also called VirQpaksa 
His Narakasuravijaya, the poem of which 9 cantos are now extant, 
describes the story of conquest of Narakasura by Kpna * The language 
is terse and his appreciation of poets is a specimen of his melodious 
poetry 8 

1 Hanhara ruled between 1309 1401 A D Taylor, (Or Ets Mas , 11. 98) places 
Hanhara m 1885 1429 A D and Sewell (Forg Emp 404) says that Virnpaka was Bon 
of Hanhara and gives their dates 1470 and 1379 respectively In Mys. Aroh Rep 
(1937) Mis No 189, 155 Viroparwa is oallcd son of Bukka 

2 EI, III 326, where he is oalled Vuupak s » I For a list of his insonptiond, 
seeJM, VI 823 f n His Ariyar grant (14, XXVflU, 12) is dated Saka 1313 
(1890 A D ) The other Virupaksa, the l*st of the Sangama dynasty lived about 14S0 
See his msonption dates Sak* 1392 (1471 AD) 24, XXI 321 On the anoestry of 
Virupaksa see Id, XXXIV 19 

8. SB, I 6, 90 , CO, HI 68 , SVH, 58 Sohuyler {BM) gives date 1350 A D 

4 OAL, II, 97 In the Tanjore Palace Library, the following books are found 
under the name of Virupaksa, but his identity id not clear , SaiadSsirvarf (a 
commentary on Qandraloka), Qolacampu, Virupaksacampu See Tmj Cat 7H, 8231. 

5 For his inscription dated 1470 A D , see IA, XXI, 822, S7B, 6,67 

6 Madhava and Madhavapun, pcrats quoted in Padyavali, Madhava of Tallita- 
nagara, author of Uddhavadata (printed m Haberlin, 943), Madhava author of 
BubhadrSharana Srigadija (printed, Bombay) and Praijayimadhavacampu (Pfl, HI. 
895, MSdhava, son of Laksmana, author of DSnahlakavya (punted, Bombay) and 
M5dhavasena, poets quoted in Skm are different persons 

7 Tan) Oat VI 3772 VirupSksi the minister wrote Oajurmtsyakalpavalli 
fn whwh he says he was the minister of king Virupaksa 

^ ^f¥^<Mw#rrrfo Trt°rrt I ?g*r $f*l'-sfti*w 3n%n^gti?*WT II 


131 Saluva Narasimha was. a king of \ ljianagar of the second 
dynasty who ruled m 1456-14b6 AD I lis father was Cunda, grand- 
father Gautd (Gautarnara) and great-grandfather baluva Mangi His 
mother was Mallambika He married Snraugiimbii He died in 1+93 
A D Gauta was the chief of Kalyana and his descent has been 
traced to the Moon Mangi was a friend of prince Kampana, son 
of tmperor Bukka, and accompanied him m his expeditions to 
the south He made evteasive gifts to the shrino of Surangam 
He was for a long time commander of the forces under king 
Malhkarjuna and his successors of the tirst (Saugama) dynasty and 
appears to have proclaimed himself king Lite in his life His 
mother Mallarabika had no issue for a long time Gunda and 
Mallambika retired to Aholulam for porfommg ponance near 
God Narasimha of lhat place " Pleased with their devotion the 
God appeared before the king in a dream, and expressing his 
satisfaction at their devotion, promised them a sou possessed of 
all virtues and ordained to rule the whole world I ho king awoke 
from his dream and communicated it to his wife After a short 
time a son was bora to them whom they called Narasimha after 
the God The military genius and excellent qualities of Narasimha 
are then described at length He is said to h.ivc ruled over the 
territory comprising the Kal)an.i, Kanchi, Katak, kunlala, Choi* 
and Paudraka 1 he poets and scholars of his court one day, after 
extolling his great qualities, requested him to display his scholarship 
by the composition of a poem (Kavya) on the hie of Rama " '1 hus he 
came to compose his poem Ramahhyitoaya in 24 cantos* In the 
colophon to the 5th canto, however, it is said that the author was 
Sonadnnatha, sou ot Abhirama and Rajanatha and tho ivork is 
called MahanaUka-agr<ijJ$akavya 

132 Krishna Deva Raja was the son of Nar.uw and Nagiimlw 
and brother of Viranarasimha, of the J uluva dynasty of Vijianagar 
He ascended the throne, in succession to his brother, in A D 1509 and 
after a glorious reign of 21 years passed away xn J 529 AD, leaving 
his name behind him m Indian History as ' the king ' a lie was a fine 
sportsman, graceful artist and versatile scholar All South India was 

1 Train Oat 111 ia For no«08 and extaots, soe SV II, 7, 10, 82, 83, 86. 
See also Enlzeh Sit , 131-2 Sawell's H'arg Empwt, 108 , Taylor's Stst ilanm 
vrtpts, II 93 Tbete are Raoisbbyudayajilaka Kavya {Op 1556), anonymous, Rama 
bhyttteya Kavya in 80 cantos by Vontoitesa (IiTO, 101 with oommoutary) and BamS 
bhyudttyanabaTa by Yasovarman, quoted m Dhvanyaioka and by Vyasa Sri Ramadevu, 
(00, X 52y) 

9 itaylot'Cop, <nt ) gives the date 1509 16J9. See also ffl, I, 862 ; U, 1. 78 


tinder his sway and under him were his feudaton chiefs, dispersed 
throughout his territories Of his military exploits in -wars against 
Adilsbah, we have glorious* accounts in contemporary chronicles * 

His father had two other wives Tippamba, and Obamamba Vira- 
narasimha was son of lippamba and Ac}uta son of Obamamba His 
father's father lb vara was a companion of Saluva Nara?imha m his 
expeditions s He had a son I lrumala and a daughter J lrumalamba who 
married Aliya Rama Raja * He was an ideal king, a great poet and a 
generous patron of letters The Telugu poet Namdi Timmayya called 
him Sri Kr>>na incarnate * 

He had three queens of whom Tukka. was the daughter of 
Prataparudra Gajapati of Orissa, but the marriage seems to have not 
been happj 8 A virtuous lady that she was she resigned herself to her 
fate and sang a few on her forlorn, perhaps, undeserved 
condition e Of the works of Ki -.nadeva Raya, Usapannaya is a drama 
on the marriage of Usa, T and Jambavatf Kalyana is a drama in five 
acts, enacted at the Chaitra festival of VirQpak-.a, the tutelary deity of 
his Empire 8 It describes the story of the recovery of Syaman$aka 
jewel by Kr?na, his victory over Jambavanta and his marriage with his 
daughter Jambavati,' Other works are mentioned m his Telugu poem 
Amuk^amalyada, are Madalasacantra, SatyavadhQ-santvana, Sakala- 
kathasarasangraha, Rasamanjari and Jnanacintamam, 10 Rasamanjari, a 
work on poetics, contains illustrations in praise of Ki -.nadevaraya , 

1 For an account of his reign, sae Sewell's Forgotten Emjnrt (London, 1900) 
120 J 64 and tho appendices containing tho Cnroniole of Faes and Nuniz CommenliariBB 
of AfonsoD'Alboquorqae (Fd Hakluyb) Bellary Dt Manual and Madras Christian 
Oollega Magazine (1886 Deo ) andartioles in Andhra Patrika annual nnmbe-s V 181, 
I9fi , X 137, 235 

For his inscriptions, See ET, 1866, 898 IV 8, 266 TA, XXTV 203 , JBBAS, 
XII 886 , Holbaoh, 811, 132 

3 SVH, 8 and extracts 88 to 40 from Telugu poems 

8 He was praotioally ruler between 1542 1665 AD and he fell m the battle of 
TaJikota His brother Tirvunala 1 ocame King and texoovod his capital to Penukonda 
and his son Venkatapati to Ohsndragin 

4 Bee his Anraktamaiyadii, S 7E, 133 

5 Sea the Introduction to Nddiudla Gopa's oominentury on Prabodhaoandrodaya, 
S7B, 114 

6 S?S, 143, But these vwaes do not soem to be her composition One verse is 
found in Mukula's Abhidh£vr$$imatrka 

7 The manuscript is Rati to be m tb£ library of Vanaparti, Hyderabad State 
There are other plays of the same name by Sriniv5sacSrya (Bws, 256), by Rudradeva, 
(Tani Cat, VIII 3849), analysed 'In Mitra NoUcts, (III 192) and TJsSnaraoa by 
Harsanatha, (00, 1 71) and Poems, UsSparinayacatnpu by Kr^na A.avi (DC, XXI 
8185 , Opp, II 3004) ind TJsSharana by Trivikrattw [BTO, 157) and Usamruddha in 
praknt (TO, III 4045) 

8 SFH, 143,00, 1 206 

9 For the same theme, km PKnmi'g Jambavfttihawna. swpro 

10 87E, 184 


it is therefore conjecLured that it was not his own work hut of a poet 
of his Court 

133 Tirumalamba's literary achievements were the subject of 
universal admiration She began under King Krsna Devaraya and 
continued to the days of Acyutaraya of the luluva dynasty of 

1 he only e\tant work of hers, Varadnmbikaparmaya, 1 is a pleasant 
prose-poetic composition It begins with a short geneological history 
and describes the exploits of Narsa, his marriage of Obamomba, 
and the birth of the son Acyuta 9 Then follows the marriage of Acvu* a 
and Varadamba, a princess of Salaga and ends with the installation 
of their boy China Venkatadn, as the Yuvaraja * 

1 34 Dmdimas Connected with the Court of Vijianagar are the 
poets of the Dindima family Their history is recorded in a work called 
Vibhagara^namala or Vivekapatramala,* composed about 200 years 
ago The author's name is unknown The following account is given 
there Originally resident at Mandara, a village on the Ganges, eight 
Brahmms of £?aiva sect of different Gotras were taken by a Cola king 
from Benares to his countiy, and were settled at the village of Metta- 
padi (Talpagin), m North Arcot District, Madras In that village was 
installed the deity Rajanajha after whom the image was named Raja- 
nathapuram They became divided into 21 families and gradually 
expanded into seventy at the date of that work I hen the story 
follows how Arunagnnatha in whose time it appears this work was 
written was refused the grant of a garden ground by Praudhadevaraya 
or Devaraja 11(1422-1448 AD), how in displeasure he went to Delhi 
and having pleased the King there Saratrana by his erudition, he 
brought a letter to Praudhadevaraya and as a result of it the garden 
ground was donated to him as an Agraharam * From the family 
of Arunagirmatha came poets of the Court of ViSyanagar under 
successive kings and composed their edicts recorded in inscriptions 

1 Tani Oat VII 3244 For a full acoount, see paper by Lakshman Barap in 
Proceedings of Fourth Oriental Oonferenoe II 181 
3 Aoyuta asoended the throne in 1580 A D. 

3 S7B, 170 

4 TO, II 2462 Editled with translation and notes b/ 0! Goplnafcharow, 1A, 
SXiVn 83, 83, 94 125. Wot a short aoooaut, see Vetun Prabhakara Sastri'e Srngara 
Naigadha, Ohaptor V 

5 Pras3d»vallabha of Ka&rapftgojra, BhSskara of Gkutama gotra^RajanaJba of 
Savarnya gojra, Subrahcaanya of SaDdilya gofra, Jatadharoda o"f Srivajsagotra ; 
Nilakantha of BhaiadwSja gotra Somanatha of Gofann (8am»ga) gojra and MaUl 
karjuna of 8<rakr|i gotra Prom the first family oame Ty2gara> 



































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135 Arunaginnatha I was (he son ofRajanathi T and Abhi- 
ramliinbika of Gautaru igotra of Samas.lkha His mother's father Abhi 
rjima was a scholar in Srikanthiignma and was known as Dmdim iprabhu 
(Dmdima I) Sabhapati was his mother's brother, and Npttar.ij.i, his 
f.ither's father, known also l&rlkavi was the head of I'ureiidra-agraharam, 
a poet in eight languages and a victor of the pool Nan.ina * He married 
Yagnambika* His fame was always proclaimed bj be it of dindima and 
he was therefore called Dindiraakavisarvabhauma (Dindim i ID He 
graced the court of Parudh idevaraya or Devar'n a LI of v ljianagar 
(1422-1448 AD)' He vanquished K.ivimill.i in disputation His 
Somraavalhyogananda is a prahnsana roplote with humour, ridiculing 
the amorous, overtures of an .isi otu to .i Fillen married woman * 

136 Rajaaatha Hwas Aruiviijina'ith i's son He was also known 
as Dmdimakavisarvabhauma (I)mdinia II) I lis fame was oven greater 
than that of his father and extended to the kingdoms of Sera, Cola 
and Pandya when he received honours or precedence He married 
PurgS His proficiency m histrionics, languages and philosophy brought 
him new titles He was a favourite of Salva Narasimha, sjoncrahssimo 
of Kings of Vidyaaagir, whose activities as such begin in 1436 AD 
as the first of the Salva dynasty * 

In grateful regard for his patron, he wrote SAn)VAi!irvuoAYA, 6 a 
poem in 13 cantos, desi nbmg the achiovomonts of his ancestors and 
himself Salva invaded Kalmga and Dasarna and conquered the 
Bhamtni Sultan Mohammad He then proceeded northward conquer- 
ing the Gajapafi kings and having visited Benaros, ho i •imo back to 
Candragin which he made his rosidence for the worship of Visnu at 

1 This information is taken from the prologues to Somavalhyogaiiauda, when 
NrttarSja is also described as *)$|<^|3^=b+fa'<$tiM=Md'Mt I 

O ■ ■■■■ ■ I MM D ^^ ^^ ^^ ^^ S I 1 

3 Bee PSOO, I No 128, 227 , Sir, 15 79, 83, 162, 100 Sowcll's Forgotttn 
Empure, 404 , Virabhadrarow's Andhrulacaritam, til 888 , ^ndhrapafcnka Annual 
Numbor V1II 1(53 In Mys droh Reps , (1927), 20, dates tor l?raudha Pra{3pa 
Bevaraya are given as 1419 1416 A D and Mallinabha is said to have lived in hie 

4 TO, II 2276 

5 Bee EI, VII 74 (edited by J Ramayya Pantulu) , Virabhndrarow's Andhxala 
oaritasa, III, 410 

6 Printed, Madras For a short aooount, soo SVE, su, SO, 90. For extraots, 
see DO, XX. 7897 

MAH5.-K5.VYA 223 

T-rfupati There he ruled in all glory and greatness and there is a 
benediction that he may rule the world for all time 

The poem makes no mention of Narasimha's rule at Vijianagar 
For many years he was only commander of the forces of Vijianagar 
under Malhkarjuna and his successors and it was probably because 
the last of the Sangama dynasty died issueless or became powerless 
that he assumed the reigns of Government and proclaimed himself 
king It appears therefore that this poem was composed about 1480 
A D , while yet Narasimha was only a viceroy with his seat of Govern- 
ment at Candragiri 

K37. Sivasurya Abhirama's son Sabhftpati had asonSvayam- 
bhu and a daughter Kamakoti or Abhiramakamaksl * Svayambhtt 
married the daughter of Dindima II and his descendant was SivasHrya. 
of Srlvatsagofcra He wrote Pandavabhuyudaya,' a poem in 8 cantos, 
on the story of Mahabara|a His son Bhaskara was preceptor of 
King Halaghatti and wrote Valllpanaaya, 8 a play in five acts, staged 
at Jambunatha's festival at Tiruvanakkdval near Srirangam Abhirama- 
kamfikji had two sons Kpna and Rama In her Abhmava-Ramabhyu- 
<Mya, a poem m 24 cantos, she relates in exquisite verse the story of 

138 Arunagirinatha II, Kumara Dindima or Dindima IV, was 
son of Rajanaiha II He lived at Parendra-agraharam and was patronised 
by VIranarasimha of Vidyanagar (1505-1509 AD) and Krshadevaraya 
(1509-1 330 5 D ) s He was versed in many languages and bore the 
title Dmdimakavisarvabhauma and Kavirajaraja His Virabhadravijaya,* 
a dima, describes the creation of Virabhadra and the destruction of 
Ddk>a's sacrifice and was enacted at the festival of RSjanatha at 


139 Rajanatha III was KumSradiadima's son His Bhagavafca- 
campu* was composed at the instance of king Acyutaraya of Vijianagar 

1 These particulars are f aroished by Vibha"gara}nam515 supra 

3 TO IV 5818 

3 DO XXI 8589 Bhaakwa, author of UnmatJa R»ghava, was a contemporary 
of VHyaranya 

1. TO, IV 8203 
B. TO, III 3883 

6 KrsnadevarSya'B conquests were recited by EumS-adrndima in the presence 
of the king and Dharjatt embodied the recital in bis Telugu poem Bi-snarayavijayam. 

7 DO, XXI 8256 For extracts, see SVB, 176. 



(1530-1542 AD,)* and describes the life of Kj-spa His Acycta- 
rayabhyudaya* is a poem in twelve cantos It begins with a short 
sketch of the reign of the earlier kings of the Tuluva (third) dynasty 
of Viuanagar tracing their descent from the Moon and rapidly traces 
the lives of Narsa and his sons Virdnarasimha and Krsnadevaraya 
On the death of the latter in 1530 A D Acyutaraya, his step-brother 
and son of Narasa, by his third wife Obalamba became king The 
mam theme of the poem is a description of Acyu$araya's South Indian 
expedition, the object of which was the restoration of the Pandya ruler 
to his dominions whence he was driven awaj to the King of Cera, 
The king visited several places of pilgrimage, Jirupati, Kalahasti, 
Kanchi and Madura and made a tour through 1 ravancore and the 
West Coast The poem closes with the seige of Bijapur and the 
victory over the Snltan and the king's tnumphal entry into his 

140 Kumaradmdima's daughter was married to Mallikarjuna or 
Sphulinga Kavi He was the son of Laksmana and Sdvitri of Bhara- 
dvSjagofra His father's father was Somanatha and was the desciple 
of SabhapatideSika His Saiyabhamaparinaya m five acts descnbes 
the marriage of Kpoa and Satyabhama and was enacted at the festival 
at Mulanda " 

141. Besides the son Kumaradindima, Rdjanatha II had a 
daughter who married Swayambhu, daughter's son of Rajanatha land son 
of Tyagaraja of Kasyapagotra SwayambhQ had two sons SwayambhQ- 
najiha and GururSma Swayambhunaiha or Guru SwayambhSnatha 
wrote SankaranandaiampB on the fight between Siva and Arjuna as 
described by Bh3ravi* and a poem Kr^navilSsa* in 114 cantos on the life 
of f-Jri Kpna Among his distinguished ancestors, Gururama mentions 
Aghoraiivades'ika, Prasadavallabha, Dhcikkasabhapafi and BhSskara 

1 U IV, 828, 830 , V, 19 , XXIII, 129 , P 8 0, I No 180, 182 , XL, 
I, 898 , IV, 8 , HI, 147, 16t EC, Pact I, 176, As Bea XX, 26 For an aoooant 
cf his rsign see Sewell's Forgotten Empire, Oh XIII 

2 For a full summary of its contents, see 8VE, 103,168. For the extant 
Inscription, see DC, XX 7687 El J (the first six oantos) Brurangam with an 
Intcoluotioa by K B\Hsubr»hra>nya Iyec and a commentary by R V Krishnama- 
oarya See U, XXXVI, 852 

8 TO, III 2953, where the poet's geneobgy is also given There is another 
play of the same name by K?sna of Garbhapnra (70, III 2987) Anfreoht (Q01, 1, 
889) mentions a pliy of tint name by Kr f nakav!n4ra 

4 DO, XXI 8808 

5 TO, III 2826 


who wrote a Prasannakavya His Subhadra-Dhananjaya* in five acts 
relates the story of Subhadra's marriage and Rataeivaraprasac'ana, 9 play 
in five acts celebrates the marriage of Ralnacuda, \uth Rajnavali, 
daughter of Gandharva VasubhQti, brought about by the good graces 
of God Ratnesvara of Benares, whom the maiden propitiated by her 
devotion Madanagopalavilasa is a bhana on the loves of Kpna and 
Radba" Hariscandracan$a-campu narrates the story of Hanscandra 
This work was written as he says on Monday m Tula of Nala of the 
Cycle after Kali 4709 * 

142 Appayya Diksita was born at Adayapalam near Kantit in 
the Kanyl month of Kali 4654 (1554 A D ) s He was the son of Ranga- 
raja of Bharadvaja Gotra • For many years he lived at Vellore under 
the patronage of Chinna Bomma Bhupala 7 by whom he was honoured 
with a shower of gold 8 Later on he was invited to the Court of 
Penukonda by Emperor Venkatadeva of Vijayanagar (1586-1613 A D ) 
In the last year of his life he visited the Pandya country at the 
invitation of Tirumala Naik to settle some sectarian disputes at 

1 DO, XXI 8556 

3. DO, XXI. 8183 
8. DO, XXI 8440 

4. TO, in 2818. 

5. See X. S Kuppusami Sastri's Introduction to GanSVafarana [tavyamaU, 
Ho. 78, Bombay), givSnanda Yogis' a Dikiijaoanta and P 8. S SaBtri's Life of 
Appayya Dik§ita (Madras). 

6 In the introduction to AlankSra Oandnka (VeDkatesvar Press, Bombay) it is 
said that Appayya Diksita was the grandfather of Venk*t5dh7arl, the author of 
Vtfvagunadarfo This mistake originated in the similarity of the names Venkata- 
dhvari's grandfather was also called Appayya This error reoeived an apparent support 
from the ououmstanoe that VenkafcSdhvan was the nephew of Tatarya, who was a 
contemporary of Appayya Dfkgija VenkatSdhvari was of Atreya'GoJra and Appayya 
Diksita was of Bhara^vSJa Gojra In the same introduction (i e ) the oolophon says 
Wkmi«h t <t{l*JW^tj{il meaning thereby that the father's name was Varads, *This 
Isawrongreadingfor sffcf^r^rf^Jffi': (See DO, XSSI 8643) 

7. See grants dated Saka 1488, 1471 (AD 1566, 1549 ). Hulfosoh BI1, 1 69, 81 
and grant dated Saka 1533 [CA XIH 137 (notes. 17)] This Ohuma Bomma was the 
ron of Ohinna Yira and father of Lmga Lingamanayaka This Ohmna Bomma of Velur 
must be distinguished from another of the same name, who was the son of Nalabomma, 
the minister of Ohokkan3{ha and the author of the Prakriyamamdiplka and Sangita- 
rSghava (BTO 61a) 

8. On the valuable presents nude by that king to Appayya JDiksitar, sea 

Samarapungava's Tlcfchiyafcaprabindha Oa-npu {DO, XXI 8326) and SVB , 350. 


SJadura * He was the tutor in Vedanta to the famous Bhotloji 
Dikjita a He %as the first scholar that placed the Silkantha school of 
philosophy on a firm basis * He was. best in the Purva and Utyara 
Mimamsa With his eleven sons well read and alive at his death, he 
passed away with pleasure at Cidambaram in 1626 A D at the age of 
seventy-two * He is the reputed author of 10+ w orks the range of 
which covers poetry, poetics, dialectics, philosophy etc * 

143 Among his poetical works are Atniarpanativfci or Sivapan- 
c&sika,* Aryasafcika,* Dasakumaracari$asangraha, 8 puncardtnastava,' 
Sivakarnamrta, 10 Vairagysa^aka," Bhaktamaras$ava," San$is$ava, M 

1 "In the yearS S 1544, in Dundobhi year, the 17th of Masi month Muthu 
Tirumalai Naioker came to Madura m order to be anointed (or installed) to receives the 
soeptre and other ensigns of royal authority. Having thus arranged the plan, the 
work was thus began to be oarned into exeoution at once on the 10th of Yyasi month, 
of Akabaya year during the inoraase of the moos From that time forward as the 
master oame duly to inspect the work, it was oarned on vuth great oaie As they 
were proceeding first in exoavattng the Teppakkulam thoy dug up from the middle a 
Ganapathl (or image of Ganesn) and oaused the same to oondescoud to dwell in a 
f emple built for the purpose As tbey were placing the sculptured pillar of the Vasanta- 
mandapam and were about to fix the one whioh bore the reprosentaUon of Yekapada 
murthi they were opposed by the Vyshnavas Hence a dispute arose between them and 
the Balvas, whioh lasted for sis months and was oarned in the presenoe of the 
Sovereign Two arbitrators were appointed Appa Dikshitar on the part of SaivaS) and 
Ayya Dikshitar or Ayyanon the part of the Vauhuavas They oonsulted Sanskrit 
authorities and made the Sastras agree , alter whioh the pillar of Yekapada murthi was 
fixed in its place " [Taylor's Orttntal Siitortaal UamsenyU, It, 119, 153], 

3 See his SiddhaDjadipaka 

8. His commentary SivSrkamanidipika has a plaoo equal to the Bh^sja of 
RaraBnuja or Sankara 

4, It is said he uttered this last verse on his deathbed , 

fa^EU s<c srf$Rjfog<rw5s sot foresaw ^mw wfirarat l 

St So says Nilakan$ha in his Siratflarijava (I, 6). Foe his works, see 00, 1. 22, 
It. 5, SZO, 865, EB II xu. 
6. STO 168. 
7i OC, H, 6 

8. Printed Kavyamala I, Bombay, 91 

9. Opp, II 71S2 , EB, II 1089. 

10. EB, III 173*. 

11. Printed Kavyamala I, Bombay. 

13. TO, III 3803, EB, III, 1728, 1924 There is a Bhakjanwrastotra ot 
MSnaJunga tPB, VI List of authors] Printed, KSvyamala, Bombay, 
18. Opp.U 7395. 


RamayanatJtpan amrnaj d,* Ramayanatatparyasangraha, 8 Bharatastava,* 
Ramayanasardsamgraha,* Ramayanasara">tava, B VarEdaraja«.tava or 
VaradarajaNtaka, Ad.tyavtotraratna, 8 Sivakamistavaratna,* Sivamahima- 
kalikastava B 

He has written commentaries on Vedan^ades'ika's poems, on Govxnda 
DikMta'b HanvamBasaracanta, 9 on Kpnamis'ra's Prabodharandrcdaya" 
and a play Vasumaticitrabenavilasa 11 

His Ci$ramimamsa is a disquisition on the nature of Alankaras and 
runs to the e"nd of Atibayokti M His Vrttivartika is a treatise on the 
three modes of bonification " His Kuvalayananda is a standard work 
on the subject of the figures of speech" and is designed as a commentary 

I Opp, II 4884 , HB {U 1019 

3 Opp, II 5411 9870,10885,35,11 1009 

8 EB II 1040 

4 Opp, II. 7266 , HB, II 1982 

5 CO, II 23 

6 EB, III 1788 

7 EB, II 3037, III 2315 
8. Hi?, II 1025 

9 00,1 92 

10 Taylor, I, 322, Opp, II 2070, 8712 

11 Myt 1 

12 Ed Bombiy, Kavyamala No 39 This was ontioised by JagannStha, in his 
Chi{rarnImSmsS.kb.andana There is a commentary on the Oijramimanua oalled SodhS 
by DhacSnanda son of Ramabala of Vasista gotra, born at Bharafcpur probably of the 
18th oentury. He also wrote a commentary on the Mrifoakatika See DO, XXII. 

13 Ed Bombay, Kavyamala. 

14 Ed Bombiy, Kavyamala For translation into English, see Sdh VIII 5 
VII 67 The oolophon says that the work was written at the direotion of King 
Venkatapati of Penukonda There are commentaries on it — 

(l) Alankuraoangr ika by Vav}yanu\ha, son of TatsaJ Ramabhatta (1 e ) Bombay, 
He was a Desasta biahmtn of Verula in the Maharastra oonntry — probably of the 18th 
oentury DC, XXII. 8616 He wrote also a oommentary on Kavyapradipa of Govinda, 
DO, XXII 8621 

(h) Bastkaramjant by QangaQharafouarm He Bays that Appaya Dlkjita 
wrote more than a hundred works This oommentator is referred to by AppSkavi, in 
his Srngaramanjan Sthajiyam, composed in the reign of the Tanjore King Shahji 
{1684 1711) and probably was his contemporary 

(ill) Oamafkara Canfriku by Ohtfakamarh Ttrumalcleclrya, Ban of BSmSnuja 
oSrya of Ramajirtha village near Kotipalll in Qodavari District (TO, II 3696), Ha 
has also oomposed a oommentary on the Pra$5pamdrlya (Ibid 2651). 

(iv) AlankSrasudha of Nagoji Bhatta (£, 98, 104) 

(v) Kavyamanjari of NySyavSgisa BhattSoSrya, (#P, II 123 , B, 843). 


[note on vidyaranya] 
Alankarasudhamdhi* is. attributed to Vidyaranya On the identity 
of Vidyaranya with Madhava, there appears a doubt, for there is an 
indication of a contrary view that Sayana 8 and Madhava composed 
Vedabhasya and other works at the behest of Vidyaranya The follow- 
ing passage \Mys Atch Rep 1932), pp, 103-7] from Vidyaranyakala- 
jnana is instructive s 

" (Praise of the sage Vyasa) I bow to Vidyatirlha, the Mahesvara 
whose breath is the Vedas and who created the whole Universe from 
the Vedas I, Vidyaranya by name, am telling briefly what happened 
to me while I was m the Vradhya mountain May all people listen 
attentively O guru, lord of gods, my master, I am going to Benares 
to clear my doubts in the commentaries on the four Vedas May yon 
be pleased 

One morning, while dwelling m the Vmdhya mountain, I met a 
Brahmarakshasa named Snngin of Pnsm-gotra suffering from thirst 
and hunger and emaciated I asked him who he was and *vhere he was 
and why he was wandering in the forest alone and why he was so 
emaciated He explained that it was due to his having received 
a gift called Tulapurusha from Rama in the age of Treta and not 
having performed the requisite penance I however pleaded my 
inability to help him with food since I was an ascetic Snngin replied 
that he would enable me to meet the sage Vyasa from whom I could 
get all the necessary miraculous powers I followed the 

directions of Snngm and met Vyasa in the disguise of a hunter (kirata) 
leading four dogs (which were really the Vedas) and proceeding to 

1 Mys Arth Btp (1908), 27. 

2 See para 125 supra. 

8 My* Aroh Rep (1982), 108-7 According to this the foundation of the 
City was in Saba 1258, Dhatn Vaisakha Suddha Saptami, Makha Nakshatra Owing 
to faulty transcription, the readings differ here and there, lot the following verse 
seems to be in order 

"In GaruvamiakSvya, the same date is given, bat the week day is added as 
Sunday In an inscription quoted by Mr B Suryanarayanarao in his History of 
Vijayanagar the week day is read by him as SaamyavSra (Wednesday) But m the year, 
month and tithi, all concur On a collation of the constellation and tithi, it appears 
that Vatsakhe masi BhasJtare indioates that it was VaiSakha (solar, not lunar), 
meaning Vrsabha month This is equivalent to Friday, the 17th May 1886 AD" 


Benares I told him thai I knew who he was through Srmgm Vyasa 
took me with Srmgm to Badan and taught me how to acquire the 
siddhis like Amma (miraculous powers attributed to yogis m India) 
He also instructed me m the knowledge of all srutis, smntis, puranas, 
ltihasas, arthasastras, kamasastras (erotic science), and the 64 samhitas 
of Siva and enabled me to understand the events of the past, to know 
what is going on at present and to foretell what would happen in the 
future To enable Snngin to be fed to his heart's content the sage 
Vyasa directed me, after initiating me into the mystic lore of Snchakra, 
to construct a city as had been done by Maya and Visvakarma for the 
Devi after she killed Bhandasura and to set up a throne there * 

After the sage disappeared 1 went in the company of 

Srmgm to Kishkindha and worshipped god Virupaksha on ihe bank 
of the 1 ungabhadra 1 he fgod bade me re-build m accordance with 
the tauttas the city named Vijaya (Vijayanagar) which was once one of 
the eight great cities and measured two yojanas in circumference and 
in the middle of which lay the hill Matanga and which had disappeared 
in the course of time Hearing this, I stopped for a time in a cave 
of the Matanga hill 

During this time, two persons named Sa) ana and Mayana came 
to me and begged me to bless them with offspring But I told them 
that they were not destined to get children At this they became sad 
and begged me to make use of the large sums of money earned by 
them for performing Dharma (chanties) and enable them to attain on 
death the regions reserved for those who have sons Thus entreated 
I made them my disciples and I composed and got composed by them 
works named Sayamya and Madhaviya dealing with various sastras 

" Vidyaranya was a desciple of Vidyasankara called also Vidya- 
bfrtha He calls himself a follower of Sankaraoharya He was the 
author of numerous works on various sastras which are attnbuted to 
the brothers Sayana and Madhava, including Vedabhashya He was 
given to much travelling and went to Benares to meet the sage Vyasa 
to get his Vedabhashya revised On the way, he met Snngin, a 
Brahmarakshasa m the Vindhya Mountain From Vyasa, Vidyaranya 
learnt all the mystic lore and on going to Hampe to pay his respects 

1 Details about Snchakra ate given in pp 4-19 (ibtd) ~ 

*f?fW fit cRT^ rorft stow?- I m gfr «M g W i!fiWFff qm*m II 


to god Virupaksha he was bidden to revive the ancient city of Vijia- 
nagar which had disappeared and to set up a kingdom there. This 
would enable the god Virupaksha to receive proper worship and 
offerings and help Snngm to be fed to his heart's content We find a 
temple for Snngm called Malay ala-brahma set up near the Matt in 
Snngen and it is said that without propitiating him no entertainment 
or feast could be organised at Snngen * Vidyaranya accordingly 
stopped at Hampe where he met later Hanhara and Bukka, who had 
been defeated by the Ballala king With his blessings they attained 
success The spot for the construction of a capital city was indicated 
by a hare turning on hounds during a royal hunt south of the Tunga- 
bhadra Vidyaranya after careful study and calculations built a city 
there and installed Hanhara on the throne there He also foretold 
the history of that city and kingdom, its rise, fall, and revival under 
Vira Vasanta to Hanhara and this account was compiled under his 
orders by the ascetic Bharatiknshna The first three Kings at Vijaya- 
nagar ruled with his favour The first thirteen Kings were devotees 
of god Virupaksha and had deep reverence for Vidyaranya and his 
disciple Knyasakti * 

We may note here that the story of Vidyaranya's meeting with 
Vyasa is also found m a Sansknt poem called Guruvamsa composed 
about 1740 A D giving a history of the Snngen Matt • There Vyasa 
is said to have assumed the disguise of a Swapacha (low caste man) 
The story of Snngenn and of Madhava and Sayana is also given in 
the same work They are called ministers there * But it has to be 
remembered that Sayana and Madhava only acknowledge Vidyatirtha 
and not Vidyaranya as their guru Moreover, Sayana had several sons 
as stated in Alankarasudhamdhi 5 That Madhava was different from 

1 Mya.Aroh Hep (1916), 16 

fNarss's* *rarect «nftw jft^rr ll 

" Knyaaakti was a Salva teaober of the Kalamukha Sohool. Madhava-mantn, 
Governor of Ohandragukta, etc., speaks of him as his guru m 1347, Mys Arch Sep, 
(1939), p 172. Inscriptions Sown to Dandapalli plates of 1410, E I XIV speak of 
Knyasakti as the guru of Hanhara II, Mnddaaandesa, Vifcthana Vodeyar ana Vijaya- 
bhupafa, etc, Apparently there must have been two gnras of the same name at this 
period " 

8 Mys, Arch Rep (1928), 15, 

i Qwwcunsa, V 44. 

S. Mys, Aroh, Sep (1908), 37 

228d MAH&-KAVYA 

Vidyaranya and Uial Bharatiknshna was a disuple or junior of Vidya- 
ranya and Vidyaranya was the disciple not of Bharatiknshna but of 
Vidyatirtha and that he was already an ascetic before the foundation 
of the Vijayanagar kingdom are facts of great interest to he gleaned 
from Vidyaranyakalajnana The poem Guruvamsa makes Bharati. 
knshna, a younger brother of Vidyaranya before be became a sanyasi 
but he is said to have become a sanyasi earlier * The journey of 
Vidyaranya to Benares and his sojourn there, not before 1336 but 
very much later is referred to in a Kadita inscription in the Snngeri 
Malt of 1 380 ' Inscriptions recognising Vidyaranya as the head of 
the Snngeri Matt are dated between 1375 and 1386 

As regards Vidyatirtha or Vidyasankara he is called Vidyatirtha 
in inscriptions* and the works of Sayana and Madhava Vidyasankara 
was the name of the hnga set up over his lomb and hence that of the 
temple at Snngeri enshrining the linga However in later literature, he 
is called Vidyasankara Vidyatirtha seems to have been different from 
a Vidyasankara who died about 1388,* while Vidyatirtha must have died 
about 1356, long before the accession of Vidyaranya at Snngeri about 
1375 What relation he had to Vidyasankara who ^ as the guru of 
Narahanmantn, governor of Goa in 1391, cannot be determined* 
Probably he was different 

Bharatiknshnatirtha is called Bharatitirtha in inscriptions and 
contemporary literature • He seems to have set up the Vidyasankara 
temple at Sringen in memory of his guru Vidyatirtha before 1380 
He is said to have died m 1374 T The first mscnption of his successor 
in the Snngeri Matt (Vidyaranya) so far discovered is that at Kudtipa, 
South Canara Distnct, dated 1375 8 But though Vidyaranya succeeded 
him to the pontificate at Snngen he seems to have been a junior to 
Vidyaranya as indicated in the Snngeri copper plate grant of 1386 
AD and the Kadita of 1380 •" 

1 Guruvamsa, IV 23 

9 Myt Arch Bep (1916), 67. 

8 EO, n Sringen i„ Mys Aroh, Bep (1916), 67 , EO, IV Yedatore, 46 eto. 

4. JPG, X Mulbagalll 

6. Bp Ind XXX p 17 Ohaudala giant 

6 EC, VI Snngan of 1846 , Sringeri Kadita of 1360. Mys Aroh. Bep, (1916) 
67 Parasara-smnti-vyakhya, eto 

7. Myt. Arch. Bep, (1916), No 460 

8 Madras Epigraphioal Report (1929), Ho, 460 

9 Myt. Arch. Bep, (1916), pp. 67-68. 

Mahakavyas— (could) 

145 The Naik Kings of Tan jore * Chinna Cheva, sou of 
'J lmma, was a great warrior He ma'rned MBrt'amba, younger sister of 
Tirumalamba, the queen of Emperor Acyutaraya ofVijianagar (1530- 
1542 A D ) It is said that the province of Tanjore was granted free to 
Mmtiamba as a wedding gift by the Emperor This Chmnacheva Naik 
became the first ruler of Tanjore. He ruled about 1549-1572 A D 
He built the big gopurani and tank at Tiruvannamalai, the Dhvaja- 
sfambha at Vriddh&calam and compound wall and steps to the temple 

Cinna Cevva's son was Acyufa or Acyujappa Naik He ruled 
about 1572-1614 AD He married MurttambI and by her had a son 
Raghunatha Raghunatha Naik was installed on the throne during the 
lifetime of his father about 1614 A D Raghunatha married Kalavafi 
and his son Vijiaraghava succeeded him and ruled till 1662 AD 
Vijiaraghava describes his ancestors in his Telugu poem Raghunafhi 
bbyudaya, 9 

Chokkanatha Naik, the ruler of Madura, applied to Vijayaraghava 
for the hand of one of the daughters and as the request was refused, 
Chokkanatha went to war and in that war Vijayaraghava and his elder 
son were killed One of his queens managed to hand her little son 
Cengamaladas to a nurse with all her jewels and the young prince was 
removed and secretly brought up by a wealthy brahmim at Negapatam 
The Sultan of Brjapur was requested for help and he sent Ekoj'ee, the 
son of his minister Shahaji, to march against Tanjore, which was then 
under Alagiri Alagin was defeated and Chengamala Das was restored 
to the throne of his father. In the meantime the Sultan of Bijapur was 
killed in battle by Aurangazeb, By the enemies of Chengamala, 
Ekoji was induced to capture Tanjore and as Ekojee advanced Chenga- 

1, See the Telngn work, History of To, yore Andhra Rings extracted in SYE, 
819, 336 For the geoeologf, see SVH, 304, See also T 8 KcppuEanu Sattn's Tamil 
pamphlet Naik frmoes of Tanjore, Tanjore Dittrlot Manual, 960 , JUaik Ktngdcm of 
Madura {lA,XIMXLVl)\I>emex's Portuguese m India,ll Ch ym. The geneology 
is given in RajaoadSmanTs KukminikalyStaa {DO, XX 7848). 

3, Ifor extracts, see S7H, 351 366. 


mala fied away and was no more heard of Thus came in the 
Maharatta Kingdom of Tanjore 

146 Raghunatha was the greatest of the Naik Kings of Tanjore 
He ruled between 1614 to ( >• ) He was a great scholar and patron 
of letters ' He constructed many temples and granted new A.graharas * 
His minialer Goviada was a scholar and politician His - pre- 
ceptor was Kumara^ati.carya of Kanci * His queen RlimubliadrambS 
considered him Rama incarnate and wrote a poem Raghunatha- 
bbyudaya m his glory * 

He was a poet and musician and disco\erod a new type of Vina 
Called after his name His Sdngitisudha is a comprehensive work on 
music, including instrumental music and dancing In the introductory 
verses, there is much useful historical information s 

His Bbara-fisudha embraced dancing Among bis other works 
are Panjat iharana, Valmikuanti, Acyutsmlrubbjudriyn, Gajendra- 
moksa, * Nalabhyudaya and Rukmini-Kpna-vnahn, \<ik agana, 
Ramayanasarasangraha e 

Kjsnakavi who in his rhetorical work, Rngunathnbhupaliya, m 
eight chapters has illustrations in praise of Raghunatha * 

147 Madhuravani, whose real name is not known, flourished 
In the Court of the King Raghunatha Naik of J anjore who came to the 
throne about 1614 A'D His son Vijaya R.lgh.iVn Naik ruled till 
1662 AD In 14 cantos she wrote a poem on the slory of R3m5ya0a 
In measures as graceful as the author's extant name I ler description 

1 See SVH, 819 and Introduction Danver's Portugnsc in India, II Oh VIH 
Tanjore District Manual, 760 8VE, 267 

S See Goviada Diksbita's SShiJya SudhS 

8 He was the son of VenkafcSoacya, of the famous family of K5nof He wrote 
the PanjSjanataka a drama ia five acts, tho plot of whwh is based on the slory of the 
bringing of the PSrijata flower.from Indra's gwdan, by Krsnt to please his beloved 
SatyabhamS (TO, IH 2874) His life in deSonbad in a poe n by llmgasami T5tSoary» 
(Printed, Kumbakonsma) 

i Tanj Oat, IV, 2638 

5 TO, IV 4568 There is a SangitasudhS by Bhirai Narendra, Oudh X 12 

6 These are given in Govinda DE^iJas Sahijyuudha. see SVH, 297 , BO. XXt. 

7 Tant Oat, VI 3684 

8 TO, I 896 There is a oommentary on it by Saahladrayaji, pupil of Vua 
yen^ratirjha, written at the instanoe of King BagbunStha [TO, III, 4037) 


of good poetry is lovelv * In the 1st canto she thus describes the 
circumstances under which the poem came to be composed Once 
when the Prince Raghunatha-Bhupa was seated on his throne sur- 
rounded bv the accomplished court-ladies, one of them sang verses 
from the beautiful Andhra-Ramayana composed by the Prmce himself 
while another complimented him for his untiring devotion to God 
Sri Rama This, set the Prince thinking on Sri Rama, and he consider- 
ed within himself as follows " Many are the stones of Vishnu , and 
amongst them, it is Ram.i's story that serves as nectnr to me Though 
enjoyed thousands of times, it seems to me ever fresh and pleases me 
most Hundreds of ladies are assembled here, who are skilled m 
composing original Sanskrit and Telugu works Who amongst these 
could best render mi Andhra Ramayana into Sanskrit verse With 
such thoughts, the Prince retired from the Court God Sri Rama 
appeared to him that night in a vision and said—"! understand nhat 
is now uppermost in your mind Grve up all anxiety in the matter 
Know that the lady, whom you have honoured with the title Madhura 
Vani, is the ablest of all the Court-ladies " Next day when the Court 
assembled, he called Madhura Vam to his side and related to her the 
vision he had the previous night, and directed her to bring out an 
excellent work on Sri Rama, which shall be replete with beautiful 
alankaras (figures of ipeec h) and rasas (emotioas) in language that is 
charming and melodious " She replied — " With the aid of one 
(yourself) always has Sn Rama at heart, I can say the work is 
achieved" About the end of the 1st canto, there is a lively descrip- 
tion of her royal patron and his splendid court a 

148. Govinda Diksita* was a brahmin of Vasistha Gotra 
Nagamba was his wife Yagnanarayana and Venkatamakhin were his 
sons He lived mostly at Tirunagesvaram and Patlesvaram He was the 
prune minister of the lanjore Kings, Chevvappa (1549-1572 AD) 
Acyuta (1577-1614 A.D ) and Raghtmatha (1614 AD) At Paltesvaram 

2 See My$, Oliti. Sup 10 There is a brieE account of it, by Naraeimbiengar 
in the Indian Eevisw 

S Jfor an elaborate aoooont ot bis life, gee & K, Yenkatjsan on Gov«c«} « Diksrta, 
4fl$, II 390-341 


the images of bib wife and himself m his sidle garb are seen still stand- 
ing, to whom the ardent devotee pays his regard Al hurae his hfe as a 
brahmin was pious and simple and in office his greatness as a 
statesman and administrator has become pro\erbi,il in South India 
The worthy friends Raghun<i$hd and Govinda, King and Minister, have 
been well described thus , 

He was proficient in Actvaitl and was known Advitikarya Him- 
self a scholar and author, he was a patron of letters He admired 
Appayya DikMta and requested him to write a commentary on Kalpatwru 
Numberless are grants of agraharams made by his kings al his instance 
and the several mandapas and bathing ghats visible along the Kaven 
banks are monuments of his administration 

Govinda had eight sons and a daughter " 1 here is a tradition that 
his daughter died of Rajadrtti (the look of the king) One day when 
the king paid a visit to the Great Minister at his residence, Govinda 
Diksita's accomplished daughter took the harathi to the king, as is the 
custom on such an occasion Ihe king was naturally pleased with the 
accomplished lady, but unfortunately she died, it is said, afterwards 
by the evil effect of the look of the king It is said also that one of his 
sons was an expert player on Vina 1 he king, it is staled, gave away all 
his royal ornaments to that young son, but a few hours after- 
wards he died of the effect of Rajadrsti Tradition savs that it was 
then that Govinda Dikiiti pronounced a curse on his clan, that 
wealth and beauty should not adorn his children at any time and the 
members of the Dik->hita's ilan still believe in the curse His 
religious devotion has left several institutions in the land which 
are bound to keep his fame and name groen in our memories 
for ages to come One story is enough to show how Govinda 
Dikshita was ever ready to help all to the best of his ability — one 
day while he was taking a walk he saw a young man uttering a sloka 
and ardently praying to the Sun for his grace J he JMshita approach- 
ed the young man and heard him uttering a snngar.i sloka (a piece of 
poetry containing snngara rasa 01 element of love) and not a song of 
devotion as he thought it was On asking the young man, the 
Dikshita was told that (he young man, desiring to be married and 
well established m life, had appraised a guru of his desire, that Jhat 
Guru had given him that sloka for prayer to the sun, and that he )m 


since then been continually praj-mg to the sun with that sloka, not 
knowing anything as to what it meant The Dikshita heard him and 
was amused Seeing the young man's ardent de\otion and sincerity, 
the Dikshita took the } oung man with him and got him marned and 
well established m life In social mailers Govinda Dikshita appears 
to have been a permanent court of arbitration One description at 
Pattesvaram shows how the class of weavers known at> Patunulkara 
always went to him to settle all family disputes among them E\en 
now, when difficulties arise among this class of people they go to 
Patteswaram and in the presence of the image of Govmda Dikshita 
settle their differences Govinda, Dikshita was an authority in 
Dharma Sastra He was a true Brahmin and performed all the sacri- 
fices enjoined in the Vedas He was a master of politics and he 
steered the ship of state very successfully and gloriously for nearly 
three quarters of a century At the end he gave up all his estate, 
palace etc to God and resigned all Karma-phala (the fruit of his 
actions) and had for his Vibhava or wealth only his Advaita Vidya and 
realised his Atma He gave up all and in the last days of his life, he 
retired and spent his time m Thapas in the Sannadhi of Mangalambika 
at Kumbakonam as is popularly boheved and left the mortal coil to 
evolve from the prison house of mortal life and join the great Rishis of 
Aryavarta in the regions of immortality Thus passed out of sight this 
illustrious sage of the sixteenth century Govinda Dikshita was a 
true hero while he lived and became a God after his death As has 
been said at the out-set, Govinda Dikshita is now worshipped as a 
God m the form of Ltnga at Kumbakonam and at Tiruvadi and as an 
image at Patteswaram Pie has beside him at Patteswaram his consort, his 
Dharma Patni Nagamba, the two standing there today as if to illustrate 
the famous line of Milton. He for god only, she for god in him ' "* 

149. Among Govmfla's works" are Sahi$yasudha* which describes 
in exquisite poetry the history of his masters Acyuta and Raghunatha. 
Venkatamakhi in his Ca^urdandiprakasika says that his father wrote 
a work on music Sangitasudhftmdhi and a commentary on Sundara- 
kanda of Ramayana. 

1. H. E Venkafcesan, I o 240 ' 

9 Govlndamaatram of SSn<3ilyagot», who wcoto the poem HadramsSU&naartla 
was in the Kondavidu oourd aad was a different author There is a commentary on it 
by Appayya Dl^a (Tanj. Oat , VI 

8. BVB,ffl 


150. Govpida has two sons Yagnanarayana and VenkalesVara or 
Venkatamakbi * Venkatamakhi was tutor to NUakantha and author of 
Sahityasamrajyakavya, Ca$urdandipraka£ik<\ a and Vartikabharana 

The other son Yagnanaraycinct 8 wa:> an .ill round scholar and of 
special fame in poetry He was patronised also bv Raghun&tha of 
Tanjore (under whom he also studied) and was. presented with many 
jewels as a mark of his appreciation His Sahityaratnakara,* a poem 
of which 13 cantos are now recovered, and RaghunathavilaSa" a play 
in 5 acts, and Raghunathabhiipavijaya, a poem, describe the greatness 
of the 1 anjore Niyak family and ot the Raghunatha's conquest over 
an island near Ceylon 4 He wrote a commentary on Venkateivara's 
Citrabandharamayana * 

151 Snmvasa Oiksita (Ratnakheta) was. the s,on of Sri 
Bhavaswami 8 and grandson of Kpna He was si\th in decent from Sri 
Bhavaswami, the author of the Bhasya, and of \ lSvamitra Gotra I le had 
three sons Ke&iva, Ar^banarisvara and Rajacudam.ini Pleased with his 
description of an evening horizon, the king of Chola (Naik of Gmgi) 
called him Rd^aakhe^a 9 and &o he w known to this da>. He was a 
contemporary of Appayya Dlksita and Govmda Dlksi|T He bore the 
titles Sadbhasaca^ura and Advai$avidyacarya, Abhinava-Bhavabhuti, and 
PantidyotidivapraOlpa He was a prolific writer and of versatile 
learning Besides his works on philosophy and other sciences, he is 

1 See Ink to GaDgSva Jnxaiv* (lo) 

3 On this work, see chapter of a Singita (musio) post 

8 Tho ilenbilloation of this author with YagnesVara, author of Alankarartghava 
aad Alankarasuryodaya [BTQ, 54) la wronj 

4. 8VE, 269 [whore a summary is given) Soa SahityarataSkara of DhamjasudM 
is a diSeteut work on rhetotio 

5 Tan} Cat, VIII 8483 Printed Sah, XX 

6 Kaghavendmvijaya of NarSyaqii (a poem in 4 oanton) says that Venkata 
Hatha alias Saghavendrotirjha defeated Yogiunarayaaa in disputation an 1 made bun 
undergo oakranltana ISVH 253) 

7 BTO, J 58 

8 Also known as Lafcjmi Bhavesvami See DO, XXII 8017 His name iS 
also given as Iak?midhara in DO, XXII, 8265 

9 ^-'»rra'gi%?rRffSR!rr%q!'T'rr5j?r^ «fhmwf- 



said to have composed 18 dramas and 60 poems* S tikanthavrja) a is 
a poem describing the deeds of feiva Bhaimlpannaya is a drama des- 
cribing the marriage of Dama}anti " BhaiMrupanna^a is a campu on 
the marriage of Rukmml * SahityasanjIvinT, Bhavodbheda and 
Rasarnava, Alankarakanstubha, Ka%jadarpana Kavyasarasangraha, 
Sahitj asuksma&.irani are works on rhetoric * Bhavanapuruso$toa, s 
composed at the instance of Surappa, the Naik king of Gingi,* is an 
allegoncal play 

152 Rajacudaroani Diksita ^\as the son of Rataakheta 
Snnivasa and Kamaksi Arthanaribvara (Sesadnsekhara) and Kesava* 
were his step brothers He was patronised by King Raghunatha of 
lanjore on whom he wrote a poem Raghunalhabhupavijaya 8 He was 
the worthy son of his father in literary merit Besides works on 
Mimamsa and other sciences, he T\rote poems and plays and on 
poetics His Tan$rasikhainanT a commentary on Jainuni's aphorisms 
was composed in 1630 AD* His Rukraiglkalyana is a poem m 
10 cantos on the marriage of Rulmini ** bankarabhyudaya, of which 
only 6 cantos are available, describes the life of Jagadguru Sankara ** 
Among other poems are Bharatacampu, Kamsavadha, Vrt$aratiiavah, (m 
imitation of Sankara's laravali), Sahrjyasainrajya and Citramanjarl and 
Ramakathi ia He wrote a Yamaka poem Ratnakhetavijaya on the life 

1 For a bat of kin works, BalayaguesVara's aommentary on Btikmini KalySna of 
BEtjaoadSmani written in 1833 A D aud quoted m introduction to Gangavatarana 

2 Sice, 234, 336 There is another play of the same name by VenkataoSry*. 

Btoe, 236 

8 DO, XXI 8261 

4 00, 1 31, 102, Iliee 282, 214 Opp 3101 , BTO, S& 

6 Opp 8421 , BTO 170 00, I 407 (The anchor's name is how wrongly given 
as SrmivSsa Tirtha AUtajrayajvan 

6, 272 Sucappa was the son of Pota, who assisted King Tirumala I and 
his eucowsor itiranga against Mohammadan invasions after the battle of Talikota in 
1586 A D 8o3 Swell's Forgotten Empire, 214 and South Aroot Dt Manual, 

7 Kaiiva's son was Patanjali anl Pajnojili's son was BSmaoandra who wrote 
Bamaoandraoampu (HB, II vu.) 

8 For his works, fee his KSvyadarpana {DC XXII, 861$) EB I Is. CO 

9 Ed T88, with mtrodootion by % GKnapati Bastn 

10 DO, XXI 7848 Printed, Artyar, Madras with a valuable mtroduotion by 
£ B Ohintamanl 

11 Printed Sah, Vols, 17-18. 

13 This is mentioned In Xfivyadarpana 


of his father, a poem with treble meaning on the stories of Rama, 
Kpna and Pandava (Raghava-Yadava-Pandavij a) and a work (in prose ?) 
ManjubhSsigi with pratyaksarablesa, on the storv of Rama, and 
Yuddhakanda of Bhoja's RamaynacampS in a day * 

Among his plays are Sjngarasarvasva, a bhana, 8 Tnandarlighava 8 in 
5 acts, on the whole story of Rama from marriage to coronation, aad 
Kamalinikalahamsa, in 4 acts, on the marriage of Kalahainsa with 
Kamahni, daughter of Kamalakara, who was rescued from a stork * 
These plays are Stated to have been staged at the Court of RaghunatLa 
at Tanjore and during his visit to Cidambara 

In his KSvyadarpana, a treatise on rhetoric, he cites his Alankara- 
cudamani * 

153. To the Court of Raghunatha belonged Krsnao1ia\arin or 
Kysnadiksita or Ayyadik»,i$a In his Ndisadhapanjata he related the 
stones of Nala and Panja^harana at a time 6 and in his Raghuna$ha- 
bhupalfya, he wrote on poetics, wtlh illustrations m praise of his 

Mrtycnja\a was the son of Ayya Diksita and was daughter's son 
ofRa^nakheta Srinivasa Diksita His son Rnjacudarnam Diksita was his 
Guru In his Pradyumnottaracant i in 11 cantos he relates the slorv 
of Pradyurana's marriage with the daughter of demon King of 
Vajrapun* Mjtyunjaya's son Anantanarayana wrote Gitasankara, a 
musical poem like Gitagovinda 9 

154 Nilakantha was the sun of Narayana and Bhumidevi and 
grandson of Accatiksifo brother of Appayya Diksifa He was known as 

1 Batted IRQ, VI No. 4 by T. E Ohlntamaui 

2 This ia quoted in his Kavyadarpaga There is another BhSfta of this name by 
8vSml Sastri, brother of Snbrahmanya and son of AnanjanatSyana, staged at the 
festival of Matjbhutefvara at Triohmopoly (DO, XXI 8842) and a third by Haute 
tfallabudha (BO 173 CO, I 681) 

8 DO, XXI 8372, 00, 1 48 The prologue gives the geneology of the author 
and the names of B-vghunatha's works panjataharana, Naiabhyadaya oto. 

4 Printed, Madras , DC, XXI 8392 ; SB, II, 1680. 

5 DO, XXII.. 8615, BTO 64, 00. 1. 101, Printed Madras. Thoreisaoom 
rnentary on it byBavipandita 

6 BTO. 

?. 00 I, 486 , RtM, 364 
8. Tan} Oat , VI. 2571 
9 BTO, 61. 


Ayjadiksita * He studied under Venkatesvaramakhi, son of Govmda 
DikMta He commented on Kaiyata He was best m Srikantha philo- 
sophy and wrote Sivafcttvarahasya " His four brothers were also poets 
His Nilakanthavijaya, a popular campu on the story of the churning of the 
ocean, was composed in Kali 4738 (1637 AD) 8 His Sivalilarnava Is a 
poem in 22 cantos, comprehending in it the legends of 64 lilas of 
Halasyanatba the form of Siva as worshipped at Madura * His Ganga- 
vatarana, a poem in 8 cantos, describes the descent of the Ganges from 
regions celestial 5 Among his minor poems 6 are Kahvidambana, 
Sabharanjana, Anyapade&abataka, Santivilasa, Vairagyasajaka and 

In his Citramimamsadosadhikkara he answered the criticisms such 
as those of Jagannafha Panditaraja and justifies the views of his grand- 
uncle Appaya Dik^ita * Nalacantan.Ttaka m 7 acts describes the story 
of Nala • 

As a poet Nilakantha is much appreciated His fancies are imagi- 
native, his sentiments lofty and his language natural 

Nllakantha's third son Girvanendra wrote SrngarakosabhSnd* and 
Anyapadesasa^aka *° Nflakantha had four brothers, all poets 11 Of 

1 Nllakantha, author of the play Kaljanasaugandhikj (TO III 8810) and 
Kavyollasa (TO, IV 8848) is a different author So is Njiakantha author of Oimani- 
oarija, B, II 182 

2 EB, II 1011 

8 Ed Madras with commentary For commentary PatSka, see EB III 166* 
and by Ghanas>ama, see EB, III 3041 

4 Ifld T88 J!a»i Oat 2678 Sivaoarita of Kavivadiiekhara is on the same 
theme {Mya OUL. Sup 12) 

5 Ed Kavyamala, Bombay, with a valuable introduction on South Indian poets 
by T S Kuppusami Sastri Tne same story is found in Bhagirathicampu of 
Aoyu{ < sarman, son of NarSyaua, of the family of Modaka of Nagik In was composed in 
18U A D and is printed in Bombay 

6 Printed, Sn Vanivilas Press, Snrangam and Kavyamala, Bombay 

7 Hfl, II 1281 

8 Printed, Bombay. TO, II. 1699 Opv II 8869 In the prologue it is said that 
he wrote a poem MukundavilSsa and his father -wrote Mahaviraoarja and a commentary 
on S5hijyaratnakara and his unole Appayya Dik$ita was the author of Rukmloiparinaya 
Gururamakavi is said there to have been a contemporary of Aooadik§'t*, grand father 
of Nilakantha There is a Nalaoartfakavya {Op p 2866, 3799 ) 

9 Tanj Cat , VIII 8696 There is another bh3i>» of that name by Abhinava 
Kaiidasa, [Ibid Vni 8694) probably of KSnoi 

. 10 DO, XX 8019 Aooanaikfita, a member of the family of Appayyadiksita 
wrote Anyoktimaia (DO, XX 8020 ) 
U BTO, 168, 


tbeSe At'rntrn.) sijv.ui wrote the play Kus,akunindvati"v a 1 ind Atcadiksita 
wrote a commentary on his N ilacarft matak i a 

155 Cakrakavi was. the son of Tokinltha and \rnba, and 
brother of Ramacindra and Patinjah lie appears to have been 
appreciated by Pandya and Ghera Kings and he mentions Nliakanlha 
Adhvann as one of his admirers It is hkelv Hi it this latter was the same 
as the famous Nilakanlhi, grandson of Appai a Diksit i and he must 
have therefore lived in 17th cenlurj AD He wrote (lowing poetrj on 
the marriages* of Rukmini,* Jlnnki, G.iuu,"'dT " Of these 
Janakiparlna>a T is a poem in 8 cantos descnlung the story of Bitlakanda 
of Ramayana from the birth of Rama to his marriage at Mithila 
The other works are of the class of campus with mi\ed prose and poetry 
His Citrarataakara, in six parts, is a poem of humorous verses of 
enignatical composition, the first half of the verses askimj a question, 
the second half giving the answer 8 

156 Venkatesa was the son of Srihivasa and grandson of Ven- 
katesa of Atreya Gofra He was born m Knh 4697 ()"<)6 AD) at 
Arasanipalai near KancI In Ramayamakarnava 1 ' and Ramacandrndaya 10 
he relates the story of Rama the former in the \ am ik.i stylo 

Suryanarayana" was the son of "i ngiiesvara and Ciuaaiinba, He 
belonged to the Alun family of brahmins who did varieties of sacrifices 

1 Taw Cat, VIII 83713 

2 See prologue to same 

fcrfrt w crtrar f ftwmfc prr II 

— Cihm ohiakara 
See Itttro-taotvon to T 8 Kuppanuni Sastn's 0»ng3vM»rira 

4 DO, XX, 7851 There »ro other works of this name by Vonkataortrya, eon of 
NSyanSoSrya of TraJlvSiJibhayankara family [TO, III, 3690) 

5 There arc otter works on the same thorni by Ponnlnfr* Vonkatasnti {TO in 
8081), by Kaadokun Bim3«?ara (CO, III 4105) of the throws, an<l by Bhnttan-3 rSyana 
{Mys OML, Sup II) ' w 

6 Printed 8ah XXII DO, XXI 8286 
1 Ed Tr, Sam Serm 

8 TO, II, U68 

9 Ta*j Oat , VI 2081 Yaraakarniva was composed m Safc» 1678 (1B60 A P ) 
«. 10 J a !V 8l ??* WamofaI » at30Mnfe > s Ifol 2058 U commonly by 
this author himself 1M VI 200 1 This w 01 k was composed m Kali 4780 (1086 A D ) 

11 SUryanSrayann Snnuti, son of VifranSthk Sumaji, who wrote PrSsabharata to 
a different person tVmi Cat , VI 2131 ] His descendants are still living at Tqnmty 


In the court of Lmgaya Prabhu* (1601 AD), lie swore to compose 
a poem in a da> and that was Ekadmaprabandhd* m four cantos on 
the story of Mahabhardtd 

Mala} a was the son of Ramanatha of Bharadviija Gotra He lived 
in Madura District In Mlnakslparmaya m 18 cantos he describes the 
stor) ofSundaresa's marriage with Minaksi, Goddess of Madura, as told 
in the Halasyamahatmv a * 

In Parvatlpannaya, m 8 cantos, Isvarasumati celebrates the marriage 
of Parvati after the style of Kuraarasambhavd * 

1 Linga ot Veluci Liagi was ube son of Ghuina Bomma the patron of Appayya 
Ditahita an<3 was the donor of VilSpakam Grant (Si, IV No 39) of King Venkata II 
(1601 \ D ) Liogi was killol in^ his oapital taken possession of by Damarli Ohenaa 
who granted Madras to Rut India Oompiny "The oaplinre ot the place was postibly 
the immediate oause of the change of capital from Ohandragiri to VeJlore by Venkata 
paji Bajja " [S7E 31, 351, 805] 

3 T%n] Oat , VI 3698 

3 Tanj Oat , VI 2619 

i Tan) Cat , VI 3565 



Mahakavya (rotttJ) 

157 Mahratta Kings of Tanjore. Ekoji, whose earlier 
name \ias Venkoji was the brother of the famous Sivaji Ihey were 
the sons of Shahaji Ekoji's three sons Shahaji (1687-1711 AD) 
Sarabhoji (1712-1727 AD) and Tukkoji (1728-1735 AD) succeeded 
him one after another Tukkoji had five sons (1) Bava Saheb, (2) Saryaji, 
(3) Anna Saheb, (4) Nana Saheb, and (">) Pratapsing <md of these the 
first two were legitimate and the last three illegitimate " Prntapsmg died 
In 1763 and was succeeded by his son lulzaji lie died in 1787 after 
a reign by no means peaceful or prosperous which excluding the two or 
three years dunng which he was kept a prisoner in his own palace, 
extended over a period of about twenty one years He had no son, 
but adoped one before his death, and this was Rajasarabhoji This 
pnnce, however, was at the time set aside, and Amarsing, half-brother 
of Tulzaji (being son of Pratapsing by a sword wife) succeeded him, 
with the sanction of the Honourable East India Company who had now 
the direction of the affairs of Southern India "* 

Sarabhoji was a child nine years old at the time of his adoption. 
He remained under the protection of Raja Araarsing until 1792 On 
account of complaint of ill-treatment he and his adoptive mother were 
sent to Madras where in 1798 he was recognised as the rightful heir to 
the throne "After he was placed on the mu/nud, Raja Sarabhoji 
consented to resign the Governmont of the country wholly into the 
hands of the Company, provided they made a suitable provision for the 
maintenance of his rank and dignity, and the treaty dated 25lh October 
1799 was the result Under this treaty Tanjore became a British 
province and the Raja had ensured to him a fixed annual allowance of 
one lakh of pagodas or three and a half lakh of Rupees with a fifth of 
the net revenues of the country Raja Sarabhoji enjoyed his rank and 
dignity with the pecuniary benefits attached to it, for thirty-four years, 
and on his death in 1832 the same honours and privileges were 
continued to his son Sivaji until his death in 1855,' * 

1 Taty Dt Manual, 775. 
3, Ibtd , 818-4 
3. 2faZ,83«. 


Ihe following geneology shows the line of King M.oji of Tanjore 
Venkoji or Etoji (1675 1686 A D ) 

J,. ~ 1 ~ 1 

Shabjt Satabhnji Tukkcm 

(1687 1711) (1712-1727) (1728—1735) 

Illegitimate son Pratapsing 
(1710 1763) 

(1764 1787) 
• f 

Sarabhoji II 
(1798 1382) 


(dted 1865) 

158 The life of SivSji, the founder of the Bhosala dynast), is a 
matter of history la 31 chapters Paramananda describes his exploits 
in his Sivabhflrata 1 His expedition and capture of the fortress of 
Parnalaparvata is described by Jayarama in 5 ullasas in Pamalaparvafca- 
grabakhyana * The life of Sivaji's son Rajaram is sketched m Rajar&ma- 
carita, a poem of 5 cantos,* by Kes"avapandi$a where the struggle for 
Mahratla independence in the Carnatic is well depicted. 

In the court of King Ekoji (1675-1686 AD), Jagannatha, son of 
minister Balakpna, wrote the play Ratimanmafha* and ^risaila, son of 
Snandayajvan, another minister, wrote TripuravrjayacampB * 

King Shahaji wrote the play Candrasekharavilasa * In Kumara- 
sambhavacampS, King Sarabhoji narrates the story of the birth of the 
War God * King Sarabhoji compiled an anthology a Kmg Tulzaji 
wrote Sangi^asaramrta • 

159 King Sarabhoji (Sarfoji), the second son of Bkoji, is re- 
membered as a preserver of Sanskrit literature. To him belongs the 
glory of the collection and preservation of Sanskrit manuscripts m an 

1, Printed, Poona Tan? Oat , VH 3251 See also SlvacSjaoanJta (BTC, 162 ) 

2 fan) Oat , VII 8262 

8 Tani Oat , Til 8268 

i BR, m. 1604 , Tani Oat,, till 8190. 

.6, SB. Ill 1605; Tam Oat, VIII. 8011 

6 Tanj Oat , VIII, S396t 

7 Tanj Oat., VII, 8088. 

8 See JBBA8, (a s.) I. 262 
8. 32*0,60. 

M2 MAh5.-k5.WA 

organised library in the palace of Fanjore, rightly named Sarasvati- 
mahdl The library bears the name J anjore Maharaja Sarfaji's Sarasvah 
Mahal I lbrarj and is a monument of that benevolent King's reign * 

To King Sarabhoji is attributed the poem Raghavacarua m 12 
cantos on the storj of Rama, also called SangraharamJiyana In the 
colophon to the 2nd canto in one of the manuscripts it is said 
?fd Wdtrfl' ?ra^ft& flcffa ?T<? This may indicate that the real 
author was Pancaratna and the work was put in the name of the poet's 
patron AnantanajayEna, a poet of the court of King Sarabhoji was 
called Pancaratna and Anantanarayana was the father of the poet 
Cidambara" and also wrote Anandavalli stotrn 8 

160 Ramabhadra Diksrfa was bom in the family of Catur- 
vediyajvans in the village of Kandramamkyam near KLumbhakonam His 
father Yagnarama Diksita was a specialist in grammar and his brother 
Ramacandra was a humorous poet * He studied literature and philosophy 
under the ascetic BSlak j sna and under Cokkanatha, whose daughter he 
married. He was an admirer of the poet Nllakantha and was invariably 
in his literary assemblage It was Nilakanlha's poetry that infused the 
poetic spirit in Ramabhadra early in his years and his name reached 
the ears of King Shahaji of 1 anjore (1684-1711 AD) 1 he munificient 
king bestowed upon Ramacandra and others the agraharam of Shahaji* 
rajapura (Tiruvasanallur) and there the poet settled in comfort and 
serenity He was mm h loved by his disciples and was called Ayya or 
Ayya piksita His devotion to Rama was unequalled He passed away 
about the first decade of the 18lh century a 

His Pafcanjalicanfa,* a poem in 8 cantos describes the incaranation 
of Adiiesa in the womb of Gomka as Patanjali, his lectures on the 
MahabhSsya from behind a scroen, his curse on one of his pupils to be 
h Raksasa for transgression of his orders, and the limitation of the curse 

1 For an aocotmt of this library, see Tmj Oat , VI Introduction by P, P S 

2 Tan? Oat , VI 2641 Aufreohfc {,00, I 15) names the author as Anante- 

3 BTO, 200 , Opp, II 8716 , 00, 1, lfi 

i He wrote KeralSbhatana, a oampu on the linos Of Vlsvaguijadarfa (Ton] Oat , 
Vll 3035) BSmaoandra, son of Janafdana and authot of BadhavinodtUEStVyft Ifimj, 
Cat , VI 2848) is a different post of the Ganjam District 

6 Ebr an account of his life, see V S Bamaaami Sastci, Stth XXII, 180 and 

u, xxxm iae 

6 Ed Bombay and Madras 


to the appearance of one Candragupta I he demon meets Candragupta 
and teaches him the lecture The latter records them m the leaves of a 
ban} an tree, but while out to drink water, a goal eats away some of the 
leaves These lost passages are still know n as ajabhahsita (goat-eaten) 
Candragupta went to Ujjam and there transcribed the lectures, which 
are extant today as a monument of literary merit Candragupta 
married three wives, of whom were born Vararuci Vikramlrka and 
Bhartyhan The poem closes with the ad\ent of Sankara and his and 
final return to KancS * 

By the drama Janakfpannaya, 9 which will be noticed later, he is well- 
known Sjngaratilaka or Ayyabhapa describes the amorous adventures 
of Bhujangasekhara of Madhura," written nval Vasantatilakabhana or 
Ammalbhana of his friend Varadacarya known as Ammalacarya * 

Among Ramabhadra's other works* the Ramabanastava, Rlma- 
capas^ava, and RamaMaprasa, Prasasthava Vishnugarbhastava, Parya- 
yoktinijyanda, 1 uniras-fcava, Ramabhadrasataka 

161 Cokkanatha, 6 was the son of Tippadhvari and Narasamba, 
of Bharadwaja GoLra He had five brothers of whom one was Yagnes- 
vara He was the teacher of Ramabhadra and a friend of Nilakantha He 
lived in Tanjore under the patronage of King Shahaji He travelled to 
South Canara to the Court of King Basava r His Sevantikapannaya," a 

1 For an aaoount see 8 th XXII 167-8 

2 Ed Bombay Madras See Soli XXII foe a critical account 

S Ed Kavyamala, Bombay There id commentary by RSmacandra (CO, I, 660). 
Keith, SL, 263 

i Ed Madras and Oalontta 

Var»<Jao5rya known as GhatikSsSja Ammal of jSrSvatsagotra was the son of 
Sudaravia, fifth in descent from the Varada or Varadadesika or KadSdnr Ammal, who 
was the guru's guru of Vedanjades'ika (See DO, XVIII 7262 4 for verses in his praise) 
Besides this bhSna, he wrote Vedan{aniasa a play on the incidents of BamSauja'* 
history (DC, XXV 8680) Theie are other VaradSoaryas who wrote Oolabhana (PB, 
I 262), Anangabrahmavilasabhana {CO, I 649), AnangajivanabhSna (BVO, 167) and 
Bukmmiparinaya (BTC, 172) 

5 Ed Bombay, Kavyamala XII 

6 It is stated in Trao Arch Sep, V 18, that this Was different from the 
father in law of Bamabhadra, bat no reasons areiglven. The dates appear to matte them 
dentaoal Ohokkanatha, son of Sadarfana of BhSradvSja Got» who is the author of a 
wmmenliary on VSsudeva'a Yudhlsthiravijaya is a different person 

7, He may ba Basavappa Nayak of Ikken (1697 1714) or BasavarSnendra of 1700 
a. D see JMy, X 257* 

8. TO, III 4064 


drama, describes the marriage of Basa\araja and Sevantika, the daughter 
of Mi^ravarinan, a prince of Malabar, when the latter having fought with 
Godavarman of Cochin and was defeated, was imprisoned in the temple 
of Mukamba, north of Udipi Then they were receded kindly by 
Basava by the gift of a new palace and presentb His Kantimati- 
pannaya, 1 a drama, describes the marriage of King Shahaji and 
Kantunati His Rasavilasa* is a bhana of an amorous nature 

His son badasivamakhm wrote a rhetorical work, Raraavarma- 
yaBobhusana during the reign of King Rainavarma of I ravancore 
(1758-1798 AD)" 

162 Among the illustrious desoples of Ramabhadrn were Venka* 
teBvara and BhQminatha Venkalesvara wrote a commentary on the 
Patanjahcarita Bhuminatha known as Nalla DIksita composed Dhar- 
inavijayacampu on the life and history of King Shahaji wh( >m he called 
the modern Bhoja * 

Among his worthy contemporaries were Venkatakrsna, Srfdaura 
VenkaleBa, Appa Piksifa and Mahadeva 

Venkatakyna was the son of Venkalildn and Mangamba of 
Vadhaia Go$ra He wrote his Natesavrjaya," in 7 cantos, describing 
the story of Siva's vanquishment of Kali at Cidambaram by his triump- 
hant cosmic dance, under the patronage of Gopala, a Governor of 
Sivaji's provinces, near Cidambaram Uttaracampuramayana is said to 
be a sequel to the work of Bhoja and Laksmana,* Ramacandrod iya 
relates the whole story of Ramay ana, 7 and Kusalavavijayanataka 8 des- 
cribes the conflict of Rama with his sons KuSa and Lava and the final 
restoration of SI|a to Rama 

Sridhara Venkatesa, known as Ayyaval, is celebrated m South 
India for his piety and evotion Besides his religious lyrics, 9 DayaAitaka 
M%bhu$aSataka, Taravalisataka and Artuharasf,o$ra, he wrote Sahondra- 

1 Tanj Cat VIII 8867 ~~~ .~^^~~~—~___ 

3, 00,11 116 

8 Sea 2V Arch Sencs, V 18, 

4 Tanj Oat Vtl, 8269 

5 DO, XX.. 7747, 

6 DO, XXI 8188 

7 00, II, 28 

8 PwbaMythesamaworkasisdoqonbaatn DO, X<, 7dli (whata Mm author's 
name is doubtfully givaa a j K<wivaU»b la) It breaks o! in 966h Oanto. 

0. M. Sri Viaya Press, Kumbakonam 


vila«a, a poem in 8 cantos, describing the exploits of his patron, King 
shahaji and !«. of great historical interest m the annals of Hindu 
dominion in Tanjore * 

Appa Dlkiita or Appasatrm or Pena Appa Sastnn was the son of 
Cidambara DiWta alias Annan Sastn and brother of \ lsvanatha of 
Srlvotsa &c tra He In ed in Kilayur near Tanjore His father vanquished 
K5made\a in a controversey at the court of King Venkatapa^i for 
■which he was rewarded with a golden palanquin and an agraharam 
Frakaran He was the pupil of Kpnananda and received from him the 
title of Kavjtarkikasarvabhauma, for proficiency in dialectics and 
poetics He was a favourite or King Shahaji of Tanjore * His Syngara- 
manjansahajlya,* is a drama describing the life and history of King 
Shahaji and staged at the Chatira festival at Tiruvaiyar (Tiruvadi) His 
other works are Madanabhu-,anabhana,* and GaurimaySracampu 8 

In his play Adbhut idarpana m 10 acts, Mahadeva, son of Kr->aa- 
siin, says that the sentiment of Adbhuta reigns supreme and illustrates 
his theory bv the incidents of the Rama,) ana • 

163 tn the Court of Kings Shahaji and Sarabhoji flourished 
other famous poets Sumatlndra Biksu was a poet of King Shahaji's 
court He was the pupil of Venkatanarayana and Surlndra$lr$ha * He 
wrote a poem SumatradrajayagliO'.aan on his patron and a commentary 
on {nvikrama's Usaharapa 8 Besides ShahavilSsa on music* and a 
poem Abhinavakadambarl * 8 Dhundiraja Vyasayajvan, son of Lakpmana 
composed his commentary on Mudrarakgasa in 1713 AD, probably 
at the direction of King Sarabhoji who wrote his own gloss on the 
play w To him goes the credit of preserving the allegorical poem of 8 
cantos, JSnanavilasa 1 ' of JagannSfha, son of Narayana and Akka, who 
was probably the same as the author of Sarabharljavilasa 

1 Tanj Oat VII 8266 

2 See JOS. Ill 

8 TO, Itl, 2575 , 00, II 168 

4. Tmi Oai.VIII 8582 

5. Tmi Cat VII 4085 

6 M Kavyamala, Bombay, Tanj Oat , VIII, 8584 MabS4eva KavifeoSrya 
Sarasvati, author of Danakeli Kaumuai (bhainka) (00, 1 248), Mah54eva or Mahei 
vara, author of Dhurfavidambanaprabasana {00 I, 272) aud Mahadeva Sastri, author 
of Uranajtiaraghava ICO, I 66) are different poets. 

7 Tmj Cat., VII 8282 10 Opp II 8821 

8 Ibid , VI 2695 11 Tanj Oat , VIII 8474 
9, 00, 1 316, 18 IW , VII, 2768 


la Kosala-Bhosali) am, Sesacalapati describes in 6 cantos the 
reign of King Shahaji along with the story of Rfimayana in double 
entendre * In Bhosalavamsavali, a campu, Venkatefia of Naidhruva- 
k.lsyapa Gotra describes the ancestors of King tiarabhoji and 
particularly the glorious reign of that King * Similar is the poem 
Sarabharajavilasa composed in Kali 4822 (1722 AD) by Jagannatha, 
son of Srlnivasa of Kaval? family, a minister of that King's Court, 8 
who also wrote Anangavijayabhana, 4 and Srngaratarangim 

Vancehvara was. a descendant of Govmt'a Dlksita He was of the 
family of Bhosala and was minister of King 1 ukkHji of Ianjore (1728- 
1735 AD) His Mahisasataka is a manellous and pleasant poem, in 
which he mingled praise and censure, indicating by puns that the King 
was a buffalo ' 

During the days of King Sarabhoji TI (179S-1S3J A D ) the poet 
Sadaji composed the poetical work SahityainanjtiKi in 1S23 AD m 
praise of the House of Sivaji 8 

In the time of King Sivaji (1833-1853 AD ) Vlraraghava, son of 
Isvara, wrote the play Valllparfnaya * 

164 To this house of Fkoji, belongs the credit of continuing the 
progress of Sanskrit literature m S India, so well inaugurated by the 
Naik Kings These kings were themselves poets and it was a happy 
chance that their ministers came successively from a family of illustrious 
Brahmins of learning descended from Tryambaka The following list 
of the kings and the geneology of \ ryambaka given in Dhundhiraja's 
commentary on Mudraraksasa and AppadikPila's Aciiranavam$a will 
show their relation 

T ryambaka 

Gangadhara (D 


I I 

Nrsimha (2) ^ryambaka (8) Bhagavanta 

Ananda (4) 


1 Tanj Cat, VII 8376, 3 lb%d, VII 8391 

2 Ibtd VII, 3387 4 BR, III 1770, 

5 Printed Bombay BR III 1579, In Tanj Cat , VII 3lfiG there is » 
commentary by the author's great grandson Vanoeirara, soa of Nrwniha, 90a of 
MSdhava (BTC, IS*, SLR, II 1528) 

6 Tmj Cat VII, 3298 

7 DO, XXI. 8491 VirarSghava son of j§r|£»ila who wrote Indirfparinaya 
{BR III 1749} Is a different author. 




' i 

(lb74— 1687) 

Gan,t5dhara (1) and 
Nrsimha (3) 




JryambaU (31 




Tryambaka (3) an! 
Ananda (4) 


AnarcU (4) 

(and Ghanasyania) 


165 In Bhosalavams>avali, Gangadbara wrote the storv of the 
Bhosalas * Tryambaka (II) wrote Dharmak&ta, commentar} on Raina- 
yana * Bhagavanta wrote Mukundavdasakavya, a poem in 10 cantos, 
on the btorj of &n Kpna, s and a pla) Raghavabhyudaj a * 

Bhagavantd was the son of Gangadharadhvarm and vounger 
brother of Tryambaka In his Mukundavilasa, in 10 cantos, he relates 
the story of Krpna," and U^aracampO, the story of Ufyararamayana * 

Ananda or Anandarayamakhin wrote the plays* Vidvapannaya and 
Jivananda, allegorical like Prabodhacandrodaya In the former, for 
instance, the plot is the marriage of Jivatman or individual soul and 
Vidyl or spiritual knowledge 

Ananda's son Nrsimha wrote Tnpuravyayacampa 8 

1 Tan} Oat VII 8373 

Gangadhata a post o£ tha Oourfc of Kama of DShala vanquished by Bilhana (Vtk 
XVUl 95) , Gangadhara quoted in Shm and Subh {00, I 137) , Gangadhara 
(Vajapeyw), author of Basikuanjinl (Oyv 1 8348, 4806 II 2514, 8773, 5997) ' 
GangSdhata, author of Anandalaharitika (K 201), Gangadhara (Sasjri), author of 
Krsnarajaeampu {Btoe 248) , GingSdhara, author of metrios (00, 1 188), Gangadhata 
author of Vasmnatloifraseua Kavya (Opp, 4714) , GangSdhata, author of commentary 
on 8angit«a{nSkara (BT0, 59) and on Suryasitak* (Hall's Ini to Vasavatatta, 7) 
are different parsons [Sea 00 1,187-9] 

2 See pages 28 4 supra 

3 Tan}, Oat VI. 2S27 

4 BTO, 172, Qpp II 4872 (In the prologue his parentage is given) 
6 Tan], Oat VI. 2627 

6 Ibid Vn, 8082 

7 Printed, K&vyaptala, Bombay 

8 Tan}. Oat VH, 3014 , SB, III 11005 



166 Ghanasyama, 1 onginnll} known as Aryaka, was the son of 
Knmnld and Kiisi MahSdeva of Mauna Bhargava family I Te had a 
brother Ssa who became as ascetic and under the name of Cidambara- 
guru settled m Devipallanam I lis father's father was Caumlo Balaji 
His mother's father limmaji BTlIji of Kaundinyagntra was called 
Sakanibhan Pararaahamsa He had Iwo wnes Sumlari and Kamala 
They were equally learned and composed another commentary on the 
Yiddhasalabhanjika,' as he did one himself in three hours 8 Besides his 
prolixity in literature, he was great m politics and was the minister of 
King Tukkoji of I anjore (1728-17 >"> A I) )* 

In his 26th year he wrote (he Bh ma Madanasanjivana 8 and in his 
twenty-second Year Navagrahacanta* a Sattaka m Praknl He composed 
in a single night of Sriramanavaml a < ommentar^ on the Uttarariimn- 
canta and wrote also an allegorical drama PracandariihBdaya like 
Prabodhacandroda\a* He wrote (54 works in Sanskrit, 20 m Prakrit 
and 25 m other dialects 8 Among his poems, are Bhlgavatpadacanfo 
Venkatesacanta, Prasangalila , rna^ a, Snnmanimandan.i and Anynpadesa- 
sa$aka 8 and five Sthalamaha$\ mas Abodhakara is a poem with three 
meanings, namely, the story of Nala, Kisna and HariHcnndia Kahd28a9a 
is a poem which is at onie Sanskrit and Praknl 

In his twelfth year he made up the ^ uddhakanda for Bhojacampu *' 
Among his dramas of many classes are Ganebacanta, Madanasanjfvana, 
Kumaxavija}^ 11 Anubhavacintamani and Tfnandasundari, 1 * and Inst two 
acts for Mahaviracanta which apparently vero then missing 

In rhetcri( he wrote the Rasarnava He wrote commentanes on 
$akuntala, M Uttararamacanta," Prabodhncandroda) a, Candakausika, 
Mahaviracanta, Venisamhara, Halasap^asali, \ ikramorvasi, Bhoja- 

1 He himself made a pun on his name 

" If he is Ghanasyania, lie is not [blaok in ooloi, bnt ho is a poet of poets bcoauso 
he is himself a ouckoo which 6ings beautiful poetry Why kill ourselves In vain with 


SB, III 1076 

Torn Oat, VU 2DO0 


sb, ra, mi 


RB, 111 1681 


•Eamore Dlstnch Manual, 764 


Ibid 1083 

5 1679 


Ibid 2143 


Ibid. 1671. 


End 1660 


Ibid 1676 


Ibtd. 1000, Printed Bomliay. 


See EB, III it Xi, 

Mahakavyas {(ontd) 

16 9 Manavikrama and Eighteen and Half Poets * In the 

Court of Zamonn Manavikrama flounshed what has been known as eigh- 
teen and half poets in the beginning of the 15th century AD The 
Zamonnwas a scholar and patron ofhterature > lght brothers ofPa\yur 
Patten family and a son, five brahmins of 1 iruvapnra and J lruvegapara, 
Mullapilli Patten, Chennasu Nar<« ana Nainl)udn, Kakassen Nambudrl 
and Uddanda were the eighteen poets and Punnattu Nambudn was the 
half poet, for his poetrj was mi\ed Malayalam and Sanskrit The 
eldest of the Payyur family was famous as Mahaisi, versed in Mimiunsa, 
the fifth brother was Narayana Patten Two other brothers were 
Sankara and Bhavadasa Maharsi's son Paramesvara is quoted by 
Uddanda in his Malhkamaruta and Maharia is mentioned with 
reverence by him in his Kokilasandesa as Mim5ais%ayakulaguru< 
Works on Mimamsa written by the brothers are found everywhere In 
Malabar. One poet of Tiruvapara wrote Lakstm-Manavcdacampu and 
another Narayana, son of Brahmadalfa, wrote the poem Subha^ra- 
harana kavya a 

Chennasu Nariyana wrote Tan$rasamuccaya, a work for artiKans. 
Verses satirising kings composed by him and Kakassen Namlmdn are 
quoted in Malabar, for which it is said they were punished by the 
Zamorm by novel methods of religious degradation Kakasseri Damo- 
4aran Patten was Uddanda's nval and ivrote the play In(]tama#-Raghava" 
Manavikrama himself wrote a commentary on Anargharilghava * Samba- 
Biva, son of Kanakasabhupati, of Sriva^agotra, resident of the village of 
Gopalasamudra, wrote Smgaravilasabhana' to please Manavikrama. 

169. Uddanda' was the son of Ranganafcha and Rangttmba of 

1 Sahttyam (in Malayalam,) Tiruohttr. 

3 TO, IV 8883 Sse pata 16 supra* 

8 TO, IV. 4T78 

I TO, II 3580 , IV. 6018. 

6 TO, IV 4926 

6 He was lraowa as t?d4anda Sagtci Jiv5u»nda Vldyasagaifa (1820-1891 A.t). ) 
In his Oaloutba Ed mistook U44anda for Dandin And made the latter the author of 
MallikamSruJa Sohuyler (Bibl, 90} calls him U44andiu (wrongly), 


Vadhulagotra He lived in the village of Latapura near KancI * Passing 
his literary career at the various seats of learning in South India, he went 
to Malabar m search of fame and there in the courts of kings overcame 
his opponents Manavikrama, the strong Zamonn, \i as his patron His 
success evoked much jealousy, and tradition says* that a pandit's wife 
vowed to beget an adversary and that she did with the help of prayers 
and enchantments of the many learned men of Malabar I he son was 
Kakkasen BhatUltin As a boy of twelve he \anquished Uddanda in 
open completion and composed a Malayalam drama Vasumati-Vikrama 
and a Sanskrit drama Indumati-Raghava * His Kokilasandesa 4 is the 
message of a lover to his beloved at Calicut and is a very fine imitation 
of Meghasandesa of Kahdasa This poem is said to ha\e been written 
m response to a similar poem named Bhrangasandesa sent to the author 
by Vasucjeva, a poet in the Court of Ravivarma and Godavarma, who 
ruled at Calicut * His Mallika-Marufa, a prakarana in ten acts, 8 follows 
in all details the plot of the Malati-Madhava The plot relates the 
affections of two sets of lovers, Malhka and Maruta, and Ramayantiku 
and Kalakantha Mandakmi answers to KamandakT and Kalmdi re- 
sembles Avalokrfca Uddanda has sometimes improved on his original 
His language is attractive and verse melodious The speeches abound 
in apt illustration and proverbial generalisation 

SANi-ARA Marar was Uddanda's friend They met at the temple al 
Guruvayoor and Sankara completed a verse then begun by Uddanda, 
He wrote the poem Sri Kpnavijaya r 

Sukumara or Prabhakara was Uddanda's vounger contemporarj 
His Kf ■•navilasa Kavya* is as good as his name 

1 lb is said in Nallakavi's 8ubhadraparinaya {TO, I 1040) that Uddanda was a 
native of the village of Kandaramanikka (Tacjore District) in Cola country, and 
Uddanda's father KsnganSjha the native of that village was a great writer and among 
his works are Kratuv&igunya Prayaseijtam (DO, II No 1169, TO, I 868) and com- 
mentaries on the Padamanjari and Kanmudi It is therefore probable that Uddanda 
Was born at KandaramSrukkam and later in bis life settled at Latapura near ESnoi 

9 Travanoore State Manual 433 

8 TO IV *7T8 Only two aofcs are available. Iadumaffpannaya (Opp, II 
6882) is a different slay 

i Ed. Triohur (with introduction) 

6 DO, XX 7943 See para 170 post 

6 Ed Calcutta and Mysore with commentary DC, XSX 8446. 

7. Ed. Triohur 

8 Ed (4 cantos only) at Palghal with the commentary of Ramapamvada 


170 Va sude va was the son of Maharsi and (_>opali Maharsi uas 
the famous, scholar of the Pa\jaur Bh.iUa Mana ol Malabar, which be- 
came famous as a cartre ot learning about the end of the l~th century. 
Maharsi had nine sons, well versed in \arious In m« lies of Sansknt 
learning and a daughter The daughter's sou w as a grammarian. Yasudeva 
Vasudeva was the friend ot the drarmtist UtManda .md tlieiefore lived 
about 1423 AD lhe famous Miinavikramd, /amorin of Caluut, was his 
patron In reply to Kokilasanclesa ol IJddanda be wrote lihrngasandega 
or Bhramaradu^a l I allerly he was in the court ot Kings Ra\i Vaxma 
and Godavarma * His Vasude\auj ija s is a poem m illustration of 
the grammatical aphorisms of Pamm It \\ is left unlinished and com- 
pleted by Narayana, veiv hkel) his sister's son, undei the mine Dhatu- 

(0 Devicanta* a poem in \amaka sl^lo in 6 a^vasas, describes the 
story of Goddess GopiSli Devi worshipped in Vodaranyaru or Kunuan- 
golam, as the eighth child of Devnkl and sister of tfn Kysna' In his 
batyafcapahkafcha, he relates m three Ssvasas (he storv of Safvatapas 
also called Mahargi one of the ancestors of the author who made 
penance at Vecl5ran)a md on the banks of tho Nill river now called 
Bharatappola * In Sivodaya the poet gives i history of himself and 
his eight brothers In his Ac>utalI1.i, a poem in Yamaka forin, he 
describes God Acjuta worshipped at Vediinmyam 8 < lajendrarnoksa 
appears to be his w ork * 

171 Panda\a.camj 4, a poem of wliuh I 5 < antos aro available," 
does not mention the name of the author, but the poet salutes a Vasu- 
devakaviwho wroiea\amakapo6in on " Parthaka^ha," Arjuna's story" 

1 DC, XX, 7943 | 00, 507 For the alternative names soo also JBA8, (1884), 

2 Vasudeira, pupil o£ Kaitunakara alias Sahityamallft who ooinmontea on 
Vi^nasSlabhanjikd u another author. 8878 

8 Printed Kavyamala, Bombay DO, XX, 7745 Tho oommontatoi oallsa 

this VSsudeva, a resident of Puruvana 

a. Ibid DO, XX 7745 la tho oolophon tho whole poota la called Vrtsudeva 

Vijayara (TO, III 4056) fft 5TftPW?nT 3I#flftaft *l*mJPrft JPTO«r>fl 

6. TO, IV 4828 8 TO, IV 4581 

6. TO, IV 4529 9. TO, IV 5388 

7 TO, IV 4580 10 TO, IV 5082. 


It is not known what this rarthakatha was Similarly Arjuna-Ravaniya, 1 
is a poem m 17 cantos describing the tight ben. eon Ravana andKanta- 
vlrva, in illustration of the AslSdhjavi of Pamm There is a commen- 
tary by Vasude\.i The manuscnpt is again found m the same place m 
Malabar as Pandavacanta J he author's name is not given there 
It is probable that these two poems were composed by members of the 
MaharM's family 

1 72 Vasudeva, the author of Ramakatha 3 was the son of Uma 
and NSrajana and wrote that prose work at the Court of King Aditya- 
varma, King Sri Vira Kodai Aditya Varma of Kilapperur, Jayasimhanad, 
about 1472 and 1484 A D Under the patronage of King Ravivarma, he 
wrote Govindacantr.i 8 Sanksep tbharat-i* and Sankseparamayanam s 
It is probable that this Nara>ana was the eighth son of Maharsi, or 
Narayana, daughter's son of Maharsi, more likely the latter ' 

1 TO, IV 4281 

2 Punted Madras 
8 DO, XX 7913 

4 DO XXI 8324 4 (with commentaries) , TO, IV 4175 There it is said 
JT^&rasfrf^Rrar ?f^W RRra^ K E Pishatoti identities this King as King of 
Prakata oi Vettat in South Malabar (Bull 0> , Studies, V 707 9 ) 

5 TO, III 4805 

6KB Pisharoti (op c%t ) identifies this Vasudeva with VSsudeva son of 
Maharsi The Travanoore State Manual (I 277 8) give the following account "There was 
on tho 1st of Kumbhom 647 M,E (1472 A D ) a king by the name of Sn Kodai Aditya 
Varma of Kilapperur, Jayasimhanad, the Ssmor Tiruvadi of Siraivoy according to the 
temple ohromolea of Sn Padmanabhaswamy But boyond this bare fact nothing oould 
be ascertained oxocpfc that he might have baen one of the oo regents at the time There 
is another msortphon to piovo that Aditya Varma, the Sanor Tiruvadi of Jayasimhanad, 
as well as his younfler brother named Kama Varma, the Senior Tiruvadi of Siraivoy, 
reigned on the 14th Kumbhom 659 MB (1484 AD) This latter may be identical 
with Sn Vira Kolai Aditya Varma who flourished in Venad in 1572 A D But he is 
mentioned in the temple chronicles as the Senior Tiruvadi of Siraivoy while Aditya 
Varma of 1484 A D is closely referred to in the mBcript on as the Senior Tiruvadi of 
Jayasimhanad, Kilapperur On this basis the reign of Sri Vira Kodai Aditva Varma 
may be taken as having lasted up to the year 1484 A D His younger brother Bama 
Varma was probably his oo regent under the title of the Senior Tiravadi of Siraivoy 
Sbi Vm Bwi Vabma, the Senior Tiruvadi of Tiruppapur, ruled over Venad for a 
period of thirty two yeas from 654 to 686 M B (1479 1512 AD), for the first five 
years of which he ruled probably as oo regent The temple chronicle records that on 
the 3rd Karkadagam 673 M E (1498 A D ) Sri Vira Bavi Bavi Varma made a gift of 
twelve silver pots and granite images as an atonement for sin committed in a fight which 
took place at the northern entrance of Sn Padmanabhaswamy temple, and that he 
granted soma lands adjoining the tank of Viranarayanaseri to the aggreived parties 
Itstates also that on the 24th Madam 675 M E, (1500 A D ) he gave 6,000 fanams as 


173 Narayana Battathin. (Bhatlnpaila) was a Nambudn brahmin 
bom at Melputur near Chandanakkavu De\iktfetra, which is Kurum- 
pattur desa of Ponnani Laluk in Malabar Of that Devi, Narayana was 
,i devotee His. father Matrd.itta was a great scholar His mother came 
from the Payyur Patten family IIo hved between 1560-1646 A I) He 
was until late in his life unlearned , and after his marriage in .i Piftarou 
family of Tnkkanliyur, he studied under a Ac vuta Pifcaroti, ,i learned 
member of the familv Ac)ut.i was not qualified to leach the \eda, but 
«is he did teach Narayana the, he ( ommilted a sin .md was 
attacked bj a Vataroga Narayana got the disease transferred by his 
mesmeric power to himself and by the singing of the Narayaniya, a 
panegvnc of Srlkr^na of Guruvayoor the disease disappeared and he 
Attained Ajurarogyasaukhyam, longevity, health and happiness * This 
expression in anthmitical terminology denotes 1712J10 days of Kali 
as the date of the completion of the work which indicates 7C0 Kollam, 
Vnchika i3th day or 1585 AD This poem is one of the finest speci- 
mens of devotional poetry 

" The fame of Bhaltatm travelled outside Kerala even m his own 
dart., and the renowned Bhatloji Dikshita of Benares, the author of 
Siddhanla Kaumudi and the greatest grammarian of his ago, was so 
much impressed with the profoundly of Bhntlatin's learning in 
that branch of knowledge that he proceeded to South India to see 
Bhattatin and converse with him I earning, however to his regret that 
Bhattatiri had passed away in the meantime, the Dikshita is known to 
have gone back observing that he had no other men to see in 
Dakshmapatha. Bhattatin was also known to the great Pandits of the 
Court of Raghunatha Naik of Tanjore, such as Yajnanar.tyana Dikshita, 
bis minister, and the author of Sahitya Rafuakar.i and other works, 
with whom he used to hold correspondence Bhattatiri appears to 
have visited the courts of the Zamonn of Calicut the Maharaja of 

garvakkattu togobher with a ailvar vessel to tho templo of Sri Padmanabhaswamy to 
expiate the sin of having destroyed soveral villages at that timet Ravi Varraa having 
killed several people during the fights that took plaos m tho year 082 M B (1S07 A D ) 
made anothor gift of twenty seven silver vessels to the same templo together with the 
grant of lands at Voabanur Iialadt and Kuppuka.1 It appears from these gifts that at 
this period several small bitbles werefonght between tho years 673 and 682 ME 
(1498 1S07 A D ) during whioh many people wero killed. The Inscription also makes 
mention of several princes at the time Of these Adits* Vauma and Ujhya Mmvtaota 
Vuma ware reigning sovereigns Jayasimha Deva (afterwards Jayasimha II) and 
Sakalakalai (Sirvanganatha) Martanda Varma wore probably thoir eo regents," 
1, See Travanoore State Manual, II 489 3. 


Cochin and the Rajas of Chempakassen and Vatakkunur, and numerous 
verses have now been discovered which are the composition of 
Bhattatin m praise of Virakerala, the then ruler of Cochin, as also 
of Devanarayana of Ampalapuzha and Godavarma of Yatakkunkur 
Devanarayana is a common name for all the rulers of Chempakassen 
and all that is known of the ruler of that countr} at that time was that 
he was born under the star Puratam It may be stated in this connec- 
tion that Virakerala of Cochin was a great patron of letters and that 
several poets flourished under him The Raja of Chempakassen w as 
also a distinguished patron of learning and several works particular^ 
on Vyakarana appear to have been composed under his specia 
direction Bhattatin did not proceed to Travancore possibly becausel 
Travancore and Chempakassen were not then on fnendlv terms There 
is a verse in the Matsyavatara Champu of Bhattatin from which it may 
be inferred that Ravivarma the ruler of Travancore at that time, who 
was consolidating his position in the south after the reverses that the 
country had suffered as a result of its conquest by Achyuta Raja of 
Vijayanagar, had even incurred the envy of the Raja of Chempakasseri '* 

Bhattatin has written numerous works, on diverse subjects • Stotra 
CampQ, MimSmsa, Vyakarana and Vyakhyana 

174 Narayaniyam is the greatest of his stotra kavyas "It con- 
tains more than a thousand verses, divided into a hundred parts of tenor 
more verses eac h and is a succinct and soul-stirring summary of Srimat 
Bhagava^a Every verse is addressed to the presiding Deity of 
Guruvayur direct, and easily reaches the high water mark of perfection 
in sound and sense Almost every astika in Kerala recite some verses of 
this great poem every day, and there is no human heart which it can- 
not melt and mend The merits of Knshna worship have been dilated 
upon by the poet in a masterly manner in more places than one 
Bhattatin points out than even Sankaracharya, the expounder of the 
Advaita Philosophy, found consolation in composing Bhashyas on 
Vishnusahasranama and Bhagavatgita and composing Vaishnavite 
hymns such as Vishnupadadikesa He takes to task the Nambudn 

1 On NarSyana and Bis works s» Malay ala Bijyam, Annual number Many of 
these are still unprinted and minusoript copies are found in Travanoore Maharaja's 
Library and throughout Malabar with the §*kkiyars Artiole by Ullur S Paramee- 
wara Ayyar in Coohln Maharaja's College Magazine, Vol XII, No S 

2 Printed, Travanoore Sanskrit Series, and at Tnehnr with an introduction by 
K Vastideva Moosad The poet Qnnayl Variyar at a latar date imitated Bhattatin in 
his Ramapanoafetl in praise of the Dolty of Innjalakkuda 



Brahmins of his time who were proud of their birth, but who were not 
de\oted to the worship of Krishna " The whole of Bunijav its^iti hnd 
been beautifully summarised in a single verse which runs as follows 

fWr ?f f> "jrjw. m «mg»l «ppfcr acw* I 

$fa«r ^ts^^tit fffsi ^swt sftsm n^ftfartfrr I 
«nJ $£ ^rt% nffcUHT-rr rt^ fawn* II 

175 He wrote a number of prabhandhas, a v.inely of tampu, on 
several themes Rajasuya, Dutivakya, Pancalisvayamvara, Draupndi- 
pannaya, Subhadraharana, Kiriitn, BhEr<\ta)idclha, Svargarohana, 
Mat->yavatara, Njgamoksa, Gajendramoksa, Syamantaka, Kuchela\rlta, 
Ahalyatnoksa, Niranunasika, DakBayaga, Farvatisvayamvarn, Asldmi- 
campu, Gosthinagaravarnana, Kailasasailavarnana, Surpanakhdpralapa, 
Nalayanicanta and Ramakatha Rajasiiya reveals Bhatlatm's profound 
knowledge of Veda and Mimamsa Those campus were written l>y 
Bhattatiri mainly for the use of $akkiyars Many well known previous 
works such as Bolabharata of Agast) a, Bharatacampu of Anantabhatla, 
Venisamhara of Bhattanarayana and Sihupalavadha of M.lgha have 
been freely quoted from, though the best portions are Bhatt.ilin's com- 
position Kotiviraha and Svnhasudhakara are line spec unens of his 
poetry * 

His son Krf nakavi wrote the poem Tarnhasanka * 

176 Manaveda or Lralpatti R<ija, a /amorin of Calicul, was an 
admirer of Narayana and he imbibed hrs devotion by ardent study of 
his works, and his language displays the similarity He hvod m the 17th 
century AD He wrote his Kr^aagiti or Krpnanalaka on Kali day 
1736612* and his Manavedacampubharat i on Kali day 1733111* besides 
a commentary on Gampuramityana ■ Rndradasa describes the marriage 
of Candraleka and Manavedariija in his Saltaka C atulralekha or Mana- 
vedacanta ' 

1 Printed, Kavyamaia, Bombay 

3 Printed, KavyamSla, Bombay 

8 Printed, Tnohur, \vith an introduction TO, HI 4082, the date given is 

rist ^gfipfhro I 

4 TO, II 2580, DO, XXI, 8267 There is a commentary by Kr§na, TO, 
II 2595 

5 TO, III, 4020 The date given is qi^tfra^Wq; 

a to, iv 


177 Ramapaninada or Raina whose popular name was Kun- 
junni Nainbiyar was bom of the Wanar caste near Kunnankulam, Cochin 
btate, and lived about the middle of 18th cenlurv He was a pupil of 
Narayauabhalta He is one of the best poels of Malabar in Sanskrit 
and Prakrit P or some time he was with the Zamonn of Calicut and 
latterly settled at Kotihnga (Cranganore) where he was performing 
service as drummer m the temple there In Vijnuvilasa, 1 a poem in 8 
cantos, he describes the deeds of Vimiu in the nine incarnations In 
Mukundas$ava, he sings the praise of Mukunda at the instance of King 
Rainavarma of bnkantha familj * While he was living at Sendamangalam 
he wrote the poem Raghavij a in two parts puma and uttara in 20 
cantos on the whole story of Raraavana * Lalijaragha-viya* and Paduka- 
pattabhiseka* are plays on the same theme His Candnka is a Veethi 
said to have been enacted in lnvandrum in the time of King Vanci- 
martanda and Madanaketucanta is a prahasana Besides various works 
on other Sastras he composed in Prakrit the poems U^amruddua, and 
Kamsavaho He commented on Sukumra's Kpnavilasa, 4 Kr?nalilasuka's 
Govindabhiseka, and Narayana's Dhatukav}a T 

Bamavarha of Cranganore was the junior prince, Yuvaraja He 
lived about 1800 His Ramacanti is a poem m 12 cantos 8 on the 
story of Rama, and Rasasadanabhana,* a fine play Some of his ideas 
are very fanciful 10 

178 Sri (bwali) Ramavarma Kulasekhara, Maharaja of Travan- 
core lived in 181J-1897 AD He was the son of Laksmi Ram and 
mhenled the throne in the womb I lis father was Rajarajavanna of 
Chengannasen He was a linguist and his prohi leacy in Sanskrit was 

1 TO IV 5136 

3. TO, IV 5077 There Is a oommoutory by a fellow popil 

8 DO, XX 7838 , TO, IV. 5T78, wibb, oom na it wy, TO, IV, 5005 

i DO, XXI 8512 

5 The manusorlpfc is in Kalakvtb. IUotn ra Milibir. 

6 Printed, Tnohur 

7 jDO.XX 7745, TO, IV. 5111 

8 Printed, Poona DO, XX 7815 
9. Ed KSvymSls, Bombay 

10 Por instance 

?ra»r s%T sswft ^ ^^i^Trsrr 
^OTR^rffiRWrte^ i **&% II 


admirable Besides his poems Padmanabhasataka, Ajamilopakhyana, 
Kui.ol(ipakh>ana and Bhaktunanjari,* be wrote the prabandhas, Utsava- 
varnana and S} anandurapuravamana * In the latter, he described the 
incarnation and stones relating to God Padmanabha of Invandrum 

179 Keralavarma (Vaha Komi 1 ambiran) was the consort of 
Maharani L.ik^hmi Bavi of 1 ravancore Tie was one of the greatest 
of modern poets and was held in high esteem lie lived between 
1843-1910 8 He has been called Kerala Kahdasa Of his. Sanskrit 
works, * have the Visakharjjam.ihakavj'a, Kamsavndhacampu, Si ngara- 
manjari, Guruvayupuresa&totra, Vjaghralayesasntika, Sonadrlhasatrikd* 
and K->amiIpannsahdsra ' 

180 Manavikrama Lttan I ambiran, the /amonn, died about 
1920 He was an evtempore poet and wrote several small poems 
A K Rajaraja Varma (Koil Tambiran) was the superintendent of Sanskrit 
Studies m 1 ravancore Besides an original commentary on Painni, he 
wrote Angalasamrajya Mahalavya and a poem Vilavibhavan lie lived 
in 1863-1918 AD 

J ola Nambudn w rote mahakavya, 1 olakavya Kdnyath of Candan- 
palh wrote Ramacantikavya Kunju Kuthan Tambiran wrote the poem 
Yiidavavijaya Nambudnpad of Ldavalhikodmana wrote Rukmini- 
svayamvaraprabandha , Kunhukattan I ambiran of Cranganoor wrote 
Kiratavyayoga and Babhruvahanacampu , Koihunni 1 ambiran of 
Cranganur wrote the poem Gosncanta, Banayudhacampu, Vipra- 
sandesa and bhanas Anangavijaya and Vitarajavij iya Ramawanar of 
Kaikolangara wrote Aryasaptasati Unni Nambudnpad of Muthukunsi 
and Mahijamangala Nambudn wrote bhanas V<dcalhol Narayanamenon 
(born 1890) wrole Mahiikav\a I apatisamvarana, Devisttva and KfSna- 

Ihe poetess Manorama died a hundred years ago Lakwrn Rajni, 
a princess of Kadathanat Kdavalath palace wroto Sunpnagopalakavya 
and died about 12 years ago Subhadra, pnncess of Cochin, who died 
in 1921, wrole Saubhadrastava 

1 Ed It Sras Benoo. 

2 Ed Tr Saus Series, with coniniontary 
8 Trav State Manual, IX, 188. 

& Printed, Tcavanoore. 

5 tTho manuscript is in Travancoro, 


Mahakavyas (contd) 

181 Parvatiyamsavali* gives a list of rulers of Nepal with 
the lengths of their reigns and an occasional reference to dates of 
accession It dales back from 1768 AD, to seven or eight centuries 
before Kahyuga It consists of several dynasties of kings, and Bhunu- 
varman, the first king of the 5th of the Suryavamsi dynasty, is distinctly 
described as having been crowned in Kali 1389 (1712 B C ) and Sivadeva- 
varman the 27th king of this Suryavamsi dynasty is placed about 338 B C 
For, it will be seen that Amsuvarman, the 1st king of the 6th or Thakun 
dynasty, is stated to have been crowned in the year Kali 3000 (101 B C ) 
and reigned 68 years from 101 B C to 30 B C and in his time, 
Vikramadi^ya came to Nepal and established his Era of 57 B C there 
Amsuvarman is described as the son-in-law of Visvadevarman, the 3rd 
and last king of the 5th or the Suryavamsi dynasty who reigned for 51 
years from 152 B C to 101 B C whom he succeeded Similarly, the 
30th king Vijnudevavarman, the predecessor of Viivadevavarman 
reigned for 47 years from 1 99 to 152 B C His predecessor Bhimadeva- 
varman, the 29th king, reigned for 36 years from 235 to 299 B.C the 
28th king, Narendravarman reigned for 42 years from 277 to 235 B C, 
and lastly the 27 th king Sivaijevavannan abovenamed reigned for 61 
years from 338 to 277 B C 

"But a good deal of confusion has been introduced into the 
chronology of the dynasties of kings ihat ruled at Nepal by Dr Fleet, 
and other orientalists by mistaking the Harsa Era given in some of the 
copper plates as referring to an era supposed to have originated with 
Hars.avardb.ana Siladitya of KSnyakubja (Kanouj) who is ascertained to 
have lived (or reigned) from 606 or 607 A D Thus m a Charter of 
Paramabhatlaraka Maharajadhiraja S^vadevavarman, the 27th king of 
the 5th or the SuryavamBi dynasty of the Nepal kings above referred lo 
{who according to Nepalese Chronology ruled from 338 B.C. to 277 
B.C. for 61 years), the date of his accession to the throne is given as 
Harsa Samvat 119 These orientalists at once assume the Har^a 
Samvat to be an era founded by Harsavardhana, the patron of Bona 
and contemporary of Hraen Tsang, the Chmese traveller who travelled 

1. Published by Bhagavanlal Iadraji, U, XIII, 411-28, 


m India from 629 to 645 A D On this assumption they lake the 
Harsa bainval 1 19 given in Sivadevavarman's charter as equivalent to 
1 19-J-606 or 607 A,D (the initial date of Harsabardhana biladilya) or 
725 or 726 A D and at once concluded that the Nepala Vamsavah 
which places feivadevavarman's accession about 33S B C calculated 
according to the dates given in Kaliyuga, must be a mistake, and that 
accordingly he should be placed about 725 or 726 A D 

Taking this wrong assumption as true the w hole uf the Vamsavah 
of the Nepal Kings has been mercilessly meddled with and altered 
according to this new theory, m disregard of all the specific dates given 
there There is no tradition or record that ILirSav.mlhana feiladilya 
of Kanouj inaugurated any era of his own If I Earsavanlhana, or King 
Harsa as he is usually called, had really founded any such era 
corresponding to 606 or 607 AD, it must have been dated from the 
accession of that famous king, it is unlikely that if such an era had 
been founded by Harsavardhana, the contemporary admirers* of the 
King Bana Bhatta and Hiuen 1 asang, would have failed to notice 
it in their works 

How, then, is this difficulty to be solved i What does the Harsa 
Samvat in Sivadevavarman's charter denote ? I he answer is this In the 
HarSa Era which dates 400 years before the Samvat or the Vikrama 
era, founded by Vikramaduya of Malava, lhe era of Sn Lfarpa or the 
Harsa Samvat may be taken to indicate the la minus ad f//«v«oflhe 
suzerainty if Sn Harsa Vikrainaditya of Ujjan, the < ontomporary of 
Hiranya Matrgupta and Pravarasena II, the Jrd, 4lh and 5th Kings of 
of the Third Goanda Dynasty, described in Kalhana's R«ij<it,arangini 
It dates from 457 B C just 400 years before tho Vikrama ora of 57 BC 
Alberuni, the celebrated Muhamadan historian speaks of tho existence 
of a Harsa era in Nepal and other Northern countries in his time and 
according to him, it falls exactly about 457 B C jusl 400 yoars before 
the Samvat or the Vikrama l<ra 

Now if we lake lhe Ilarpa Samvat as referring to tho Harsa Era 
spoken to by Alberuni Sivadevavarman of tho Nep.ilese Charter in 
question will have to be placed B C 457, J 19 or 338 B.C which exactly 
tallies with the original date assigned to the said king in the Nepal 
and the objection raised by these authenticity of tho Vamsavah have no 

1, Albetum's Inlia, lcanslut3l aaJ published by Dr. Edward 0. Baohan, Vol. II, 
Oh XLIX.p 7 


182. Vardkamana was pupil of Govindasun, .1 Svetambnra 
jam He was m the Court of Siddharaja 1094-1 143 * He composed 
his Ganaratnamnhodadhi m Sam 1197,* in which His Knyaguptaka 
(where the predicate is concealed in the verses) and his Siddharaja- 
vamana describing the history of his roval patron are quoted 

183 Sambhu* was a de\otee of Siva and a poet of the court of 
King Har>>a (1073-1101 AD) His son Ananda,* also a poet, was one 
of the assembly of distinguished persons that heard the first reading of 
Srikanthacan^a In Mankha at the house of Alankara,' minister of 
King Ja> asimha (1 129-1 1 "9 A D ) His verses are quoted in SubhaBita- 
vali by Vallabhndeva He appears to have travelled all over India 
and frequently refers to Malabar and ^outh India He admires fluency 
of diction " 

His Rajendrakarnapurct 7 is a eulogium of King HarSa, his patron, 
m the form of an address and Ayoktimuktalat 5 ? is a collection of 
ingenious verses on various topics indicating an indirect meaning * 

184 Kalhana was the son of Campaka Campaka was minister 
of King Har^a of kasmir (1089-1101 A D ) When that king fell into 
trouble and was finallj assasinated he w as faithful to him and kept away 
from politics Campaka had a brother Kanaka to whom King Haifa 
taught music Kalyana or Alakadatjfca was his patron " Kalhana was 
well-versed in all legendar> lore and was by nature -well-fitted for 
historical investigation His ambitiOD was to wnle a chronicle of the 
kings of Kasmir After Sussala's son Jayasimha (1127-1159 AD) came 
to the throne and he was in his Court He began his work m 1149 

1. See para 70 miva 

2 Ed London 

3. PB, I 11-12 See para 72 Supra CO, 1 686 Ral, VII 948 

4 Vallabhadeva m his SubhSgitSvah quotes poets Tho Ananda, BhafctSnandaka, 
EajanakSnandaka and Rsuidauanda and it is not possible to identify them There is a 
poet Ananda referred to in Padyavali 

^S*fftRWPS 53 fRJPWlft H Srikm XXV 97 

6 He says 'JOT^W&U'sM W^ W&ffi W&t^ I 

7 B!d KSvyamSIa, Bombay He refers to Mnnja (verse 17) 

8 Ed KSvyamala, Bombay, Bee PB, I. 81 

9 See under Mankha, para 79 supra 

262 MAHI-K5.VYA 

AD,* and completed his Riijatarangim m a year with the prevailing 
sentiment Santa 

Kalhana was at once a poet and chronicler lie did not forget 
his poetry m the course of his narration His was a Mahakavya in every 
sense of the term, with sunta as the prevailing sentiment The turbulent 
times of his boyhood and the pathetic ston of KingIIar>>a to whom his 
father adhered must have made him pessimistic and there is a vain of 
satire everywhere He was very god-fearing and his devotion to Siva 
was extreme and Him he praised in his Ardhanarisvarastotra a It 
appears as if his motive in writing the History of Kings was not merely 
to record a story of events mundane, to which he attached little im- 
portance, but to illustrate the unreality of human fortunes and the 
vicissitudes of pompous royalty Just as Valmiki did, Kalhana realised 
that the doctrine of fate was the sensible solution of life * 

Before proceeding to attempt the poem he rightly realised his 
duty and when he said 

W*f^ *& 3°!^ *Mi*Hf^W I 

and he kept up this ideal unaffected by the events of his chronicle 

According to Kashmir tradition, he wrote a poem Jay.isimhalihyu- 
daya, apparently a history of the achievements of King Jayasimha * 

185, Kalhana mentions previous writers — "Suvrala,* whose work, 
he says, was made difficult by misplaced learning , Kshomendra who 
drew up a list of kings, Ntpavak,* of which, however, he says, no part 

1 Kd by Darga Prasad and by Troyer Translated into English by Y Datta 
and by M A Bfcoin "Kalhana's Chronicle of Kashmir" with a valuable introduction 
For editions and translations and for notes on Kalhana, see 14, 17 107 , VI 264 , 
XVIII 66, 97 , XL 07 , XVII 801 Bee also JBBAS, Extra No 1877. On the 
olose logioal affinity between Harsaoanjni and Rajaforangini, sso 70 J, XII 83 , JRAS, 
(1894), 486 and Bteui's Int I 183 

4jfiWl+ siKiw WIH PMI'Srawc II — T 28 

8 Planted, KavySmSIS, Bombay 

4 A verse of this poem is quoted m Rsjnakitha Sarasimmuoinya, lor verses 
quoted in anthologies, see Peterson lut to Subh 18 

5. There are poets Snvraja and SuvraJadaJta quoted in Slum 

Mentioned in KSvyamSia I, 35 RSjavall Is ft history of Kings of Hindustan 
from before of Kaliynga up to Warren Hastings by Vijayagovinda Slmfaa 00, 1 608. 

MAH5.-KA.VYA 263 

was free from mistakes , Nilamuni, who wrote the Nilauatapuraxa * 
Helaraja, who composed a list of kings in twelve thousand verses , and 
Snmihira or Padmamihira, and the author of the Srichchhan iri-A His 
own work, he tells us, was based on eleven collections of Rajvkathvs 
or stories about kings and on the w orks of Nilamuni " He verified the 
traditional dates by reference 1o grants, inscriptions, manuscripts etc 

1 Ed by Kanajilal with prefaoe and appsudioes See Elian Daj%, 110 , Sinn, 

la the introduction to Rajitarangini, Stem says "Theol&sb extub text, which 
deals in detail with Kasrmnan Tirthas, is the Nilamatapwana This work whioh 
Kalhanausel as one of his souross ot information, claims to give the sacred lagan la 
regarding the origin of the oountry, and the special ordinanoes whioh Nila, the lord of 
Easmir Nags, had revealed for the worship and rites to be observed in it It is 
unnecessary to refer here to the legends whioh are relited at the oommenosment of the 
work, and to ' the nfce3 proolaimed by Nil* ' whioh are next detailed, and with the 
former oooupy about two thirds of the exfciut test These parts have been fully 
disonssed by Prof Buhler in his luoid anilyais of the Nilamata The remaining 
portions, howavor, deserve special notice For, to use Prof Buhkr'a words, ' they 
form a real mine of Information legardmg the saored plaoes of Kasmir and their 
legends ' 

In the first plaoe we find there a list of the pnnoipil Nagas or siored springs of 
Kasmir (vv 900 975) This is followed by the interesting legend regarding the MaJia 
vadma lake, the present Volur, whioh is supposed to oooupy the plioe oi the submerged 
city of Oandrapura (vv 976 1008) The Puraua then prooeeds to an enamerat»on of mis- 
cellaneous Tirthas ohicfly conoeoted with Siva's worship (vv 1009-18), To this is 
atfcaohed a very detailed aooount, designated a BhutesvaramHiatmya of the legends 
ooauoofcei with the numerous lakes and sites oa Mount Haramukufci saored to Siva and 
Parvati (vv 10t9 1148) Of a similar Mahatmya relating to the Kapafcesvara Tirtha, 
the present Kother, only a fragment is found in our esfrint text «(vv 1149 68) The list 
of Yishnu Tirthas whioh succeeds it (vy 1169 121S), is oonywatively short, as indesd 
tho position of this god is a secondary one in the popular worship of Kasm r 

After a misodlaneous list of sacred Sngtroni or river ojnflaences, Nagis and Ukes 
(vv 1219 78) , we are treated to a somewhat more detailed synopsis of the ohief Tirthas 
of Kasmir (vv 1271 1371) This is of spooLal interest, bsoausa an attempt is nude here 
to desonbe these Tirthas in something like topographioal order, and to gronp with them 
such localities as are visited along with them on the same pilgrim ige It is thus 
possible to determine, with more certainty taw in the case of other Tirtha lists, the 
particular holy sites mlly inten led bythaaithor This synopsis starts in tho east 
with the fountain of the Nilanaga (Vemiga), and follows with mire or lew wourvoy the 
course of theVitasH and its tributaries to the gorge of VawJiaraiH A short 
Vitaatamahatmya, describing the original and mu »alms powers of this holiest of 
Kasmimvers (vv 13711401) qIos>s the test of the Nihmttt, snA « it is band in 
our manuscripts " 


He used the Laukika era m his computation "1 he 241 h year nf the 
Laukika corresponds* with the year 1070 of ' * 

186 Book I treats of Gonanda d>aasl\ Rook II bimgs us to a 
new line of Kmgs and Book JH mentions the restoration of Gonanda line 
under M eghavahana Book IV begins in Knrkota Dv nasty '1 he d\ n tsly 
was overthrown by Avantivarman, grandson of Utpala Book V narrates 
the history of the Utpala dynash The Lohara d\ nasi v succeeds 
pepcefullj in Book VI and Book VII concludes with tho assaswalioti of 
Kmg H-usa In Book VIII there is a long account of the <i>unlr} of 

ST^F^ 2TTcf fff¥ qfapW II 

" Liukika era is placel on Caitra Buddha I of Kali yoir 9S (ovpirod) or tho year 
8070 75 B laukika year is counted at present in Kosmir from tho fust day of tho 
bright half of the lum solar month Chitra Kalhani follows the idoutiual leekomng, 
In Raj VII 811 Kalhani says that UeoaU was murderis! on Gth Pauw Buddha 
of L:vukika4t87 and the detbronem°nt of his suoco-Ror who 3 months and 37 days 
later, that is, 3rd Valsakha Buddha of Laukika 4188 Tho months arc rookonol by 
his Purnimanja as it is to day in TQsmir 17or a full disouwiou of ths Laukikt on, 
soeBuhler's Rep. 59 et ssq anl Cunniughaoi's Indian Eras 0»17 Tho omission of 
the centuries in giving Laukik* dices ih an anoiont oustom " 

" The Lok-kil, or " ooinmon ora," oillort also tho Sapi Bishikal, or " on of tho 
seven Eishis," is a oyold of 2700 years divided into twonty sovon oontcnary periods, a 
new reookoiung being started at the beginning of cash oontnry The theory of tho cycle 
is, that the seven Bishis, or stars of Ursa Major remain for ono ocntary !u ouch of tho 
twenty seven nakshatras, or lunar mansions All authorities agree in making Aswiiii 
the first of tho Nakshatras, and In sbsting that tho Mahabharita took pHco when the 
Bishis wore in the lunar eonstellation Magha, the tenth of tho sones Tho Puranas, and 
the practioe of all tho people who still use this oyolo, etoopting only tho Kashmiris, 
agree in making the ora of Yudhishthira tho samo as tho Kali yug i AH, howovor, 
agree in stating that, at the time of tho Mahnbharata, tho seven Bishis had already 
passed 75 year* in Magha Bat as Varaha plioos tho (Troafc war 058 years after the 
beginning of the Kali yuga, or in 2440, B O , that year shoull have been tho 76th of 
tho tenth Nakshatra, and the 070th year of tho oyolo This would hx tho licet year of 
eaoh centenary period to tho 35th year of oacih century B , and to the 7Gth year of 
eaoh oantury A D But to prevent the .oonfnsion that would thus have arisen Varaha 
simply ignored the genorally aooeptad bdiof that tho Bishia had spont 75 yoars in Migha 
when the Mahabharata took plaoj and retained tho initial points of tho Sapfcarshl 
centurios only bringing Magha down from B.O 8177 (or 8102 & 75) to B 0, 2477 
Aooordingly, Varaha's followers plaae tho initial point of tho Vrihaspati OLikra in 
3377 B O in Aswini so that eaoh century begins in tho 20th yoav of oitoh oontury Of tho 
Kali yuga exactly as Dr Buhlor was informal ThisaUn aooords with the atatemont 
of my Kashmiri informant tint tho Bishis had oomplotod throe revolutions less 25 
years m the Dwapara yuga before tho Kail yoga began , that is, thoir Ohakra prroadad 
tho Kali yuga by 875 years, equivalent to B O 3377, or 810^+278 years."— 

MAI1A.-KA.VYA 265 

furly years from the at.cess.ion of Uccala lhe book mentions fa)a- 
bimha, son of Sussaln, as the reigning sovereign, 1 and concludes b) an 
apt simile comparing the seven parts of his chronicle with the se\en 
branches of the Godavari * 

187 Kalhana critic ses the uew that Mahabharala was fought 
about beginning of Kali \ uga and fi\es it a^ 633 years later He equates 
the 24th } ear of Laukika era 1070 years of Saka eia and places the first 
King Gonanda m the year 653 Kali There he was in error and his 
attempt to go against the tradition landed him in a misapprehension s 

1 la all, the books treat of the dynasties of (i) Gonanda (1st and 2nd) (u) Karkofca 
(Duutfabhavatdhana to Aoangapida 601855 AD) (ui) U{pala ( Avanbivarman to 
S.inkatavarman and Par|ha 865 to 989 A D ) dv) Viradeva (Yasaskaradova) and 
Siugi3madeva 940 to 949 A D (v) Divira (ParvagupJ* to Bbima 950 to 1003 A D, 
(yi) Lohara (SangrSuiaraja to Jayasiruha 1001 to 1158 AD For geneology, sea 
V Yaidya's Btstory of Med India, I 202 21 

ftsrr^ fJrtrf?r uaradipfton II 

3 In the Intioduotion to BSjatarangini, Stein says "Kalhana takes as the 
starting point of the ohronologioal oaloulations the traditional date indicated by Varaha 
uuhira's Bahatawnbita for the. coronation of Yudhisthira, the Pandava hero of the epios, 
viz the yoar C53 of the Kali era The date of this legendary event is accepted by nun 
also for tho aooassiou of Gonanda I, tho first of the ' lost ' kings of Kasmir, whose 
name, as we are told, was reoovered by tho Ohroruolee (or his predecessors) from the 
Nilainata Purana The ex»ot reasoa for the equation of these dates is nowhere given. 
But it appears that the story as oonfcained in tho earlier version of the Nilamata which 
Kalhana had before him, represented Gonaada I in a general way as a contemporary 
of the ' Kauravas and Pandavae.' 

Kalhana next assumes a penoa of 2209 years as the aggregate length of the leigos 
of Gonanda I and his successors as detailed in Book I For this statement Kalhana 
does not adduoe his authority, though it is oa9 of tho mwn biais of his chroaohjy 
But tho importance which he attaohed to it, is evident from the trouble he takes to 
provo its correctness He does this by ehowing that if to the figure of 2263 yeara are 
aided the 083 years from the commencement of the Kali era to Gonanda I 's aoeessioni 
as well as the years (1328) repi esenbing the rough total of the reigns described in 
Books 1I-V11I, we arnvo at an aggregate of 4249 years which corresponds exactly to 
the 4249 years of the Kali Yoga elapsed in Saka 1070, the date when Kalhana wrote his 

Kalhana himself tells us that the ojlculation of a total of 2281 years for the regnal 
period Of the first Gonanda dynasty had been " thought wrong by some authors " As 
the ground of their objection ha indioates tho belief (according to him, erroneous) which 
placed the ' Great War ' of the Kuros and the Pandavas at tha olose of the Dvapara 
Yuga, 1 e at the ojmmnujeiinnt of the Ktli er* Fun this remirk it n, evident that 


188 Kalhpna's Rajatarangim was followed l>y Jonaraja and 
Srlvcira Jonaraja wrote the history from King [aynbimha to Sultan 

KalhHria -was not tho hrst to propose the aljovo figure for the aggregate length of the 
reigns of Gonanda and his descendants, and, further, that tho connection of Gonanda I's 
dato with tho legendary date of the Bharata war was gcnorally assumed by writers on 
Kasmir history Kalhana's leticenoe docs not allow us to go beyond this We know 
neither the soutoe from which he obtained that base of his chronological system, nor 
by what figure the outios he a Utiles to were prep-wed to replace it 

Kalhaua's Introduction furnishes us only with two moro ohronoloyail statements 

of a general oharaoter One is at the time of Kalhana's writing or in Saka Samvat 

1070, " on tho whole 2380 years hal passad sinoe tho aocession of Gonanda III," and 

11 e other that 1266 years wore " believed to be comprised in the sum of the reigns of 

J (fifty two lost kings" 

In explanation of tho fltst statement it has to be nolod that it is only from 
r nanda III onwards that Kalhana is able to indicate tho length of individual roigns, 
With this ruler begins in foot tho continuous list of kings which Kalbiuu professedly 
obtained f Lorn the works of earlier ohromoleis We havo already seen that a ' rough 
calculation,' as implied by Kalhana's expression {pi ayah, 'on the whole'} of tho 
aggregate duration, of those reigns aolually gives us tho total of 2330 yearb kalhana 
doe3 not tell as distinctly whether ho took the figures for individual loigns summed up 
ia this 'rough' total, also from the " works of formor soholars" which supplied the 
dynastio names from Gonanda III onwards It is banco a ptiori not coitain whether 
these earlier sources already knew the data of Gonanda Ifl's aocessiouas indicated by 
Kalhana's calculation, vU 1919 Kali or 1162 B 

As regards the seoond statement, allotting 1260 years to tho wholo of tho roigns of 
tho 'lost* kings who preceded Gonanda 111, it is evident that thisfiguro could easily 
bo oomputed cither from the traditional sum of 2268 years for tho whole ponod of the 
hest Gonanda dynasty or from tho rough total of 2330 years just discussed Kalhana's 
Words, in faot, seem to imply that this oompiltation hai boon male by himself. 

Period from the death of Oipiata Jayapida, Iiautoka Samvat 88 (tv. 703), to tho 
date of Kalhana's Introduction, Imukika Samvat 42 (l 52) —335 

Tho oxiot total of these figures would be 1329 years, 3 months and 28 days, But 
if we disregard the odd months and days found in tho aggcotjato of Books n and lii , 
the result will bo again 1328 yoius We are all tho moro justified in adopting this 
ntaunor of calculation as Kalhana's words (i 53) distinctly imply that ho himself hod 
arrived at tho flguro of 2330 years foi tho total from donanda 111 to his own liino by a 
Similar ' rough * reckoning. 

Total of reigns of tho firBt Gonanda dynasty , 2268 

Daduet for reigns from Gonanda dynasty, to YulhiBthira I 1002 

Results a total for ' l03t ' kings' years . , iggg 

The same result is obtained by dodaotuig from ., 
the number of Kali years olapsod in Saka Samvat 1070 — 4249 

tho aggregate number of years of known reigns, , 2880 

& the number of Kali years passed bofoio Gonanda 1 1 , , 058 



jamlabidm (1417-1+67 AD ) His pupil Srlvai a continued the history 
from 1419 to 1486 AD The story of a few more \ears till the 
annexation of Kasmir by Akbar was told by Prajyabhatta and his. pupil 
Suka m Rajavahpataka * 

The following calculation shows that the year In whioh Kalhana wrote his intro* 
duotiou, was Laukikn samvat 4J24 — 

Listanoe between Kali 25 (initial date of Laukika eta) and the initial date 
of the Saka era gjg^ 

Distance between Sakasamvat 1 and Kalhana's time . 1070 

Total of Saptarsi years 4324 

We are led by two calculations to the total of 1828 years as Kalhana's aggregate of 
the reigns from tho olose of the first Gonanda dynasty to Kalhana's time Deducting 
from the total of 2368 years for the reigns oompnsed in Boot 1, these 1256 years which 
Kalhana allows " for the sum of the reigns of the fifty two lost kings" (1 51), thara 
remain 1002 years for the aggregate rule of tho Lings the length of whose reigns is 
specified in Book 1, (from Gonanda III, to Nfirendiaditya I ), and of Yudhisthira, the 
last king of Book I, the duration of whose reign Kalhana has omitted to indicate If 
we deduct these 1002 years from the rough total of 2330 years which Kalhana mentions 
as having elapsed from the aocession of Gonanda III to his own time (1 53), we get 
result of 1328 years as the aggregate length of tho reigns in Books 11 viii 

The othei calculation we may follow is to add up the figures given m the seven 
later Books These ore, according to the text, adopted for our translation as follow — 

Years Months. Days 
Total of reigus of Book li 193 

i, ni 589 10 1 

from Durlabhavardhana to Cippata Jay&pida 212 5 2? 

P L Namsimhaswami says (lA,Xh 162) "Tho fallaoy of Kalhana's calca- 
lition will bo evident on a little consideration Ho says that 2330 years have elapsed 
botween Gonauda III and himself, and 1266 years between Gonanda II and Gonanda HI 
Therefoie (2830 266) 8596 years must have elapsed between Gonanda II and himself, 
who lived in 1070 Saka This assigns a date (8596 1070) 2526 years before the Saka era 
to Gonanda II But from older authorities, Kalhana learns the fact that king 
Gonanda II was too young at the time of the Groat Battle to take part in it According 
to the old view, the Battle of Mahabharata took pljoe 8179 years before the Saka era 
(i e, at the beginning of the Kaliyuga), while Kalhana's calculation makes the time of 
Gouanda II (a contemporary of Pandhavas) to 2526 years before Saka era So to get 
over this difficulty, Kalhana brings down the Pandhavas to 635 (8179 2536) Kali This 
is the explanation of Kalhana's calculation The author's real mistake lies in th 
statement that 1206 years have elapse! D3tween Gouanda II and Gonanda III. For b 6 
says in his own book Cfgf^SFR^rqrtfr fRTfeRffcRTPft Thirty five Kings were 
drowned in the ooean of forgetfulaess Snob, mistakes in his ohronology led him to his 
wrong conclusion " 

1. These are printed along with Kalhana's Work in Bombay, 


Jonaraja was son of Nonanlja and grandson of ] ovlaraja 1 He 
wrote commentaries on Kirataxjumya, 3 lMhuraj imj ija," ind Siikanlha- 
carita on vara also wrote SubhoiiUivali, Jauutrajat iranglm, and Katha- 
kautuka in verse, a historj ol Yusuf and Zuhka tr.mslated from the 
original Persian poem of Jami * 

189 SanuHy vkaranandin, son of Prajapatmandm, describes the 
history of KingBamapala of Bengal, who regained his ancestral king- 
dom which had been usurped by Bhima and ruled in 1J04-1130 AD , 
in the poem Ramapaldcarrfca s 

190 Jalhana 8 is mentioned by Mankha with admiration as a 
minister at the Court of RSjapun the capital of King Somapala, son of 
bangramapala When Sussala was preferred to his oldest brother 
Uccala to the throne of Kasmir, he went away displeased to Rajapun* 
On the history of that king he wrote a poem bomapalavilasa* on which 
Rajanaka Rucaka commented * His Mugtthopaitesa is elhu al 10 

i 00, 1 208 , bos Poterson Xnt to Sttbh 48 

2 Composed in 1149 A D 

3. BKB, 101 *> xui , 00, 1 8G7„ HB, (1833 i), 51 

i. Piloted (foreign) with a translation by Rich, Schmidt 

5 Ed by Haraprasad Sastri, Mem ASB, III See El, IX 821 

6 Ho is different from Arohaka BhagadaJJa Jalhim t, author of Suktiniulavall 
{3 BRAS, XVII 57), on which ace under SumiasiSas post 

7 See para 72 supra Peterson, Hudh, 41 2, 

8 WlfRRf TR& afo^T^ # I 

cHfjiwlMm^i^ f^w m&fc II 
? fcf ^rrrsR^fs^f «^TT3tg(f irfir || 

this is quoted by Rsiuakantha in S$titJkut!Uni5u3iili Sdo 00, I. 203 
tthore is a Vcise of the poem preserved in K3vyaprSfa sarasamuooaya 

^r^r «* *sfcf *ftgv ^ «rr$i »#r *t*ta 11 

10. Printed, KavyamSla, Bombay, 


191 Jayadratha, 1 (Rajanaka) was the son of ^yngararatha, 9 
and brother of Ja-taratia of Kasmir He was a pupil of Subhatadatta 
and Sankhadhara He suas m his laatriilokaviveka that his great 
grand-father's brother Sivaratha was minister of King Uccala of Kashmir 
(1 101-1 111 AD / Ja>adratha quotes from Pffchvlrajavijava composed 
in about 1190 A D and must therefore have lived about the beginning 
of 1 3th century AD* In poetics he wrote Alankaraumar&im,' 1 and 
Aliiokarodaharana * 

His poem Harac\ritacintaaiani t " relates m thirty-two cantos as 
many legends connected with Siva and his \anous Avataras Eight of 
these legends are localized at well-known Kasmirian Tirthas, and give 
the author ample opportunity of mentioning sacred sites of Kasmir 
directh or indirectly t onnected with the former Jayadratha's detailed 
exposition helps to fix <. learly the furm which the legends regarding 
some of the most popular of Kasmirian Tirthas had assumed in the 
time immediately following Kalhana The local names as recorded bv 
Javadratha, agree closely with those of the Rajatarangini The) prove 
clearly that the forms employed by Kalhana must have been those 
generallj current in the Sanskrit usage of the period For the inter- 
pretation of the Nilamata's brief notices the Haracantacmtamani is of 
great value Its plain and authentic narrative of the vinous local 
legends enables us often to trace the numerous modifications which the 
latter as well as the names of localities connected with them have 
undergone in the e\tant Mahatmjas Jayadratha has well earned the 
honour unwittingly bestow ed upon him by those who brought his 
fourteenth canto which deals with the story of Kapatesvara, into 
general circulation as the authoritative Mahatmva of that Tirtha at the 
present day "* 

1 The pubhshod texts have the name J iyawtha Id Steia'a Kasmu Catalogue, 
the name Jayaratha is given as author of AlanhSraviraWbini and Jayaratha and Jaya- 
dratha are treated as identical Aufrejht (00, 1 200,801,754, II. 167, 764) treats 
them as brothers and mikes Jiyadra^ha author of these works given above and 
Jayarajha as author of Tintralokavlveka and relies on Peterson's nwuusonpt of Ratna- 
kanbha's SSrasamucoaya 

2 flrugSra's verses are quoted in Shm, V 25 

3 Baj, VHI 111 

4 Jaoobi Identifies Jayadratha's father's patron Ra>ra> with RSijodeva who 
ruled at Sa^isaras in 1203-1296 A D (Sea Joaaraja's Baiatarang%ni, 79) 

6 This is a commentary on Ruyyaka's Alankarasarvasva Printed, Bombay 

6 SRC, 59 (where the name is fouud as Jayarajha) 

7 Ed by Sivadattja and Parab, Bombay 00, 1. 754' BKR, XIV Ci, PS, II 18 

8 Steins Int to Raj 


192 Prlhvirajavijaya 1 is an epu by Chnndakavi on the life 
of Pfthviraja, the Chahanian king of Ajmeer I]e dcfeiled Sultan 
Shahabuddin Ghori in 1191 AD, but was however overcome and 
killed later on Soon after the victory the poem seems to have been 
begun and was left unfinished probably owing to his adversity 
Jonaraja had commented on it 

193 Veuudevaratha, son of Govindaof Atre\n£otri, flourish- 
ed in the court of Purusotlima (Annngnbhima) of Kallak about 1423 
AD His father's father ►Srinivasa wrote a poem in 20 cantos 

In his Gangavams\nucarita, s in prose and poeln, ho describes 
the dynastic history of the Ganga prim es who ruled ovor Kalinga 8 It 
is mostly in the form of dialogue between \ idyarnava and his wife 
Lilavati who seem to ha\e previoush \isited the Magadha and the 
Karnata conntnes " He at first goes to a miserU Andara King He 
then visits Sri Kurma and thence proceeds to Pun 1 he car festival of 
the place is desenbed and the history of Purusoitama, the traveller's 
chief patron, is described at length Anangnbhima, as early Ganga 
prince, is said to have founded Pad man ibhapura as an agrahara for 
South Indian Brahmins Bhimapur.i was hkewiso constructed and 
called afler his name Ananga's great-grandson boro his name and 
conquered the princes of Katak in 1 193 AD I lis lv\ elfth desc endant 
established Kapilendra of the throne I he Gangas left the ( )rlya 
country and settled at Gudankataka In the eighth Paru c hoda is given 
a detailed genealogy of the Gangas down to Purusotamadeva His 
third ancestor Padmanabha, is said to have killed one Mallik, a 
Muhamniadan general sent by the I< mpen >r of Dolhi, at a plai o c ailed 
Nmdapun A more detailed examination of the work will furnish the 
historian with much useful material for his pmposo 

1 Ed BI, by S K Balvalkar with JonarSja's oommnntary OC, t 84S Sea 
ffarbilas Sarda, JBA.8, (1913), 250 Thoto Is a l 5 Tbhvii.lj<MJ(wl{* (printed, Bombay). 
One Prfchvu'Sja hits written a poam Bnkminikrsosivalli in prakrib, 00, 1 527 

2 TO, IV 4415 

8 Fo* Gang* dynasty, see li, XII, III, XIII, 187 

For insorlptiona o£ Djvendtavvrmm, 8» IA, X 243, XVI, 204, XVIII 148, 01 
Indtavarman,jr4,X 243, XIII 110, 121, XVI 181, Sajyavjirmjn, IA, X 243, XIV 
10, Nandaprabbanjauavawmn, Id, X 213, XIII 48, Anuitavarraan, U, XVIir, 101, 
dated Saka 1003, 1010 and 1057 

For a short sketoh of history ol Ivalmgaa by S Rriehnasami lyongar, boo AT1Q, 

I. 111. 

On Iwleavarmin phtcs by B, Subbarao, soo ATIQ, III. 183. 


Vrajasundara was the son of Balabhadra ofCaitnnj a school Ha 
was a poet of the Court of King Anangabhima In his poem Sulocana- 
madhava he describes the story of the marriage of prince Mldbava, 
son of Vikrama, king of "Taladharaja with Sulocana daughter of 
Gunakara, King of Dlvyanti in Plalsadvlpa x 

194 Virupakaa's Colacampet contains a fii titious account < >f 
the Cola King Kulottunga and his son Devacola This 11 said to be 
contrary to epigraphical evidence Siva came as a Biahmm to him 
and pleased with his devotion gave him sovereignty He refused it but 
consented on condition of repairing all Siva temples Siva revealed 
himself and went away Kubera then appeared, related the ston of 
lanjasura who obtained salvation through the favour of Anandavallf at 
Samivana (ancient site of Tanjore) and crowned Kulottunga at Tanjore 
He repaired several temples, crowned his son and went to heaven * 

Sadaksaridfva, the well-known Canarese poet, lived atDhanugoor 
in Mysore He was a pupil of Uddandadeva who flourished at the 
beginning of the 15th century In his Kavikarnarasayana orMahacola- 
rajlya he describes m 10 cantos the history of a Cola King* 

195 Udayaraja was the son of Prayagadasa and pupil of Rama- 
dasa His Rajavinoda celebrates the life and doings of Sultan Mahommad 
He calls him Rajanyacfldamani and says that he surpasses Kama m 
liberality and in his footsteps attend Sri and Saraswatl In seven cantos 
he describes the genealogy of Mahomad from Myzaffar Khan, his 
Durbar hall and amusements and his exploits in war This eulogv by 
a Hindu Br ahmi n writer leads us to doubt whether all that is said In 
our published Indian Histories about the cruelty and persecutions of 
Sultan Mahomad may not after all be true* 

196 P G Ramarya narrates the life Ghazni Muhammad in 
Gharni Mahamadcan$a * 

Birodavah is an alliterative poem in praise of Emperor Jehangir e 

1 TC, IV 6665 (breaks ofl in 14th oanto) 

2 BB, in 2031 Eds garadasSrori is a oommentery on CandrSloka (1M 


8 C3£y , 248 (only two oantos are available), He praises PSrakurfei SomaaStba. 
There is a commentary by Vengana, Telugu poet of Madura 

4. See A B Gough, Becords of Anient 8a7iskrti Lxleratti, e, 181 

6 C80, (1908), 96 There ale other worto of fce samo name by Falyiim ana 


Akiiarnamah js a Sanskrit translation of the Persian work of that 
name relating the history of Emperor Akhar 1 There is the poem 
j odarmallakavya on the life of Todarmal, his financial minister,' 
Kalidijsa Vidyavinoda wrote Sivajicanta 8 

Laksmipati was the son of VisvarQpa, son of fayadevn He wrote 
Avaijnllacarrji on the life of king-niaker Abdull.i who lived in 18th 
century 1 he poem is not divided into cantos or chapters and c ontains 
many Persian terms * 

197 Keladi Basavabhupala was the son of Somasekhara and 
Cennamba The family of Keladi to which he belonged traces jts 
descent from Basava whose son Counda distinguished himRelf as a 
great warrior and was made the Governor of Pulladesa bv the King of 
the country His son SadSsfva fought under Emperor RamaRa>aof 
Vijianagar Under his successors the vu ero\ all> augmented by 
presents conquered territories by the Emperor During Basava's 
minority, Cennamba acted as regent and once vanquished the forces of 
the general of Pmperor Auranga/eb Basava • proucient in the 
Sivadvaifa and worshipped &iva in the form of Vir.ibh.idra lie had 
the titles Rajadhuuja, Kotikolahala and 

His SrvAfATXARArNAKARA* is a unique encyclopaedia, said to in- 
corporate the essence of all .iris and sciences treated in the Vedas and 
the Agamas The work was completed m Saka CandragnyrtuksmS (1631) 
that is 1709-10 AD Apart from the valuable information it collects 
on different topics, it gives a history of the House of Keladi and a 
legendary account of the foundation of the City of Vijianagar by 
Vidyaranya and a history of the emperors that rulod there The work 
is divided into Tarangas and Kallolas after the manner of Ka(hasaru> 

Rajakalanirnaya of Vidyaranya, gives a history ol Kings ot Vijia- 
nagar from its foundation It is said Hanhara and Bnkka were 
guardians of the treasury of Virarudra and after him of Suratrona • 

1. 0S0, (1904), No. 5 

9 OMy, OUS, 631 

8 31 efSpm Sph. Parwliat.Xl 

4 080, (1904), No 6 

5, Print*} m Madras. For exttaota spe SVI1, 1%, 837-304 

6. DO, XX. 8587. On Vi4ya»nya, soo para 125 ittpra, 

MAHA-K3.VYA 273 

198 Rudra 1 was the son of Ananta and grandson of Kesa\d 
He belonged to the Deccan and appears to have gone abroad to Courts 
of Northern India In Mayuragm, he was patronised by King Nara- 
yana Shah and his son Pralapa Shah In his R vsira.udhav.uisa, a 
poem of 20 cantos he describes the history of the Bdgulas of Mayura- 
gm, from the first King of the dynasty, Ras>lraudha, King of Kanouj 
This poem was composed in 1596 A D Later he * rote a work in pro&e» 
divided into Ullasas, Jthaugir Shah Chcaitia Fragments of this work 
have been discovered in Nasik The poet thus gives a m) thical origin 
to the dynasty " Once Siva was playing at dice with Parvafc on the 
peaks of lit Kailasa One of Lhe dice accidentlj struck the moon in 
Siva's crest and a boy of eleven sprang from the moon Pleased with 
his prayer, Siva granted him the kingship of Kanyakubja At this time 
Lalana, who seems to be the tutelary goddess of the kings of Kanya- 
kubja, requested that the boy should be given to her for the throne of 
Kanouj Siva granted her request Virabhadra presented him with a 
sword of victory Latana then took the boy and gave him to the king 
Narayana of Kanouj of solar race, who was praying God for a son. 
The goddess remaining invisible, told the Ling that the boy will be 
known as Rashtraudha as he would support both his kingdom and the 
family " The poem describes in later cantos the expeditions of King 
Ndrayana Shah and his son Pratapashah, the last of which was directed 
against Balapura in the Virata country "* Eudra's poetry is enchanting 
and many of his fancies ajre rare and original * 

199. faracandrodaya of Vaidyanatha (Maithila) given in 26 
cantos the history of King Taracandra * Candrasekhara was the son of 

1 He Is different from the post and rhetoruuan Rndra or Budrata, for whom see 
Chapter of Alankara post, 

2 Ed by Embar Kciahnamiohariya, with summary of poem and an elaborate 
historical introduction by D Dalai m Qaeic. Or* Sertci, 

8. Eta instance see • 

ton niAt Miifiw ftoarteft 4WMHWK *&$$m 11 
aiKwmwr ?w wk\H ^Iwmw^lWHrjgt II xv, 59 a 

i CO, I 229, JBMASi XII The mannsotipt is dated Sam. 1793, 


Jmamitra of G mda country Hts Rajasurjanacantra in 20 cantos des- 
cribes Ihe life of his patron of King Sflrjana* 

Visvanaiha was the son of Narayana of the Vaidya family * He patronised by Kings Kamadeva and his. son Jagatsimha of the 
Kanaka race and in their praise wrote his Jagatprakasakavya in 14 
cantos 8 Among his other works are Satru&alyakavj a 4 and Kosakal- 
pa$ara 5 

Mallabhatla Harivallabha describes the hutory of Jeypoor Stale 
m Ja> anaganpanraranga B 

Mavuraxarmacariira m prose and \erse in 8 parts is a 
history of King Mayuravarman, the founder of the K&damba dynasty 
of Jayan#pura (Banavasi) 7 J&mavijaya, a poem in 7 cantos, on the 
history of Jama dynasty of Kaccha and Navagara was composed 
by Va^inatha about the end of 16th century AD* Vamsala^a of 
Udayanacarya contains geneologies of Kings, historical and mythical' 
Ratnasenakulaprasasti of Bhavadatta contains a geneological account 
of the Sena dy nasty of Bengal M Yacaprabandha by 1 ripurantaka is a 
biography of Kings Yaca of Venkatagin, who was an ancestor of 
barvajnasingabhupala, 11 Ramacandrayasafprabanda by dovindabhalla 
is in praise of King Ramacandra of Bikaneer ** Devarajacarrjiacampu " 
is biographical Vellapurivisayagadya is a prose account of yellore 
and in praise of its ruler Kesavesaraja ** 

200 Itihasatamomam gives an account of the conquest of India 
by the English and was composed in 1813 A D u Angarejacnndnka by 
Vinayakabhalta composed in 1801 deals with the British Dominion in 
India" RAjANOArAMAKdDYANA. of Rlimaswiiini Raja, Angnlasumrajya 

1. Mttra (1870) 4. PR, HI 342. 

3 PR, IV orsi, 5 PS, II 128 

8 PR, III Ap. 851 e, Printed, Bombay 

7 10, 1570 2703, 2780. 

8 10, 1510, 2851, Vaninatha's sou Kavltatkika wrote Kautakarataakata Pratt* 1 
saoa [10, 1618) 

9 10, 1517, 2864 

10 10, 1515, No. 3886 

11 Maah, 08, soo Volugofcw»rivajn«»o»r4tMnu (in Tolugu) 81. Soo Jttttlior ohaptoi 
of Alankarayosi 

13 S%h 247. 

18 00, 1 

la Taylor, I, 22 

16. CSO, XV 188 

16 Oxf, 184. 


of Rajarajavarraa and Angladhirajvasvagata of Paravastu Rangacar>a 
describe the history of British rale in India Vidyalankara Bbattacana 
describes the reign of Queen Victoria m VijayiniKvya Srinivasa 
Vid> alankara describes Dehli Darbar in Delhimahotsava Kav} a, G V 
Padmanabha, author of Pavanada$a, describes the life of King George V 
in his Jarjidevacanta * 

The greatnes-. uf Maharaja Kr?naraja Odayar of Mysore has been 
depicted by Bhagavata Rj?na in KrSnarajabhyudaya,* by Srinivasa Kavi 
m Kr^aiajaprabhavodaya, 8 by Trmkrama Sastnn in KpUrajaguna- 
loka,* and by Gitacarya in Sn Kygnarajodayacamptt * 

201. Rajaaekharasun was the pupil of TilakasSn He was a Jam 
He wrote Praband'iakosa, a collection of 24 stones in prose at Delhi 
under the patronage of Mahanasimha,* m Sam 1405 (1348 A,D ) Of the 
stones related in the Prabandhakosa, ton refer to teachers (sun), four 
to poets, seven to kings, and three to laymen m royal service The 
four poets are Sriharsa, Hanhara, Amaracandra and Digambara- 
Madanakirli Among the seven kings are Laksmanascna and 
Madanavarman * A manuscript ends with a list of thirty-seven Chaha- 
mana kings down to Hammiradeva, who is stated to have ruled from 
Sam 1342 to 1358, and his ancestor Prta.iiaja from Sam 1226 to 1248* 
The list also mentions the names of the Saltans with whom some of the 
Chahamana kings were at war 8 

202 Vikuamodav a is a senes of metrical tales on Vikramaditya of 
which the extant manuscnpt ends in 28th canto which treats of Sah- 
vahana * Viracarija is a heroic poem in 30 adhyayas by Anan$a It 
narrates the events supposed to have taken place at Pratis^hana (Paitha) 
on the Godavan in connection with Salivahana, the conqueror of 
Vikramaditya of Ujjain and his son Sak$i Kumara. The leading 
features of the narrative are the heroic achievements of Su^raka, the 

1 Printed withra the last fifty years. 

2 Printed, Madras 

3 Printed Bangalore 
i Printed Madras 

5 Mys OiiL He is the father of Ohakravarti, author of tie fomanoe Sal* 
ValinI, for whom, see Chapter on Sanskrit Prose, post 

6 Els father Jagajsimha was a contemporary of Muhammad Bin Toghlak, see 
JJ3BAS,X 31. 

7 Printed Bombay, PR, HI. 272, IV or. 

8 JBB, III to, 
9. tO, 1501, 19S7. 


Mahakavya (cottta) 

Section 1 

205 Alwars The traditions of l3ri VaiSnavas meation 12 Saints 
or Alwars * Garudavahanapandit i in his Pivyasfincarita, 9 and Ananta- 
carya tn his Prapannilra r ti, 8 describe their story The traditional dates,* 
ascribed to many of these Alwars are not accepted by " modern " 
scholars, probably because according to them tradition cannot be 
accepted as history It is not known however -whs the innocent 
Vaisnavas should forge chronology, for their re,erence to these sages 
is not due to the time that has gone by, but to the intrinsic merit of 
their teachings Speculation cannot displace tradition 

Of these Alwars, seme of whom were born in Dvapara, 8 some m 
Kali,* Kuksekhara was. the first, born in Kali year 27, Parabhava, 

1. Sse Vaislmavite Refomei s of f<vi*a by T FUjigop&laoarya , Early htstory of 
Yawiavwn vt South Ldta by S Krlshnasami Ayyangar, Ltfo oftheAlaSrs by 
k Qovmijcavft V Bsngao'iariar, Sucowors of RmqriHfa, JBRAS, XXtV 10$ 
and Gamparamparas of the different Seats 

2 Prmtol Sahri iy\, Madras, and Mysore GwudavShaua or SrmivSsa wag also 
kaown as Kav$vaidyapunH*ra [DC, XXI 8125, TO, 17. 5098, 5948] 

3 This U a long poo it in 135 cantos dealing with the lives of Srf V»Wya 
Alwars of India Printed Bombay and Madras [S7E, 84, 71, 202, 251] ' 

i B'aaktlvaibhiv»pr 1 k3iiUof Voakatefj sou of PrajwSdibhayankara, gives the 
date, month, year, constellation of the birth of the several AlwSrs [TC, II. 2010) I\» 
VeckitfSi's many other work-', seo TO, It 2025 2052, among whioh several arestotms 

5 (i) Mahif (PeySlwar) m D/lpara, 860300 (862901?) , (8idcJb.artM), Afraynja, 
Sukla 10th, Guca, Sifibbist, at Mayurapun (Mylapore) (n) Bhuta (PadaJJalwar) in 
DvSpara, 860900 (862901?), (Siddharjhi), ASvayuja, Sukla, 9th, Badta at Maliapori 
(MahSbalipuram) (m) KSsSn (Poig-»t) in DvSpara 880900(862901?), (SiddhSfthi), 
Aaroyuja, Sukla, 8th, Gam, Sravaija, at KSnoi, (iv) Mathurakmi in DySjara 86.8879 
(888878?) (livrtta), Oaitra, S* lkla, 14th, Siikr*, OifrS, at Tirokkoloor (Mnnevelly Dt ' 
(v) BbaktHSra (Tirumalisal) in DvSpira, 892901, (8-ddharthi), PnsyB, Eahula, 1st) 
Xdi, Makba, Juialagna, at Tirumaheai 

6 (i) Pariyalwftr (Visenioitfca) was born in Kail 47, Krodfcana, Tyestha, Saila, 
12th SvSti, at Dhampun (Snvilhputtar), (ii) AndSl born m Kali 98, Nala, AsSdha, 
Sukla, 14th, Mangala, PabbhS, (lii) VipranSrSyana (TondaradippadI Alwar; in Kali 
107, Prabhava, Margafiiea, Jyestha, at Mandangudi (iv) (TuuppSm Alwar in Kali 162 
(8482?; (Bihuh 2nd,) (Durawti) Kartika, Sukla, 15th (Krittika?) Badha, (Oraynr) 
Bohial?«»tNioniaparl (v) PirjvkSla (Timmwga 1 ^Iwat) m Kali 217 (899?), (N-Oa), 
Ktrtika, 15th, Guru, KtftM at Parirambhapurl. 


3075 B C He was son of Dydhavrata * His famous lyric Mukunda- 
mala displays harmony and devotion ' 

Among Alwars, Nammatwar or Sathagopa of Kurukapun, 8 also 
known as Paraiara or was the greatest He was the 
son of Kan and Udayamangai and was born at Tirukkuruhur in the 
43rd year Kali of 3059 BC* Hi-, original name was Marnn After 
a period of contemplation while yet a child, he became inspired and 
the result of it was the singing of the Tamil Prd.lwndh.mi Nilayiram 
This has been rendered into Sanskrit Kurukesrigathanukarana b> 
Ramanuja, son of Govinda of Kasyapagotra, 6 and in j atparyaratnavak 
by Vedantades'ika ' 

Among the Acaryas was Alavandar (YamunacSrya) who occupied 
the apostolic seat at Srirangam He was the son of lsvarabh.itt i and 
RanganayakI, ,, and grandson of Nathamum * He was .i great devotee 
and his lyncs CS^ussioki, ftotraratna," and Sri'-tup, 10 are famous for 
their piety and melody He lived between 915-1040 A T) 

1 Kutafekhara wasSaocorcling to the §-i Vaisnava tradition born at Kolipat'auam 
in Karalas, in Kali, 37, (Parabhava) MSgha Sukla, 12th, Guru, Punarvasu But 
Ganapathi Sastn in his prefaoe of Tapaiisaviiaraua {TBS), says that thnt Kula«" kha 
ralwar mentioned In Tamil Prabaudhas is said to have lived in Kali 1C80 (1422 B ). 
The souroe of information is not given 

3 Bee Ohapter on Laghukavya, pott 

8 gitnagopasahasra is a thousand votBouin pruiae of Satha30 t u by Vmkatarya 
(TO IV 4612, 4B60) Sathagopagiinalankftraparioarya in a treatiso on rhetoric with 
UlnstrationB in praise of Sathagopa (7'0, 11 2310,1V 5232) probibly by a member of 
the Bhatta's family of Snrangam in 17th oentuty \ P For other eulogies, see TO, III, 
2035, IV 5292, 5221, 5222, 4664, DO, Will 4842 Foi a short account, mo I»d. 
Rev '(WW). 646. 

i, He was born in Pramadi, V3i«5kha Buklft 16th, Sukta, Vatfakha (TO, XVIII. 

6, TO, in. 8492 

6 TO, III 4152 

7 He was born in Kali 4017 PhSJu 5s5dbft Sakla 15lh, Budha TTttat3sSoha 
SeeZiw? Bev IX 585. 

8, According to Prapancarcrta. Nattamuni was born iu Sobakri, Kali 8C84, 
Ani, Wednesday, Krsna 13th, and he ib said to ha\c lwed 880 (810') years Sue Mi 
Bev IK. 275. 

9 See TO, II 2600 

10 Printed, Madras There is commentary by Vedanjadtsika {DO, XVIII 7204) 
and a summary of this oommMitary Ramanujssudbl (tbtd 7200) See also TO, Hf. 


206 Ramanuja was Alavandar's son's daughter's son He 
was bom la Kali 4119 (1017 A D ) at Srlperumbudur * His father was 
Asun Kesava Bhatlar of Harfingotra Ramanuja was first named LakS- 
mana and to this day he is called Laksmanamum and an incarnation of 
Adisesa He studied under Yadavaprakilsa at Kancf, bit became 
estranged from him on account of his jealousy After escaping an 
attempt at assassination, he lived at Kanci, until he was called to 
Srirangam to take the place of Alavandar He reached Srirangam 
barely to see the remains of Alavandar about to be consigned to the 
funeral pile * At Madhurantakam, he was initiated into Vedanta by 
Perianambi and soon he became an ascetic 

He wrote his commentary on Vyasasatras and a BhSsya on the GIta 
and three works on Vedanfa In his tour in Ka-Mnir, his commentary 
on the sutras was approved bv Sarasvati and at her bidding it was 
called Ski Bhasya He installed the Visnu deity at Melkote, in 1099 
AD,' settled disputes at Tirupati and arranged for the performance of 
festivals in several Visnu shrines He passed away after a hfe of 128 
years in Durmati 1137 A D * 

Apart from his works on philosophy* his literary merits are 
indicated in his Gadyairaya viz Vaikunthagadya, Raghuviragadya, 
iiJaranagatigadya 6 

1 The formal* is tftcfcST, S*k* 939 (Kali 1118) Pingala, Cai{r», gakl*7lh, 
Goto, XrdrS, Karkata {TO, XVIII, 6883) 

3, " Bamarmja was taken olose to tbo body to take a first and final look at the 
great master, when he saw three cub of the five Sogers oi the right hand folded. 
Struck with this, he enquired whether the defect was noticed la life sad the answer 
came that the defeot waa not physical and was not notioad in life On farther enquiry 
Ramanuja was told that the master had three of his cherished objeots unfulfilled , 
namely, an easily read and understood oommentary upon the Brahmasutra , the giving 
of the names of Parasata and 8afchagop3 to s ii table persons thifc would make these 
names live among the people Ramanuja promised to see these fulfilled end the fingers 
straightened " Sri Rammujaoharya by S Krlahnaswami Iyengar, page 8 

8 On this subject, see J-Huotfharakrama, a work preserved in the YafirSjS 
Mutt at Melkobe, summarised by N T Niraalmha Ayyiagar, JBA.S, {1316) 147 

i. His active life embraced the reigns of the Cola Bajas, Kulottnngal (1070 
lrtB A±>>, Yikesrma (HlI-1138 A D ) ani Kulottanga IT. 10.185-1146 A D ) 

5 Bee 00, 1 581, H. 6,83. 
6, Ed, Madras, tfomhsy, 

280 MAH5.-K.XVYA 

On the life of Ramanuja, 1 there are Ramanujasucantaculaka by 
Ramanujadasa, 8 Ya^Indracampu* by Vakulabharana, son of SathngOpa 
of A^Teyago-fra and desciple of Varada of Va^sya family, Ramanujadivya- 
canp.,* Ramanujacan$a," RamSnujavijaya by Annayacarya,' Ramanujiya,' 
Siibhasyakaracanta by Kaut>ika Venkatesa,* Srfsailakulavaibhava hy 
Njsimhasuri * 

His desciple Sndhrapurna (Vaduhanambi) wrote YatirSjavaibhava 

JJ07, Kurattalvar or Srivateankamisra, son of Rama Somayau, 
was born at Kuram near Kand in Kali 4141 (1039 AD) M He 
was a pupil of Ramanuja He belonged to a wealthy family but 
abondoned his riches and migrated to Srirangam to join Ramanuja 
There he became a mendicant and lived by alms His memory was 
supernatural and it is said that when Ramanuja was not permitted in 
Kashmir to make a copy of BodhSyana's Vjtti on Brahmasutra, Kuresa 
could by a single reading of it repeat the work 1 hus he helped 
Ramanuja in his composition of £ribha*ya of which he was his 
ananuensis When King Kuloftangacola I summoned Ramanuja to his 
presence to accept the Saiva faith, Kuresa personated RamSnuja and 
when he attempted to argue the superiority of Vanoava faith the 
cruel king ordered his eyes to be put out Kijresa is the founder of the 



family of the Bhattars of ferirangam 

He was a great poet and his verse combines in it the fluency of 
lay fancies and the sanctity of theological allusions His YaikunfhaMidva 
describes the glory of Vwpu in Yaikuntha, his A^imanugasjiava, !W the 
great deeds of Vi>nu in his incarnations, his Sundarababusfavft, the 

1. See also Lite ot Sn RamSnuja by E Srmivasa Iyengar , RamSnuja Gtantha 
(Opf.ll t882) , Eainaaujavumlwiul (CO, I 532) For Stomas in his pratea, s& 
TO, 1 14, 69S, 708 , DO, XVIII, 6885, 0700, 6840, 6881, 0811, 6869, 6998, 6812, 
6788, 6817 

3 TO, III 8581 

8 TO, IV 5210 

1. Opp II 8828 

5 rC.III 8081. 

6, Rvse, 210. 

7, Opp, II, 1801, 7722 

8 My$ OML.m 

9 Jfni , 860, 

10. JDO» XVlH, 6382. He was born in Saumya, Makara, Krsn* «b, Pqflbj., 

ii, For a abort aeootmt of his life, see Saft XVII 45, 89, lia, 180 
18. then is a commentary by RSmSmqa (00, XVIII, 691% 


grace and purposes of idolic forms of Vi«,nu, his Varadiraja^tiva 
tbe particular ment of Varadaraja of Kanei and Snstava, the qualities 
tif Ldksmf These together go under the name of Pantasfavi J I 
Kuresavijaya, probably by Kflranarayana,* relates his history * 

Srivafsanka's son was Parasara Bhalta, born m Saka 983 (1061 
AD)* He wrote VjsQUSahasranama-Bhasya and fenrangaraja&tava s 
Srigunaratnakosa, e Kfcamaso^asi,* Tamsloki and Astasloki ' Doddaya- 
caryci 9 relates his histor) in his Paras'aryavijaya M 

208 VedantaJesika or Venkatana^ha was the high pnesl of 
the Vadagalai $rivai$nava sect His life and works have been noticed 
in a previous Chapter M 

209. Sattmyajatnatrmuiii (or Manavala MahSmum)" was the! 
high priest of the Tengalat Sri Vaijnava sect He was born at KuntJ- 
nagaraand was a desciple of Lokacarya M He lived In 1370-1444 AD 1 * 

1< Hi Madras, with the oommentary of S" I livSea, son of Ramannja of Atre^a 

3 Kuranarayana was the author of SufartcMasaiaka (Kavyamaia, Villi 

3. DO, XVIII, 695S , Opp 5516, 7909, H 1052, 1280 

4. He was horn In Sobhakrt, VaiialAa, Sukla, 15, Anuiadha and <foel lathi 
yoas Jaya, Earfika 

5. Printed, Madras {here aft dommMifcwies, tone anonymous audt anot&er h/ 
Venk^taoarya, DO, SVXII , ?118, T119 

6 Printed, Madras. IPbr oommentary by RS niuujaoarya, gee DO t XVlII 6881 
by VeerwaghaVa (T6M , 6883), by VenkitinivSaa H^hJmiO), and by Jaaannatha 
(TO, UJftiO) 

7. JMnted, Madras. <HO, it 4075 

8 Printed, Madras 

9 Doddayaoarya of Vadhulagotra of 

lived In the days of King Rami R£yj of Vij ijiu^-n aaa y «« ui supra atj j»» ms 
other Wbrks are OafcdbBiarat*, -Ve4an{avWyavi]iya and SjKjndyavijaya He Wrote 
Ve4anta4ciikaVaibhavaprakS«''M <ZX?,XIX 7677). Baa 8Vff t 202 anl GO, I 23J 

10 Biee% 154 

11 See para 130 mpta. 

13 He was also oalled §Aixite£i (sea SriSillefasjtaka by DaflLOLy* (4V7, III, 1146) 
BV)t other stojras m his praise, see 2)0, XVllI 7301-10 and Tff t IV, 8298,5219, 
5228 See also YatIn4capravaij'Ki»mpu by VakaiaftiMaa* {Uya OSlti Sup. 12) 

18 He is known as Pillai LokStaarya He lived -for 38 years in 1265-1878 A D He 
composed &Ivatianablitfs>tjta in Tamil of Whiofc' there is a summary of Veni4tc*» {TO, 
ft 2019) He «efl it Jyo^iskadt. He W\w a fcierrd 1 of Ve4int'wMikt (See estcaot 
from Prapannamrfia, 8VH, 84). 

14. He was born od 3a l»l£70 A id &ki 1293, SS^haunt, Arpial, 36, Gum, 
Sukla, 0atnr4a<i, Mula, f . v 


He composed YatirajavimBati, 1 in praise of Ra uanuja and Kastuntilaka- 
stava * In Sucantacasaka, Raghavarya, son of Nrsiraha, describes the 
incidents of his life Kaghava lived at Bhfisara or liruinalisai near 
Chingleput" His daughter's son Abhiramavara or Varavaramum or 
Saumyavara, son of piprasayana,* wrote NaksatramalS, a hymn m 
praise of Sathagopa 5 

210 In the heirarchy of Ahobalam Mutt of which Am Van 
SaIha&opa Swami was the first pontiff, there were many poets of a high 
order * Am Van Saihagopa swami of J lrunar.lyanapuram lived in 
1379-1458 A.D (Tirumalai Nambakam) Naravana was his successor 
(1458-1472) He is known to have written 60 works on various topics 
and in the field of poetry his Narayanacant* and commentary on 2ila« 
vandars|otra are known (Vangipuram) Parankusa was 6th (1497-1511) 
and wrote Narasimhastava Sathagopa was 7th (1512-1522) and 
wrote the play Vasanjiikaparioaya * (Kalyanapuram Cakravart)i Paran* 
kosa RAMANUjAwas 24th (1762*-1774) and wrote Bnprapaftt, Narasimha* 
mangalasasana etc (Elanagar Gadadharapuram) Viraraghava was 
27th (1827-1830) and wrote Kypasagarastava, K"iranadistava, Vihages- 
vara^ava, Tpevarajasfava, Lakj>minarasimhastava and Vaikunthavrjaya-' 
campS in answer to NIlakan$havijaya (Attipaltu Madabusi) SaI'hacIopa 
Ramanuja was 34th (1878-1881) and wrote Kavihx4ayaranjini and 
Ve4agirivarnana (Tfuragagafi) (Pillaipakam llay.ivalli) Viraraghava 
(1897-1898) was «}7lh and wrote SarirakasuprabhSjia and $ngosthi- 

211« Amnng^tha podtiffB of the Parakala Mtott of Mjrsott, 
Stinivasa was the 29lh He lived in 1802-1861 A,D, arid; Swotd 

Alankarasangraha • 

$ri KR9KA Brahmatanfra Farakglaswfimi was the 31st tlead of" the 
Parakala Mutt at Mysore His original name was kfekamScgrya. He 
was the son of ^gtacarya and Krgnomba of the village of Amidella on 

' ' ' " ■ -ii ■ I, |, | . ... I K, i n iii 

I Printed, Madras There is oommenbary on it (TO, II, 3490) , 

3 TO, IV 4729 i DO, XVWI. 6939, with oommentaty. 

8 TO, III 4127. 

4. Seeja'C, II 2010 few this relationship 

6. TO, II, 3368, with oommeutary by JagannStba 

6 Bee OuruparamparS of that Mutt published m Tamil at Madras See the 
Ahobalam inscription of &>i»nearaia dated Sika 1500 M584 SJLDt extracted in SV&. 

7. See Chapter on Sanskrit Diama, post. DO, XXI. 86C0, 

8. See Guroparampara of that Mutt, published in Mysore 

MAfeS.-K5.VYA S83 

the Pennar He was bora in 1839 and passed away about 1916 AJ> 
He was for some time in the courts of Vanaparti, A$makur and 
Anagondi He wrote 67 works on various branches of learning Among 
campus are Rangarajavilasa, Karfcikotsavadipika and ^rinivasavilasa 
Among poems are Capetahatisiuti, Uttararangamihatmya, Rameivara- 
vijaya, NrsimhaviJasa and Madangopalamahatmya.* His Alankaramani- 
bara is an elaborate work on rhetoric with illustrations at praise of 
the deity Srinivasa of Tirupati ■ 

212. Lakamikumara Tatacarya of Sathamarganagotra Is a 
famous personage m South Indian YaiSnava history He. was bora at 
Kumbakonam m 1671 AD He was adopted by Venkatacarya, better 
known as Pancama^abhanjana* Ta^adesika of Conjeevaram He 
was preceptor and minister of Emperors Sriranga and Venkatapafr of 
Vqianagar- and was practically the ruler of the empire in the later half 
of the 16th century. . H« was accorded the first honours in all the 
shrines of South India and was celebrated? for his acts of chanty. His 
titular name Kotikanyadana indicates the marriages, of several maidens 
performed at his instance. He passed away in 1631 A.D.. His Hanu-> 
madvimsati is engraved [on the walls in Devarajswami tempi* at 
Conjeeveram of which his descendants are still the tiimees" 

The greatness of his Tini is *■ described %f RimahrijaPsk in 
fa^aryavaibhaVaprakBsa * ' His life Is described by ' his descendant 
Ranganatha in the p,o§m l^k^kuinajpijajfa** 

Sec*IOK 2 

213 Sri Madhva Acarya or AWndatlrtha,* waTBofn mlEe 

village of Belle near Udtpi in an orthodox brahmin lamily in Ae year 

Yuva, +300 Kali or 1 19§ AD T on the last day pf Havargfn . That day w 

now known as Madhvanavamt. His mother wis Vedavaffi. His original 

m i l I I i n nWnl . i l'i mja .« i ^ » 1 i n r ii n it ■ ■ 

1 For fall aoMttnt, see Onrapawmgaw (Mysore), 

5 JS&t My s, series < 

8. Sea jata 134 «?»"«. SVM, MS, vfaw an extant itm. aagMafc t ffW a #trea. 

4. DO, XTX. 7343. 

A. Mated, Kumbstotfiaitt. 

6 ^ig|aJa*to»toa^a^^ 

giti, Jnananda, JntaSiianaagirl. (00, t. 46), See (hteaotyXBgl. VBG Stf flBhaMar- 
kai, 78, 57 aua BB , (1882-8), 307 

It &% S*dmito1**ary«itthfo £«/* *f"*r* MaSmmSb^aeai t&» question -and 
fixes fl» y»n IBS* fcJMsrtlw datarf rfeMftMW Jakintf tt* rtfa S. Krishna Saatri 
access wiaiAimJ J^thefcsorlpta^Sritaemada^ 

date. (El, III. 260 8) SeB Intaoiuotioa to Translation oj Geaiibhaty 1 bf 8< SuMwiao 
and A Sketih of tile Mm* & UcMtyttt #MW» «*#- Ybnk>bM»» (24 , 3EWII, S33) . 


■name was Vasudeva His early life disp^ ed miracles of divine powers 
By twenty five, 1 he became learned fa all the sciences and Vedas His 
knowledge was so profound that he was called Purnaprajna At that 
age he renounced his family and became an ascetic on the initiation of 
Acytltaprakasa under the name of Anand itntba In his tours through* 
ottt India he engaged* himself in philosophical controversies and became 
the founder of the Advaita school of philosophy He expounded his 
£>vaita doctrine in his Bha&yas on Vyasa Sfitras, the Upanais.ids, and the 
Gi$a He spent his last years at the Sandantiram, the duab between 
the rivers Netravafc and Kuraaradhara in S Canafa and he lived for 
79 years, 6 months and 20 days and disappeared in Pingala, 1278 A D* 

Of his 37 Works,* many on philosophy, his mastery of the language 
is displayed in his poem YamakabhAkatA, where he narrates the story 
of MahSbharata fa Yamaka verse * Among his s>t«tras are Arjastotra, 
Gtirustotra, KL r sn"astuli and pvadasasto^fa * Bhagavat ifatparvanirnaya* 
and BhHfa|at itparyanifaayaT are loarnod critiques, on Sri Bbagavafa 
anct Mahabharata. Kanaka mamrfamabarnava,* Sankaravijaya and $an- 
SaraCaryaVa^arakathi aro also attributed to him * 

214 Trmtor Mf»at Among the immediate desctples of $r| 
]V[adhva was 1 rivikrama," whom he converted to his faith after a long 
series of discusiions He wrote U}ihara0»*kfiVya and Vujusfuti 11 

1 rivikrama's son was ^arayand 10 aim we owe me ttrst account 
of &rt Madhva's life in his poems Madhvavijaya, 1 ' Anuma^hva- 

t — ■ ■■ * " ' « " 

1 aama say ft was tbutosn 

a. mHaOttiag w UK otter vlsw ttrts was du iifctbtfamiftty 13(8 A D» Sfeo 
ff. teakd&rtao, fyfi 4 3H VvStdrHjd, XXVIU B mgail jw. 

ft. 0-w«l#iatxiaiika»tot» (TO, II. 3008) gives the Upt» 

4, Printed Bombay and Madras Ihere aca. oommeaiacios on it anonymous {00 , 
XX 7965) which refers to a prior oossttrintaiy la ferae {TO, II 1M8> 

5 Printed, Madras, Bombay, 

6 Edntod, Madras and Bombay with aanStdadabhatta's eoiUDleatery So* 70, 
It 1161 For a short summary of it, see TO, II 1995 

7 See page 48 supra For commaotaneB, see TO, U 1U3; by VittatSoarya^O, 
It, ma} , by Ghetfstt Ken (TO, II 1-649J , by Inkfttftsrstmha (TC, II, 1409H 

8. BTO, 107, Bioff, 196. 
9 OO, I 46 

lft, Printed, Bombay with fcbe commentary" of SUto«tin4ta 8ooniin4K* extolled 
King 8bahaji of T&njor* in his SuUUtttdcBjayaghosi&i. Tan} Oat . VII. 8984. 

11, TO, IL IU1, 190*, with oommenta»y (TO, II 19U)' by Kavtfatpaij* 

11 Printed, Bombay, tflth oommoufcary by Binary*, 2*0, II 1130 


vijaya, 1 and Maunnanjari * His Parrjityiharana is a Yamaka poem * 
He wrote also SivU^ut, V^.nu'-tut;!, Nr simhn«.t/>tra and Sangraha-Rama*- 
3 ana* 

215 Of Maduva's desciples, four succeeded as pontiffs, one after 
another, PadmanSbha, Narahan, Madhava and Akjobhya From 
Aksobhya, 8 Jayatutha got his> initiation He is said to have died in 
1388 A D The life of Jayatirtha Is described in poems by V}asatittha 
in his Jayatirthavrjaya,* hv KpSna m Jayajlrthavijayabdhi,* by Sankar* 
sana in Jayatlrfjhavrjaya, 8 and by Karkohalh Srinivgsa in Jayindrodaya " 

216 After JayatTrtha, the most famous among the Madhva. Acnr- 
yas was Vya*araya, 10 He lived in 1447-1539 A.D He was practically 
the moving influence in the Court of Vijianagar from the days ofSalva 
Narasimha to Acyutadevaraya who ruled in 148&-J542 AD 11 

The life of Vyasaraya is described in. the VyasayogicantacampD 
by Somanatha, 1 ** which was continued by Suvidyaratnakarasvami, 1 " 
and the poem Vya&avrjaya Somanatha's prose is enchanting The 
reader feels as if it is Kldamban He is reported to be the sister's 
son of Anantabhatta, author of CaropBbharata, who lived about 1500 
AD, Somanatha was introduced to his hero Vyasaraya, m<the reign of 
King Acyutadevaraya and must have lived about 1535 A D Soma- 
natha's grand-father Bhatta Gayasmukfi BhSskara, known as Kala- 
meghadhvann, was a great poet,** 

1 There is a oommentaty by VeDtejtabhatta, WG, H. J66fi. 

2 Printed, Bombay with Subrahmagya's commentary Them age oommen$aries 
by Ananjaoarya {DO, XX. 79i5), by Jaiumi Bhavanasjaoa>y« («<?, JI, 794$) and by 
VittalacSrya (TC, II 20O3J 

8 Printed, Poona DO, XX 7936 

4 Printed, Bombay and Belgaum In DO, XV 7976, thffle is an anonymous 
oommentary . 

5 Ak§obhya, Vidyaranya, Vidanfa D 6 ka and Jnyatnjha wore contemporaries. 

6 Printed, Mysore 

7 Mys OML Sup 10 

8 Printed, Belgaum 

9 M ye OM&, Svp. JO. 

10. He was dasalple oil Brahniauyatf t» whose lifei^ defwlbgd jn J&*hmf»aya. 
lfrth»i)a3ia(8«B Ttofcohwap's hi* t* Br* 7jf«M«*iWi4%*XXp?),-B»hmaoya 
died about 1628 A..D 

11 See para 1 24 supra 

12 Ed. Bangalore with a long introduction dealing with the oonfRmjowtty hJRfcory 
of Kingdom of Vijianagar by B Venkobarao 

18. Op e%t lxxil. 

14, See.B, Venkobarao, op at iili is. 


217 PurandaradSsa, the distinguished author ofKanarese devo- 
tional songs, was VySsaraya's desciple So was Vadiraja Vadirajais 
saidto have opened an oJd treasury at a crisis, for King Acyutadevaraya 
He rebuilt the temple at Udipi, but before the golden dome was erected 
the Kingdom of Vijianagar was subverted by defeat at the battle of 
Tahkota l He was a great poet and among his poems are Rukmmiia- 
vijaya,' Sarasabharativilasa," Tirthaprabamjha,* Ekibhavastotra,* and 
Pasavafarastut 1 • His life is descnbed in Vadirajavy ttaratndsangraha 
by Raghunafha T 

Satyanatha^ha's original name was Raghunathacarya He died 
in 1674 AD 8 His life is depicted in Satyana^amahatmyaratnftkara, 8 
in Sa^yanathabhyuijaya 10 by Sankarsana, son of Sesacarya, and in 
Satyanathavilasa by Srimvasa " 

There are poems on the lives of Dvaita Acaryas " Visvapnyaguna- 
lilavilasa f by Setumadhava," Raghavendravijaya by^Narayana," and 
Satyanidhivilasa by &r^nlvasa, 1,, Seturayavijaya," Satyabodhavijaya," 
by Kj 5 na" 

Sechon 3 

218 Basava, the founder of the Veerasaiva cult of the Linga- 
yats 1 , was the prime minister of the Kalacari King Bhijjala who came to 
the throne at Kalyan in 1156 A D M The tradition is that the sect was 
founded by five ascetics — Ekorama, Panditaradhya, Revana, Maruta, 

1 See B Venkobarao, op cit OLXXIII. 

2 00,1 S6S 

8. Printed, Belgaum. 

*. Printed, Calcutta. 

6, Printed, Bombay. 

6 Printed, Belgaum. 

7 oal,ji as. 

8. 00, 1. 838. 

9 00, 1. 689 

10 Mys OUL. Sup. II ; Tanj. Oat., VI. 3676. 

11 Tan}. Oat , VI 3676, 9680. 

13 On the history of Ma<Jhva Aoaryas, sea 14, XLIH. 338, 369, 

18 Myt OMS Sup 11 

14. 8VB, 352. Rtghavefldca wan contemporary of TfaguanacSyana DIlc§l{». (S# 
para 160 supra). 

15. My} OMS. Sup, 11. 

16. OALiTi, 16 

17. Ibtd, 

18 Mys OliL. Sup. 11, 

19. See 14, V, 175. 


VisVaradhya—who are held to have sprung from the five heads of 
Siva, incarnate age after age These are regarded as very ancient, 
and Basava is said to have been but the reviver of the faith * Yet the 
early literature shows that the five were all his contemporaries sbme 
older, some younger" In the poem Basavesavijaya, 8 Sankar5rSdhva 
describes his life, and so does Somanatha in his Basavapurana,* and 
Basavanagadya Somanatha also wrote a poem Pandijarddbyacarita 
on the life of Pandifaradhya, the Lmgayat Guru Somanatha (Palkurki), 
of Bbrngmtagotra and son of Gurulinga, lived in the time of King 
Prafaparudra I (l 140-1 196 A D ) • 

Section 4 

219 Sri Gauranga, whose original name was Nimai, was born 
of Jagannatha and Saci at Nadia in Phalgun, of Saka 1407 (1486 AD) 
on the banks of the Bhagiratbi His childhood foretold his future great- 
ness He married Vipnupnya, daughter of Sana|anamisra He was called 
Gauranga or Gour for his fair complexion When he became inspired 
and an ascetic, he took the name Sri Kpna Cai|anya He sang the 
glories of Sri Kj?na and became the founder of the school of Bhakfi or 1 
devotion He passed away in 1527 AD' Among his poems' are"' 
Gopalacaritra,* Premamrta, 8 Sank^epabhagava^mp^a, 9 Hannama- 
kavaca, 1 * Danakehcintamani ** 

220 Rupa" was born m 1490 AD He was a scion of the 
Goswlmi line and Kumira was his father Vallabha and Sanatana were 
his brothers His sixth ancestor Anirttddha Was a Raja of Karnat about 

1 On Llngayat legends and literature, see 1A, IV. 17, 311 , V 188. 

5 Farqnhar, OBL, 260 For bibliography, see Ibid , 387, 

8. flrlntefl, Mysore 

4 Mys OML 648 J Ib%d , Sup. U 

6 dee tfeereealingam's Wotkp, X 390. 

6. For an aeoowafc of Ms life, see S. K Ghose, Lord Gauranga, Cafonbta; 
R B. Dittwranandta Sen, Ohattanya andfits age and Ohattamya and his companion!! 
M T Kennedy, Ohaitetnya and fni movetmnt , Y Saroat, Ohattanyo's j*lgtm<*g<% 
and teachings , Farquhar, OBL, 476 

7. 00,1 161 

& CSC, (1907), No. 61 j (1908) No, 67. with oOBKaentary by Vittbala 

9, 00, 1. 864. 
10. 00,1.766 

11 080, (1908) 67 

13 For an aooount, see D Seii'tf SmtfrWf Bevy&U Literature (Oaloufita), 603 , 
Introduotton to Ujvalanflamani (KavyaroalaJ, WffeOWdtaau to Qaitanyfecan4rodftya 


$aka 1338, His family was immensely rich Rupa and Sana^ana were 
made the prime ministers of Hosen Sahara, Emperor of Cauda * By 
nature, of a religious disposition, they were attracted by the teachings 
of the reformer Caitanya,' and gave up home to become ascetics. 
Their greatness as religious teachers is described in the Vaijnava 
literature of Bengal • Rupa passed away in 1363 AD* 

As a poet and rhetorician, Rupa is of a high order • The poetic 
instinct saturated with bhatyi or love for KjSna manifested itself in 
several forms of composition, always with the life of Kp n a as its theme, 
Vidagdhamadhava, and Lali^amgdhava" are dramas in seven acts 
describing the loves of Kpna, and Radha as related in the Bhagava^a, 
Panakelikaumudi* and is a bhana with its hero, Kr?na Hamasdttla 
and Uddhavasandesa are poems of message, 8 on the model of Megha- 
ditya Padyavali is an anthology and names the authors it quotes * 

Among his other works, 10 are Ujjvalacandnka (a dialogue between 
Cai^anyacandra's sister Radha and her friend about KrPna), Yamuna- 
s$o$ra, Gandharvapraithanasfo^ra, Gaurangasfcavakalpa^aru, Kusumasfa- 
baka, Muku